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The Indian Ocean Rim Southern Africa and Regional
Cooperation 1st Edition Gwyn Campbell Digital Instant
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Author(s): Gwyn Campbell
ISBN(s): 9781136842092, 1136842098
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 5.06 MB
Year: 2003
Language: english
The Indian Ocean Rim
The Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Co-operation was formally established in 1997 under
the leadership of South Africa, India and Australia. The demise of Apartheid, the fall of the Soviet
empire, and the rapid advance of globalization altered the geopolitics of the Indian Ocean region in the
early 1990s and served as a catalyst in the creation of the IOR. This book contextualizes the founding
of the IOR by outlining the historical aspects of economic ties across the Indian Ocean and previous
attempts to promote regional co-operation.
The contributors to this volume analyse the post-colonial ideological legacy, the political and economic
constraints caused by Apartheid and communism, the end of protectionism and the problem of
globalization. These major themes in the history of the IOR are applied to what the future holds for
Southern Africa within this economic grouping, and whether or not regional cooperation will manage
to compete with globalization.
This volume will be of interest to scholars of development studies, international relations, Third World
studies, and regional development.
Gwyn Campbell served as an academic adviser to the South African government in negotiations that
led to the formation of the IOR. He is a Lecturer at the Centre for North-South Interaction at the
University of Avignon. He has published widely on the economic history of Madagascar and the south
west Indian Ocean including Economic History o f Imperial Madagascar 1750-1850 (Lit Verlag: 2002).
RoutledgeCurzon-IIAS Asian Studies Series
The International Institute for Asian Studies (HAS) is a postdoctoral research centre based in Leiden and
Amsterdam, The Netherlands. Its main objective is to encourage Asian Studies in the Humanities and the Social
Sciences and to promote national and international co-operation in these fields. The Institute was established in
1993 on the initiative of the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences, Leiden University, Universiteit van
Amsterdam and Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. It is mainly financed by The Netherlands Ministry of Education,
Culture and Sciences. IIAS has played an active role in co-ordinating and disseminating information on Asian
Studies throughout the world. The Institute acts an international mediator, bringing together various entities for the
enhancement of Asian Studies both within and outside The Netherlands. The RoutledgeCurzon-IIAS Asian Studies
series reflects the scope of the Institute. The Editorial Board consists of Erik Zurcher, Wang Gungwu, Om
Prakash, Dru Gladney, Amiya K. Bagchi, James C. Scott, Jean-Luc Domenach and Frits Staal.
Reading Asia
Edited by Frans Husken & Dick van der Meij
Asian-European Perspectives
Edited by Wim Stokhof & Paul van der Velde
Publisher’s Note
This book has been prepared from camera-ready copy provided by the contributors
© 2003 Gwyn Campbell for selection and editorial matter; individual chapters the contributors.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any
electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording,
or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
The publisher makes no representation, express or implied, with regard to the accuracy of the information
contained in this book, and cannot accept any legal responsibility or liability for any errors or omissions that may
be made.
ISBN 978-0-700-71344-8
ISBN 978-1-315-02843-9 (eISBN)
Contents
3. The Hadhramis, The Hadhramaut and European Colonial Powers in the Indian 54
Ocean
David Warburton
7. The Feasibility of Including the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) 107
and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) in the Indian Ocean Rim
Association for Economic Co-operation
Marina J. Mayer
8. The Competitiveness of the Southern African Customs Union within the Context 123
of the Indian Ocean Rim
Mario Scerri
9. The Gold Mining Industry and the South African Economy 1980-95 143
Marc Flior
10.The Role of the Iron and Steel Industry in the South African Economy 157
Ariella Kuper
11. Industrial Development and IOR Integration: Threats and Opportunities: 174
A Research Agenda
Simon Winter
12. A Future Common Agricultural Trade Regime for Southern Africa 190
J. J. Truter
13. Forging Economic and Political Relations Between South Africa and Tanzania 200
in the Post-apartheid Era
C. S. Rwejuna
16. South Africa and France in Africa and the Indian Ocean - Economic and 238
Commercial Partners or Rivals?
