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Burma s Mass Lay Meditation Movement Buddhism and
the Cultural Construction of Power 1st Edition Ingrid
Jordt Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Ingrid Jordt
ISBN(s): 9780896804579, 0896804577
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 1.93 MB
Year: 2007
Language: english
 Burma’s Mass
Lay Meditation Movement
This series of publications on Africa, Latin America, Southeast Asia,
and Global and Comparative Studies is designed to present significant
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Executive editor: Gillian Berchowitz

AREA CONSULTANTS
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The Ohio University Research in International Studies series is pub-

lished for the Center for International Studies by Ohio University Press.
The views expressed in individual volumes are those of the authors and
should not be considered to represent the policies or beliefs of the Cen-
ter for International Studies, Ohio University Press, or Ohio University.
 Burma’s Mass Lay
Meditation Movement
Buddhism and the
Cultural Construction of Power

Ingrid Jordt

Ohio University Research in International Studies

Southeast Asia Series No. 115
Ohio University Press
Athens
 © 2007 by the
Center for International Studies
Ohio University
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Printed in the United States of America

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are printed on acid-free paper ƒ ™

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Jordt, Ingrid.
Burma’s mass lay meditation movement : Buddhism and the cultural construc-
tion of power / Ingrid Jordt.
p. cm. — (Ohio University research in international studies. Southeast Asia
series ; no. 115)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN-13: 978-0-89680-255-1 (pbk. : alk. paper)
ISBN-10: 0-89680-255-8 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. Buddhism—Social aspects—Burma. 2. Buddhist laymen—Burma. 3. Buddhism
and politics—Burma. 4. Human rights movements—Burma. I. Title.
BQ438.J67 2007
294.309591—dc22
2007031090
 For Rita and David Jordt

Who have been with me every step of the way

 Contents

List of Illustrations ix
Preface xi
Introduction 1

one Rise of the New Laity and the

Restitution of the Ternary Order 15

two The Phenomenology of Satipat t ha– na

˙˙
Vipassana– Meditation 56

three Sacred Giving and the Politics of Sincerity 96

four The Double Order of Law

Monks, Gender, and Resistance 139

five From Relations of Power to Relations of Authority

The Dynamics of Symbolic Legitimacy 170

Epilogue 205
Notes 221
Glossary 245
References 251
Index 259
 Illustrations

following page 138

Shinpyu procession initiating a boy into the Buddhist Order as a

novice
Laity pay respects to new novices
Young girls take temporary ordination during a school break
Entrance to the Mahasi Meditation Center (MTY), Yangon
Administrative office, MTY
Two of the great donors at MTY
Mahasi Yeiktha entrance and main buildings
Dhamma discourse and meditation hall, MTY
Main meditation hall, MTY
Main meditation hall, MTY
Yogis at MTY
Thilashins meditate at MTY
Kitchen, MTY
One of the nuns in charge of the kitchen, MTY
A volunteer offers food to stray animals after the main meal
Memorial to Mahasi, MTY
Life-size wax image of Mahasi
Photo of Sir U Thwin, the initial donor of the center
A life-size wax image of Sir U Thwin
“Old yogis” living at MTY
A yeiktha
Accommodations for a meditator at MTY
The author with pilgrims visiting Thamanya Sayadaw
Wedding guests eat after monks and yogis are offered food
Monks take their midday meal at U Pandita’s meditation center
Department of Religious Affairs book distribution storeroom
Office at the Department of Propagation, Kaba Aye, Yangon
Mosquito nets protect yogis at an upscale meditation center