André Ulpat
17. The IOR and the Strategic Importance of the Indian Ocean Region in the 249
Post-Cold War Era
Gwyn Campbell and R. R. Subramanian
C h apter 1
I n t r o d u c t io n
T h e I n d ia n O c e a n R im (IO R )
E c o n o m ic A s s o c ia t io n :1
H is t o r y a n d P r o s p e c t s
G w yn C a m pbell
This volume focuses upon the relationship between South and southern
Africa and the Indian Ocean rim, notably in the context o f the establishment
o f the Indian Ocean Rim (IOR) association, an economic grouping
formalized in March 1997 with an initial membership o f fourteen and a
projected membership o f at least double that number. It surveys the
historical background to economic co-operation across the Indian Ocean,
and examines the potential opportunities and risks o f current moves towards
regional co-operation in the area.2
The establishment o f the IOR occurred in a decade o f rapid liberalization
and o f mounting criticism o f the economic, social, and environmental
impact o f the latter. The protests that largely sabotaged the 1999 WTO
summit in Seattle were the height o f an anti-globalization movement that
has rocked the complacency characteristic o f First World economies and
governments since the collapse o f the USSR. The protests also helped to
convince many LDC (Less Developed Country) governments that they
could, if united, influence those First World governments and institutions
that have hitherto enjoyed monopoly control o f the WTO to accommodate
major LDC concerns.3 The viewpoint o f many LDCs, notably in Africa, is
that globalization threatens to accentuate the divide between them and more
developed regions o f the world. It has certainly been seen to assist Africa
less than any other global region. To many in Africa, the only answer is to
seek to promote economic development and greater bargaining power vis-à-
vis the international economic institutions dominated by the ‘N orth.’4 A
possible reflection o f such criticism is that international bodies like the
World Economic Forum have started inviting relevant NGOs to express
their views, and the IMF and World Bank, possibly stung by criticism o f the
draconian social impact o f Structural Adjustment policies, have proposed a
new loan scheme, to be devised and managed by recipient governments,
aimed at reducing poverty.5
G w yn C am pbell
Such protests have also fed into the movement for regional co-operation,
o f which the IOR grouping forms a part. These initiatives occur in an
apparently paradoxical economic environment. The generally accepted
theory o f international trade is based upon the precepts of free trade and
comparative advantage, yet - apart from the British flirtation with free trade
in the mid-nineteenth century - only since the conclusion o f the Uruguay
Round o f GATT in 1993 has free trade become a realistic aim
internationally. At the same time, the WTO and other major international
economic institutions have promoted the formation o f regional economic
groupings even though the latter tend by definition to discriminate against
non-participants; member countries tend to start specializing in sectors in
which, in an international context, they do not possess a comparative
advantage. Some liberal economists argue that a better alternative to
regionalism is to push for rapid multilateral trade liberalization within the
WTO.6 However, the majority view is that the formation o f regional free
trade areas are a step towards the ultimate goal o f international
liberalization.7 Thus the institutions o f the North have given their blessing to
associations like the Caricom Community o f fifteen Caribbean countries,
and to the Central American common market.
It is in this context that the IOR was founded. The organization is o f
considerable geo-political significance for, although a number o f sub
regional economic associations exist, it is the first pan-Indian Ocean region
grouping to emerge, linking sub-regional economic giants like Australia,
India and South Africa. With its vast natural and human resources the IOR
has the potential not only to promote intra-regional growth, but also to
become a major player in the North-South debate. Nevertheless, South and
southern African involvement in the IOR grouping is contested both on the
grounds that the costs will outweigh the benefits o f involvement and
because o f the primacy o f prior claims o f regional organization within
southern Africa (SADC) and o f traditional economic ties to Europe.8
T h e H is t o r ic a l B a c k g r o u n d to th e IO R
Economic co-operation across the Indian Ocean has a long history. Unlike
the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, the Indian Ocean benefits from the
‘m onsoons,’ a singularly stable pattern o f seasonal currents and winds; the
south west monsoon blows from April to October and the north east from
October to May, in theory enabling vessels to sail from one side to the other
side o f the Indian Ocean and back within twelve months. By the early
centuries AD, shipbuilding and navigational technology had advanced
sufficiently to exploit the monsoons and a long-distance maritime trading
2
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man a natural impulse, and demands for him a right to gratify it,
whilst the existence of such an impulse and of such a right is denied
to woman. We have shown that this view is an inevitable
consequence of coercive marriage morality.[688]
The standpoint of the sceptics alluded to under § 5 is one which
denies the possibility of any abstinence, even merely temporary
abstinence; but this view is equally to be rejected. Man is a natural
being; his sexual impulse is a natural instinct, and as such one
whose existence is justified; but at the same time man is a civilized
being. Civilization is an elevation, an ennoblement, a transfiguration
of nature, whose unduly powerful impulses and powers must be
tamed and harmonized by civilization. The right to sexual
gratification is therefore opposed by the duty to set bounds to the
sexual impulse, to conduct it into such paths that no harm can result
from its exercise, either to the individual or to society; and in order
that, like all other impulses, it may subserve the purposes of the
evolution of civilization. To this end, however, a relative
abstinence is of great importance (this is a matter which has not
hitherto been sufficiently recognized); but this course it is only
possible to follow when, at the same time, we emphatically affirm
the rightness of sexuality, and when it is our desire to utilize it as
a civilizing factor of the first rank. The “individualization” of the
sexual impulse has been described in detail in an earlier chapter of
this work, to which I may refer the reader. If we fail to recognize the
value of temporary abstinence, and the importance of the storing
up of sexual energy which is thereby effected, and the
transformation of this energy into other energies of a spiritual
nature, such an individualization becomes impossible.