x Illustrations
 Preface

In my first contact with Burma, I was pursuing answers to a set of

questions markedly different from those I address in this volume.
While majoring in anthropology in college, I took a job at the
Gorilla Foundation, teaching sign language to the gorilla Michael
(Koko’s counterpart) in Francine Patterson’s laboratory in Wood-
side, California. I was interested in cognitive science and linguis-
tics, and research with the gorilla seemed a good place to begin. My
questions were broad and open, suitable to a young person’s cu-
riosity. A conversation with a friend about some of the issues raised
in my work at the Gorilla Foundation (how dependent coherent
thought is on language, for instance) led him to recommend me to
a meditation course.
The practice of vipassana– meditation, which has by now reached
millions of people’s awareness around the world, was at that time
an exotic import, principally from Burma (I will discuss its con-
temporary sources later). I completed a ten-day, intensive course
and then went on several longer retreats. As I reflected on my ex-
periences in meditation, I became impressed by how the technique
draws on universal cognitive principles for its effect, even though
its framing is culturally specific to the situation of its application—
be that a hospital in Massachusetts, a monastery in Yangon (formerly
Rangoon), or a prison in New Delhi. The neurocognitive dimen-
sion of meditation is now no longer a matter for amateur specula-
tion but has become the subject of much medical, psychological,
and neuroscientific research. Interested in the cultural-cognitive
interface and curious about vipassana– as a discipline that seemed to
focus on separating percept from concept—ordinarily taken by
anthropologists, especially at that time, to be impossible—I went
to study under the guidance of a renowned meditation teacher in
Burma. This same monk later taught meditation to Aung San Suu
Kyi of the National League for Democracy.
The monastery where I was subsequently ordained as a Bud-
dhist nun and where I continued to study meditation and Bud-
dhist (Pa– li) texts—the Mahasi Thathana Yeiktha (MTY, also called
Mahasi Sa– sana Yeiktha)—turned out to be more than just another
religious sanctuary. The MTY center had played a key role in the
plan advanced by Burma’s first prime minister, U Nu, for building
a nation-state along Buddhist lines. Moreover, MTY’s founding
monk, Mahasi Sayadaw (1904– 82), had been the scholar-meditator
who systematized and revitalized the practice of vipassana– medi-
tation in keeping with a twentieth-century Burmese Buddhist idea
about the possibility and rectitude of laity pursuing enlightenment.
MTY’s lay guardian committee’s executive members were former
governors and diplomats, military leaders, and wealthy business-
men. Their wives were jewelers and socialites but also meditators,
donors, and volunteers at the center. The monks were among the
most prestigious in the country (it is estimated that 3 percent of
Burmese males at any given time are in the monkhood), and they
continued to receive visits from key military personnel and minis-
ters, some of whom were themselves ordained as temporary monks
or went to MTY to practice meditation and participate in collective
donations to the monastery. There was also a substantial contin-
gent of visitors from other Buddhist countries and from the West.
Vipassana– meditation was a diplomatic link between Burma and
these other places—and is recognized as such by the Foreign Min-
istry—and at one point, it was hailed as the country’s leading ex-
port. Keeping a roster of over a million meditators reputed to have
made attainments toward enlightenment in centers around the
country, MTY is also the hub of the mass lay meditation movement.
The relative paucity of scholarly investigation into the phenome-
non of a mass religious revitalization involving millions of follow-
ers and all of the resources and influence that such a movement in-

xii Preface
evitably entails seems an immense oversight. There is evidence that
this mass revitalization has generated an enormous economy in its
wake, and it has also reformed the conceptual—fair to say, episte-
mological—context in which power may be expressed and sup-
ported. An extremely telling (but not the most spectacular) fact
about the mass lay meditation movement is that several of the
postindependence rulers of Burma have been sincere participants in
meditation and in raising to prominence those monks most revered
in the movement. It is my intention to explain this relationship be-
tween the movement as a moral/political and economic force, on
the one hand, and as a catalyst for epistemological reconstruction,
on the other, with the very dynamic of the regime’s efforts to le-
gitimize its political position since 1947.
I open my methodological introduction from this personal angle
because I wish to relate how I initially had not the slightest inkling
of a relationship between religion and politics in Burma. After some
months at MTY, it became impossible for me to ignore that the re-
ligious and cosmological domain tracked unmistakably into the
seats of political power—the military, the ministries, even the every-
day devotional trails of the junta secretariat. The standard schol-
arly reduction of the religious sphere, in which it is held that the
military is just using religion for its own ends, seemed untenable
to me. Between the influence of political scientific presuppositions
about state and civil society, which I will discuss later, and fashion-
able trends in postcolonial studies, there somehow came to reign an
assumption among Burma scholars that Burmese history stretched
only back to colonialism or independence and that cosmological,
political cultural, and institutional elements dating from before
that time could safely be disregarded.
The scholarly confirmation that a deep analysis of the relationship
between Burmese Buddhist cosmology and contemporary politics
was apposite came from the work of my graduate school adviser,
S. J. Tambiah, a leading authority on the relationship of Buddhism
and society in neighboring Thailand. Under Tambiah’s mentor-
ship, I returned to Burma for another extended visit, from 1994 to