Alike the medical advocates (§ 2) and the moral advocates (§ 4) of
a relative temporary abstinence for both sexes have, from their
respective standpoints, made a just demand. This is, in fact, in both
cases an “ideal standpoint,” to use the phrase of F. A. Lange; but it is
also an ideal most desirable to set before youth, and more especially
before our German youth. We cannot repeat too often, or insist with
too much emphasis, what an endless blessing results from the
endeavour towards, and from the realization of, temporary sexual
abstinence, more especially in the years of preparation for life, but
also in the years of independent creative work.
The importance of relative sexual abstinence was first recognized
by the ancient Israelites. Numerous wise prescriptions and
utterances prove this. Julius Preuss, the most celebrated student of
ancient Jewish medicine, has recently, in an interesting study of
“Sexual Matters in the Bible and the Talmud” (Allgemeine
Medizinische Central-Zeitung, 1906, No. 30 et seq.), collected the
following facts bearing on the matter:
“Chastity was a self-evident demand for the unmarried. It is true that, in view of
the early occurrence of puberty, they married very young—at the age of eighteen
or twenty; and Rabbi Huna is of opinion that anyone who at the age of twenty is
still unmarried passes his days in sin or—which he regards as even worse—in
sinful thoughts. There are three whom God praises every day: an unmarried man
who lives in a large town and does not sin; a poor man who finds an object of
value and returns it to the owner, and a rich man who gives his tithe secretly.
Once when this doctrine was read out in the presence of Rabbi Safra, who as a
young man lived in a large town, his face lighted up with joy. But Raba said to
him: ‘It is not meant such a one as thou art, but such a one as Rabbi Chanina and
Rabbi Oschaja, who live in the street of the prostitutes, and make shoes for them,
to whom, therefore, the prostitutes come, and look upon them, but who,
notwithstanding this, do not raise their eyes to look upon the prostitutes.’”
CHAPTER XXVI
The manner in which up to the present day humanity has, properly
speaking, completely ignored the fact of sexuality is at once
remarkable and difficult to understand. Until recently people went so
far as to regard scientific research into sexual matters by adult
persons as improper! The mystical idea of the sinfulness, of the
radically evil character, of the sexual, was a dogma which even
natural science appeared to admit. Our attitude towards the sexual
was as if it were at once Sphinx and Gorgon’s head, as if it were the
veiled statue of Sais. We stood helpless, in the face of this
mysterious and malignant power, against the blind hazard of
chance which plays so momentous a part, more especially in
sexual affairs. As everywhere in life, so here also, the dominion of
chance could be overcome only by means of knowledge. The
solution of the sexual problem demands, in the first place,
openness, clearness, learning in the department of the sexual,
knowledge of cause and effect, and the transmission of this
knowledge to the next generation, so that this latter may without
harm become wise. Sexual education is an important chapter in
general pedagogy.[696]
Regarding animals, plants, and stones the youthful human being
of to-day acquires the most exact information, but we have hitherto
refused him the right to understand his own body, and to acquire a
knowledge of certain important vital functions of that body. There
can be no doubt about the fact that the modern human being, who
has learned to so large an extent to regard himself as a social
being, has a sacred natural right to this knowledge.