Preface xiii
1995. Most recently, I was in Burma in 2001. There, I was situated
at MTY and at Kaba Aye, the grounds of the World Peace Pagoda,
where I was a regular visitor to the Department of Home and Re-
ligious Affairs. My connections to this government bureaucracy
provided an excellent location from which to observe the ways in
which Buddhism was officially engaged at the state level. Interviews
but also incidental observations at the ministry illuminated the
ways in which the politics of the state accommodate and take ad-
vantage of Buddhist institutions and public practice.
The association with high-level monks led me naturally to gov-
ernment ministries, where I questioned ranking officials on reli-
gious activities within their purview. The overlap and crosscutting
of function and personnel, the official and unofficial, and the politi-
cal and personal spheres (similar to what X. L. Ding [1994] means
by his term institutional amphibiousness, applied to communist
China) were, I discovered, exemplified if not represented by the
fact that at one point in my fieldwork, I found myself in the office
of the man whose two job titles were director of home and reli-
gious affairs and director of military intelligence.
It is, in fact, common for religious affairs directors to be brigadier
generals and for these personnel to be more than superficially in-
volved in Buddhist goings-on around Yangon. The sheer frequency
of such events, to which top military commanders and ministers
devote so much of their time, suggests that Buddhist ceremonies
are a vital component of Burmese statecraft. I do not propose to
settle the question of the sincerity of members of the regime in this
pageantry. However, since that question is a preoccupation of many
Burmese and since it is both embedded in Buddhist phenomeno-
logical logics and often discussed in terms of the regime’s legiti-
macy, I address the subject at some length in the text. For now, it
suffices to say that not just the fact but also the way in which mem-
bers of the junta participate in Buddhism is worthy of analysis.
My unique access to sources of high-level information in Burma
has been predicated on my first contact with the country as a medi-
tator. My repeat visas were issued directly from the Ministry of

xiv Preface
Home and Religious Affairs as person-to-country visas, and I was
permitted to stay for long periods when most visitors were restricted
to a week or two. My status as an “old yogi” at the monastery, as
well as my status as a foreigner studying at a prestigious American
university, brought me the opportunity to interview leading minis-
ters and religious figures. On my visits, I often stayed at the house
of the president of the monastery’s lay committee, a former high-
ranking official (under U Nu). Although he was always circum-
spect in voicing his political discontent, I nevertheless learned a
great deal about the more subtle communications that took place
between the influential religious establishment of which he was
president and the acting members of the junta.
One of my closest and most fortuitous contacts was with U Nu,
Burma’s first prime minister (1947– 62), who took an interest in me
as an aspiring scholar and former Buddhist nun. He recounted to
me the history of the postindependence period from his point of
view. My close association with U Nu also got me into trouble in the
final days before the demonstrations and government-orchestrated
violence that took place on August 8, 1988. He had insisted on see-
ing me when many of my other friends advised against it. I could
not easily refuse. We met at the monastery and exchanged harmless
pleasantries. On his way out, he announced that he was next going
to visit Brigadier General U Aung Gyi, who had recently “taken
up residence” at Insein Prison, where political prisoners are held,
following the publication of his critical open letter to Ne Win—a
letter that sparked events leading to the fall of his Burmese So-
cialist Program Party government. A listening device in the room
where we spoke apparently picked up this indiscreet statement,
and I was inadvertently implicated in the suspicion that some
kind of political information had passed between us. I was black-
listed from reentering the country for four years. In the interim, I
planned to divert my research to Laos. I studied Lao and spent sev-
eral months in Laos before I received notification from my spon-
sors in Burma that they had arranged for me to be readmitted to
their country.

Preface xv
 A final comment on my position in the field is in order. The
situation and timing of my research were such that the main indi-
viduals who informed this study were from the generation that
had witnessed and participated in the nationalist period and the
first parliamentary democratic government. After 1962, many of
the individuals who had been connected to the U Nu government
“retired” to the meditation center at MTY. Although I certainly
circulated among different age-groups and strata, my main source
of data was a kind of passing elite—elderly monks, statesmen, civil
servants, wealthy businesspersons, and educated professionals. Both
the strengths and weaknesses of my analysis draw from the “study-
ing up” perspective that has characterized my experience as a field-
worker and my personal connections to Burma.
The generation I knew is passing away, along, perhaps, with
their distinctive point of view and approach to Buddhist living and
institution making. Ne Win reportedly said that once this genera-
tion was gone, members of the next generation would know only
what the military told them: then the regime would be secure.
Today, Ne Win is dead (d. 2002), U Nu is dead (d. 1995), and U Kyi
Maung from the National League for Democracy is dead (d. 2004).
The next generation of military strongmen has now stepped in to
rule. Aung San Suu Kyi (b. 1945) at least symbolically ties the
country to its past generation through reclaiming her father’s
legacy for the people, after the military regime (noting that Aung
San was the founder of the Burma army) had sought to connect its
legitimacy to the martyred “father of the nation.”

In chapter 1, I provide background on how the mass lay medita-

tion movement emerged as a revitalization effort with several
objectives: a reassertion of Burmese identity in Buddhist terms; a
fulfillment of the lost functions of kingship vis-à-vis sa–sana (dis-
pensation and teachings of the Buddha) following colonialism; an
effort at purification of the sangha (the monastic order) by the laity
in terms reminiscent of the ternary order that obtained between
sangha, state, and laity in precolonial sociopolitical arrangements;

xvi Preface
and most important, the systematizing, routinizing, and universal-
izing of the penultimate practices of vipassana– meditation that
would affirm on an individual experiential level the truth of the
Buddha’s teachings and the identity of the practitioner-citizen in
Burmese sa– sana society and in the world. In a context in which other
totalizing epistemic orientations to experience and the world (sci-
ence, modernity, or Marxism, for example) competed for supremacy
in the task of nation-state building, the verification of “sa– sana re-
ality” by ordinary laypersons served to verify the truths found in
the Pa– li Tipitaka texts. From the government’s point of view, these
recursive validations of an indigenous system of knowledge and
experience would be the foundations from which national identity
would be constructed and the goals of society articulated. The glue
that would hold the nation-state together and unify it in a common
purpose would come from the moral rearmament of the citizenry
through an epistemic transformation of the individual via vipas-
sana– meditation.
Chapter 2 is an analysis of the experience of vipassana– medita-
tion from the yogi practitioner’s perspective, with an emphasis on
pedagogy. Narrative accounts of the vipassana– experience (with
their emphasis on nonconceptualizing) tend to conform to ortho-
dox and vernacular styles in which the speakers are required to ex-
plain the meaning or interpretations of their experiences. By focus-
ing on pedagogy, I show how the yogi is encouraged to move away
from conceptualization during the period of practice. The emphasis
brings us to an understanding of how the inculcation of vipassana–
techniques has resulted in a kind of epistemic reconstruction of lay
consciousness in which the universal constitution of reality is given
empirical proof, with implications for political realities. Vipassana–
as a movement to create an “enlightened citizenry” has meant that
the laity have assumed responsibility for the welfare of society. It is
their sı–la (moral precepts of restraint) on which the cosmic condi-
tions depend, just as, during the time of kings, it was the king’s sı–la
on which the natural and social conditions depended. The laity have
undertaken moral purification through “purification of view.” In