Celebrated pedagogues of a hundred years ago, such as
Rousseau, Salzmann, Basedow, Jean Paul, etc., expressed
themselves in favour of the early sexual enlightenment of youth, and
gave the most valuable advice regarding the methods to be
employed;[697] but their views remained for the most part devoid of
practical effect, and it is only in recent years, in connexion with the
question of the protection of motherhood, with the campaign against
prostitution, and with the attempt to suppress venereal diseases,
that interest in this matter has been reawakened; and there now
exists in this department an extensive literature, belonging chiefly to
the last few years, proceeding from the pens of physicians,
pedagogues, hygienists, and advocates of woman’s rights.[698] It is,
in truth, the burning question of our time, the solution of which is
here attempted. Correct sexual education forms the foundation for
the ennoblement and resanation of our entire sexual life. Only
knowledge and will can here effect a cure. Thus, sexual pedagogy
naturally falls into two parts—sexual enlightenment and the
education of the will.
The need for sexual enlightenment is now recognized by all far-
seeing social hygienists and pedagogues. The only difference of
opinion concerns the when and the how. Some plead for
enlightenment as early as possible, in the first years of school life;
others wish to defer enlightenment until puberty, or even later. I am
of opinion that the circumstances in this respect are entirely
different, according as we have to do with small towns and the open
country, where more careful watching of children is possible, and
where the dangers of premature sexual development and of
seduction are not so great, or as we have to do with large towns,
where, in my view, the children cannot be enlightened too early,
since town life brings the children of all classes, and social misery
brings more especially the children of the lowest classes of the
population, so early into contact with sexual matters that a
purposive enlightenment becomes absolutely indispensable. Children
living in large towns should, from ten years onwards, be gradually
and carefully made acquainted with the principal facts of the sexual
life. We find here more points of association than is usually
imagined. Gutzkow, in his admirable autobiography, “From the Days
of My Boyhood” (Frankfort-a.-M., 1852, pp. 263, 264), has beautifully
described this:
“The first appearances of love in the heart of the child occur as secretly as the
fall of the dew upon flowers. Playing and jesting, innocence gropes its way
through the darkness. Words, perceptions, ideas, which to the adult appear to be
full of dangerous barbs, the child grasps with careless security, and takes the
duplex sexual life of humanity to be a primeval fact which came into the world
with man as a matter of course, and one which requires no explanation. Born from
the mother’s womb, to the child the mother is the secure bridge by which it is
conducted past all the riddles of womanhood. The child imitates the love of the
father for the mother, plays the game of the family, plays father and mother, plays
at being himself, a child. From the rustling autumn leaves, from abandoned
bundles of straw, huts and nests are built, and for half an hour at a time a
completely blameless boy can lie down besides his girl playmate, quietly, and as if
magnetized by the intimation of love. Danger is in truth not far distant from such a
practice of childish naïveté; it lurks in the background, and seeks only an
opportunity to lead astray. But a child never understands the significance of the
severe punishment which it so often receives for its imitative imaginary family life.
The amatory life of the adult first breaks upon the imagination of the child and
upon his quiet play like the opening of a door into a house. People take so little
care of what they do before the innocent; they exhibit passionate affection for one
another; they caress when the children are by. The child sees, ponders, and
listens. Certain hieroglyphics alarm it; tales are laughed at—tales which suddenly
throw a strange and wonderful light upon quite familiar human beings. The boy
will notice that his elder sister has a joy or a sorrow, the nature of which he
cannot completely grasp. He sees an elder brother filled with the joy of life, with
the lust of youth, with the love of adventure, and no attempt is made to conceal
these passions from the child.... Such and similar experiences succeed one
another without cessation, and tales which the child hears are listened to with
eagerness. The red threads of love and of the charm of beautiful women are not
to be grasped by the hand of a child, and yet they have upon the child a certain
secret influence.”
The child hears and sees much that is erotic, even immoral, but
does not stop to think about it, does not understand it. After a while
its ignorance becomes a puzzle; soon lascivious thoughts arise.
Maria Lischnewska describes very vividly this psychological process
in the soul of the child, in part according to her observations as a
teacher. She justly criticizes the “stork stories,” to which the child
listens without believing them, in order subsequently to be
enlightened in an extremely disagreeable manner by older ill-
conditioned comrades.[699]
These children, ten or twelve years of age, often learn about
sexual matters from the lowest side, without obtaining a true
knowledge. They frequently acquire the most astounding verbal
treasury of lewd expressions, and even sing obscene songs, of which
Maria Lischnewska gives a remarkable example on the part of a girl
twelve years of age.