Preface xvii
part, this is the gist of the project of verifying empirically the epis-
temology of the Abhidhamma texts through vipassana– .
In chapter 3, I begin to shift attention outward and away from
the site of vipassana– meditation—its institutional form and indi-
vidual yogi practitioners—to consider what the economic under-
pinnings of the phenomenon are. The regime’s demonstrable
participation in sacred giving (da– na) illustrates the intertwined char-
acter of its sa– sana activities and its exercise of secular authority. I
consider da– na in four ways: (1) as cause for the materialization of
sa– sana institutions (meditation centers, monasteries, schools, and
the like); (2) as a process creating economic and political cliques, as
well as moral communities established around monks; (3) as a cog-
nitive practice, a “system of intention” directed toward progressive
mental purification that delineates the intersection between tran-
scendent and worldly realities; and (4) as a way for the state military
to legitimize its role of foremost donor and head of patron-client
chains and therefore as a source for moral validation of its rule.
Chapter 4 opens with the question of how Burmese people, under
conditions of extreme repression in the public sphere, debate and/or
present counterpositions or resistant positions to the government.
One location for critique of the state, I argue, is in the popular ar-
ticulation, through participation in the mass lay meditation move-
ment, of Buddhist-specific notions of morality, power, and author-
ity that present a decipherable criticism of the regime that cannot
simply be suppressed. The principles of conversion from moral com-
munity to political power are intricate. Regime leaders are forced
into demonstrating their sincerity and “right intentions” about
building a just society in Buddhist terms by giving da– na (chapter 3)
and by “capturing the potency” of key monks. These monks and
the moral communities that surround them pose a threat to the
regime because they can claim a higher moral ground; they adjudi-
cate on the questions of potency and sincerity. The regime fears
being widely deemed insincere in its efforts to support and protect
the sa– sana, which is the will of the religious masses. This is true in
regard to the regime both on a collective level and on an individual

xviii Preface
level, as many members of the regime are themselves observant
Buddhists who do not wish to alienate themselves from their sources
of merit: leading monks. Because the New Laity is prominently
represented in meditation and other religious activities by women,
in chapter 4 I also consider the question of gender and the em-
bodiment of power and the impact of this on the moral debate over
(un)just government and everyday life.
In chapter 5, I apply the paradigm of political claims to (sym-
bolic and performative) legitimacy, as developed in the text, to a se-
quence of rulers throughout the postindependence period. Each of
the governments became entangled, in different ways, with sa– sana
projects. The point at which the military regime abandoned its secu-
larist policies and became Buddhist in practice—starting in the 1980s
with the Ne Win government—is especially revealing of the simul-
taneous process of co-optation and control of the sangha, on the
one hand, and the submission to Buddhist populism, on the other.
This analysis both situates the exercise of power within the cosmo-
logical framework of Burmese Buddhism and illustrates the com-
peting frameworks for legitimacy under which the regime must
and does operate.

Preface xix
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circuitum terr^Copernico ) vel epicyclvm fidus geftantem (
Ptolemteo j?qua:ha:c inquam in Aftronomia fineexemplo novitas ,
fine verifimilitudine abfurditas ? Quin potius credi par erat, alibi
Solem ( Copernico ) vel centrum fyftematis Planetani ( Tychonici) vel
corpus Planeta:(pTOLEM^o ) a fufcepto Xqualitatis punCto (
qniescente apud Copernicvm 6c Tycho nem, circumeunte in
eccentnci circumrerentiaapud Ptolem^vm Jlongiusdirtare,alibi
breviusratque id proculdubioin lincaapfidum. Atquehuic rei
commodam occafionem videbatur fuppeditare meailla ex mysterio
meo Cosmographico derivata fufpicio, fi nempe in theoriarrb Solis
(vel theoriam ut ita dicam epicycli PTOLEMAici)asquans
introduceretur . Efto ut incipiat inasqualitas fecunda a linea medii
motus So lis , ut ha&enus placuit artificibvs ( ne quis meam
novationem,qui apparenti Solis motuutor, in hocnegocio fufpectam
habeat),^ confurgat in fchemate pr&finti eccentricitas Planeta apud
Copernicvm, non a centro Soli s a ,fid a c punclo circa quod regularis
ejfi ponttur terr^ motus . Id njero punclum c fit non orbis terreni d e
fiedtuntum &qualttntis centrumjongtus ab a Sole dtfians quam b
centrum orbis terreni l d. Dico his concelTis,obfervationes tales
exhibitum in,ex quibus quis fufpicari poflit, orbem annuum d e augeri
minuique . Erigatur ex c perpendicularis ipfi k d e ,qu& fitci: &fit
Martis fiella bis in f , & cum Terra eff tn d £f cum in e : & conneclatur
f cum punfiis d . e . Gfuia ergo c esl punttum ttqualis motus terr^e
wde , erit fcd, f c e , anomaUa commututwnis (ut ponimus) aqualis
utrmque. Quodfi ' tgitur aquales ejfent c d, c e (ut ha&enus
putabatur )3tunc ^dfc ^ efc angulifiu parallaxes orbis ejfent utrin
apud utramque anomaliam commutationis , cenfibit totum orbem
annuum interdum fieri amplwrem , menfura c e 5 interdum
angufiiorem.menjura c vn^pfereaquodulis aliquis cumhaclenus
ufitata Aftronomia prafuppontt3c punclum aqualis motus ejfetdem &
centrumctrculi d e . In forma P tole m a ica fit terra in ciltneamedtt
motus Solis ,ck, c l >pro eo quod prius Copernico fuerant dc& e c : &
fit centrum , circa quodmotus eptcjclicus regularis esl3 in ipfizD
aquatis & paralielos 1 f, L 3 ut duChi Cap. XXII. Centrum fyltemitis
Planetarii eft comunis fetlio lineanim, qu* per fingialojli Fianetai um
apfides naducurltui • i ;us id pfnchis. eft vel proxime eorpus Solis , ut
L K A. HEO initio placuit, vei jrt ipfo centro Solis, at EGO corrigo.
 C AP. 126 D E M O t I B. STELL^ MARTIS h. ut ducla c i fit
parallelos ipfi dp^ch ipfi e f , ^lranslata entm e t e r r a feu ^viju tn
c centrum mundi3ut Ptolemjeo placet Jransfertur in k . Sic propter
translatum d in c3trans'fertur f in i . P t o l e m je v s ergo exifltmans
3 f punclum, circa quod epicjcli i h motm aqualis esl3ejfe ettam
centrum eptcjcli i n3omnino f i & f h ponit &quale* : proptereaq^ in
anomalia co&quata utrac^ tum h f c quam ipc, hoc esl ( ficundum
boc fchema ) tam 96 quam i-jo3unam eandem fiatuit aquationem
epicjclt3nempe &quales angulos hcf^ 1 c f . Qjiod fi obfervatio
tefletur maforem ejfs h c f quam 1 c f 3tum centrum epicjcli non
eritin f punclo aqualis motm Jedin g multum confert^ quod hoc m»iu
rX flt c e diftantia Solis a terra: S£ contra/illa c l longa/ubi ha?c c d
maica vel Biab?!Lh2£,: brevis. ^tamihihoc dZ?>J*»i™. pado^ ibi
brevis fit c k diftantia centri fyftematis a terra } ubi longa
hcfisdemundi fyftemate , 8c fi fimul medio motu Soli» utamur ; tunc
illi epicyclus, huic circulus deferens fyftemata Planetaria.fit
eccentricus , cujus apogzum vergit in partes apogao Selis prxcisc
contrarias : ecccntricitas vero ejus , ut infra fequetuv , przcise zquat
ccccmricitatem Solis veram . feu dimidium ha&enus credita; , Caufa
converfarum in hunc modum apfidum ha^c eft . Terra e* nim
Copernico perambulat contrarias partes Soli Tychonico &C epicyclo
Ptolemaico :& vero d c,ce, diftantias te kkje a Sole, Solis a Terra ,6<:
martis="" h="" vel="" a="" centro="" f="" arqualitatis=""
epicycli="" fubtendunt="" angulos="" per="" omnes="" tres=""
formas="" ejusdem="" quantitatis="" :="" ergo="" solis="" cope=""
rn="" c="" an-e="" in="" contrariasplagas="" trans1=""/>
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accurate