No, there can be no question that the child at school, from the
tenth year onwards, should, without fear of disastrous
consequences, be enlightened regarding sexual matters by parents
and teachers, in order to avoid the dangers which we have just
described. But this instruction must be divested of any individual
relationship, of any personal character, and must be communicated
in thoroughly general terms, as natural scientific knowledge, as
a medical doctrine, belonging to the province of philosophical and
pathological science. In this way will be avoided any undesirable
accessory effect related to subjective perceptions. When Matthisson
esteems youth as happy on this account, because the book of
possibilities is not yet open to its gaze, this certainly does not hold
as regards sexual enlightenment. Here, to a certain degree, this
book of possibilities must be disclosed, if we do not wish all the
poetry and all the ideal view of life to be utterly destroyed by contact
with rude reality. Precisely in this case do we understand the
wonderful remark of Goethe, that we receive the veil of poetry from
the hand of truth. This first renders possible a truly earnest and
profound conception of sexual relationships; this creates a
consciousness of responsibility which cannot be awakened
sufficiently early. The true danger is, as Freud[700] also points out,
the intermixture of “lasciviousness and prudery” with which
humanity is accustomed to regard the sexual problem, just because
people have not learned sufficiently to understand the connexion
between cause and effect in this department of human activity.
Various methods have been recommended for sexual
enlightenment. I shall discuss more particularly the suggestions of
the Austrian Realschul professor, Sigmund, of the Volkschul teacher,
Maria Lischnewska, and of the University professor, F. W. Förster.
Sigmund (quoted by Ullmann, op. cit., p. 7) considers that in the
Volkschüler (primary schools), in the case of children up to the age
of eleven years, there should be no systematic explanation of sexual
matters, and that this should be begun first in the Gymnasium
(higher school). His scheme of instruction is as follows:
1. The enlightenment of the pupils at the Gymnasium is to be effected in five
stages (Classes I., II., V., VI., VII.)
2. The enlightenment in the lower classes is limited to the processes of sexual
reproduction. In the first class, the origin and birth of the mammalian young and
the origin of insects’ eggs are explained. In the second class, the origin and birth
of reptiles’ and birds’ eggs, the fertilization of the eggs of fishes and batrachians,
the ova of the sea-urchin, and those of the jellyfish, are described. The act of
sexual intercourse will not be alluded to in the first two classes—that is,
it will not be mentioned to children before the age of thirteen years.
3. The completion of the idea of “sexual life” is effected by means of botanical
and zoological instruction in the upper school in a synthetic manner, wherein no
important detail is omitted, but the copulatory act is kept in the background.
4. All sexual matters expressly concerning human beings, and all the
pathological relations of the sexual life, should be left to the hygienic instruction,
which is given during one hour weekly to the seventh class as a part of general
instruction in somatology.
5. The natural history taught to the sixth class will embrace zoology only; the
natural system will be considered in an ascending series (excluding human
somatology, which in a logical manner is deferred until the study of zoology is
completed, and it will thus be dealt with in the seventh class, as a preparation to
the instruction in hygiene).
6. In conferences with parents, the parents can be kept informed regarding the
nature of the instruction which is being given to their children, and can at the
same time be led to work in unison with the school in this matter.
CHAPTER XXVII
Whereas in former times opinions on social questions were
determined principally by economic considerations, to-day we are
to a great extent influenced also by the aims and endeavours of
individual and social hygiene; for this reason the so-called
problem of population has come to occupy the consciousness of
civilized mankind to a far greater extent than before it has passed
from the stage of theory into that of practice. Serious critical political
economists, such as, for example, B. G. Schmoller,[709] have
recognized this. The increasing understanding of the conditions of
social life, knowledge of the connexion between economic conditions
and the number and quality of the population, must of itself lead to
the discussion of the question whether the regulation of the number
of children born is not one of the principal duties of modern
civilization. The Englishman Robert Malthus was the first who,
stimulated by an idea of Benjamin Franklin, in the year 1798, in his
“Essay on the Principles of Population,” discussed this serious, and
even alarming, question of the natural consequences of
unrestricted sexual intercourse, and answered it in an extremely
pessimistic sense. For, according to him, whereas human beings tend
to increase in number according to a geometrical progression—that
is, in the ratio 1, 2, 4, 8, 16, and so on—the means of subsistence
increase only in arithmetical progression—that is, in the ratio of 1, 2,
3, 4, 5, and so on. Hence it follows that the numbers of the
population can be kept within bounds, so as to remain proportional
to the nutritive possibilities, only by means of decimating influences,
such as vice, poverty, disease, the entire “struggle for existence,” by
preventive measures, and by the so-called “moral restraint” in and
before marriage. Although this celebrated theory, which filled with
alarm, not only all those already living in Europe, but also all those
who wished to produce new life, has to-day been generally
recognized as false,[710] since it failed to take into account technical
advances in the preparation of the soil[711] and other ways in which
it will become possible to increase the means of subsistence; and he
equally ignored the possibility of a better division of property. None
the less does his theory remain apposite in respect of many of the
social relationships of more recent times; the doctrine has, in fact,
temporary validity for certain periods of civilization, such as our own.
Malthus recommended, as the principal means of preventing over-
population, abstinence from sexual intercourse (moral restraint)
before marriage, and the postponement of marriage; thus he was
an apostle of the “relative asceticism” recommended in the twenty-
fifth chapter of the present work.
In England this early view found utterance among the political
economists and sociologists, such as Chalmers, Ricardo, John Stuart
Mill, Say, Thornton, etc. It was also actively discussed in wide circles
of the population, so that as early as the year 1825 the “disciples of
Malthus” were a typical phenomenon of English life.
A further development of malthusianism in the practical direction
was represented by the so-called “neo-malthusianism”—that is, an
actual diffusion of instruction in the means for the prevention of
pregnancy and for the limitation of the number of children. Such a
procedure was first publicly recommended by Francis Place, in the
year 1822; but no widespread teaching of practical malthusianism
occurred till a considerably later date, notably after the foundation of
the Malthusian League, on July 17, 1877. The principal advocates of
neo-malthusianism in England were John Stuart Mill, Charles
Drysdale, Charles Bradlaugh, and Mrs. Besant.
Malthusian practice is, however, much older than the theory.
Metchnikoff[712] declares the endeavour to diminish the number of
children to be a very widely diffused “disharmony of the family
instinct,” which in itself is much more recent, and is much less widely
diffused in the animal kingdom than the sexual instinct. Animals, at
any rate, know nothing of the prevention of conception; that is a
“privilege” of the human species. By primitive races such preventive
measures are very widely employed. Among these measures one of
the best known is the “mica” operation of the Australian natives—the
slitting up of the urethra of the male along the lower surface of the
penis, so that the semen flows out just in front of the scrotum, and
is ejaculated outside the vagina.[713] Regarding the wide diffusion of
artificial abortion among savage races, Ploss-Bartels gives detailed
reports. The pursuit of material enjoyments, characteristic of civilized
peoples, is not here (as recent authors have erroneously assumed)
the determining influence; we have, in fact, to do with a widely
diffused disharmony of the family instinct,[714] for which in certain
definite conditions some justification must be admitted. The period
for the unconditional rejection of malthusianism by pietists and
absolute moralists has passed away definitely. Not only physicians,
but also professional political economists, recognize the relative
justification and admissibility of the use of preventive measures in
certain circumstances for the limitation of the procreation of
children. It has rightly been pointed out[715] that in every marriage
a time must eventually arrive when preventive measures in sexual
intercourse are employed, and necessarily must be employed,
because, in respect of the state of health of the wife, and also in
view of economic conditions, their use is urgently demanded. These
relationships have been discussed with great insight by A. Hegar,[716]
and he has proved the justification of practical neo-malthusianism in
every ordinary marriage, as well as for the population at large. By
means of a “regulation of reproduction,” an immoderate increase of
the population is prevented; by diminishing the quantity we improve
the quality of the offspring. Late marriages, long pauses between
the separate deliveries, and the greatest possible sexual abstinence,
subserve this purpose.
Like Hegar, the Munich hygienist Max Gruber[717] also recognizes
the necessity for setting bounds to the number of children to be
brought into the world, since the capacity of the human species to
increase is far greater than its power to increase the means of
subsistence. He describes very vividly the physical and moral misery
of the parents and the children when the latter are too numerous;
he also shows that from the birth of the fourth child onwards the
inborn force and health of the children diminish more and more.
Naturally, also, diseases affecting the parents, and the pressing
danger of the inheritance of these diseases, renders necessary the
use of sexual preventive measures, or else of moral restraint. Gruber
enunciates the thoroughly neo-malthusian proposition:
“The procreation of children must be kept within bounds, if mankind wishes to
free itself from the cruel condition by which, in irrational nature, the balance is
maintained—death in the mass side by side with procreation in the mass!”
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