PARS T E R T I A ♦ 127 gas transferentur a Braheo dc

Ptoiem^o, nimirum c e in c l vel eh,& cd in ck vel f 1. Vt igitvr hanc
fpeculationem bbfervationibus vel confirmarem vel convellerenijhanc
viam infiftebam. Cum apoga^um Solis fit ' in 5 4 -25-> quasfivi an
extaret obfervatio , cum o* ratione prima? inajqualitatis eflet bis in
57 =^vel r : Sol vero altrobiq; in fT ^deinde inf^. Atqui hoc noneft
pofiibile, ut fiat intratam breve(xxvel xxx annorum)fpacium. Motus
enim periodici M artis &Solis funtincommenlurabiles3nec unquam
fimul in fuas quartas vel oppofita incidunt, poft peraclos alterutnus
circuitus integroseorumque dimidia &; quartas. Oportuit igitur eligere
quod fuit quasfito proximum , 6c multos conftituere dies per hos x x
annos, quibus Planeta eft obfervatus , in_. quibus anomalia
commutationis coa^quatas effet 5*0 vei 170 vel proxime tanta, M a
r t e in 6 r vel =o= ( vel circa ) verfante . Poftmodum illos dies
omnes oportuitin catalogum obfervationum M ARTisimmittere,ut
viderem an etiam iis momentis fuiflet obfervatus. Quod nifi
frequentiflime fuifleto* obfervatus a diligentifllmo Tychone Brahe,
tam exquifita fuit harc electio^ut voti composfierinonpotuiflem. Cum
autem TYCHopofuhTet apogasum Martis in 2.37 £1, requireretur
vero locus Martis )pGV xquationem eccentri c&rrectus 57 =^ : ergo
anomalia coa^quata requirebatur 41. Et cumexipfiustabula
coasquatas 41 refponderet xquatio g. 15 f: ergo requirebatur
anomalia media eccentri 50. i^:per quam oftendebantur mihi
duodecim articulitemporumper annos vigintia mdlxxix in mdc, An
autem ex his temporibus alicui eflet anomalia coaequata
commutationis femel cjojiterumiyo; vel quantoillamajor
minorve3tanto hxc minor majorvejfic artificiofe fuit indagatum. Vna
Martis revolutio dies habet 68y ,dux Solis habent 730 T : difterentia
dierum 43 7,quibus demotu medio Solis refpondent 41. 54. 13.
Tantoigitur variatur anomaliacommutationis adfinemcujuslibet
revolutionis Martis . Quando igitur intra unum biennium , qua>
runturduas eommutationis anomaiia^ a^quales invicem , Marte
eodem utrinqueeccentrici loco verfante$oportet ut ille uterque
commutationis angulus fit 11. 17. Intra iv annos requiritur 41.54:
intra fex annos 64. zi : intra o6to annos 85. 4^ . Et nos
poftulabamus,fi fieri potuiflet 5) o. Ergo binasnoftras obfervationes
quasrere oportebat diftantesannis octo. Talis vero obfervationum
biga non reperiebatur in catalogo habitarum obfervationurrb .
Converfus igitur fum ad diftantiam fex annorum, invenique
tandem^quod anno mdlxxxv D. xviii Maji & anno m d xci D.xxir
Januarii extarent obfervationes idonea:. Nam correfpondebant anno
mdlxxxv D.xxx MajiH. v &C mdxci D.xx Januarii H. o.Vtrinque Martis
longitudo mediafuit
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accurate

iz8 DE MOTIB, S T E L L 1 MARTIS aequata anno mdxcv

erat 3.4.13. 3o,qua arguebatur, more Ptolexxii MAICO^AaneCarne^e
ultra perigxumepicycli 64. 13.30. gradibus. Sic commutatiocoa:quata
anno m d xci erat 3. 15.36~.30, qua arguebatur, Planetam eiTe ante
perigaeum epicycli 64. 13. 30. partibus. ^Equalis 1gitur utrinque
commutationis angulus in fchemate, fcd cc p c e , vel c f 1 , c f h .
Erat autem anno m d lxxxv Sol m ig n x viii gradibus ante
apogseum,anno MDxciin cjc^xxxm gradibus ukra periga^um . qua:
insequalitas caveri non potuic . Jamad obfervationes anno m d
lxxxvD.xviii Maji horax-f noctis vifus eft in o. 50. 45 np cum lat. 1.
19. 30 Borea . Maginvs refcrt lllum in 1.5 np. abundat igitur 14.15.
minutis. Ergo cum diexxx vefperi hora v referat lllum in £.4%
np,rurfum auferemus quodante diesundecim peccabatur 3
retinebitque 34 rrp. ubi paucula fcrupula ponemus in errore, quod
longa fit deductio per dies xn, nec diurnus iderrb vere fit,qui hicex
Magino adhibetur. Vt xvin Aprilis prsecedente^ hora x inventus eft
o* in 17 . 377 £l,quem Maginvs ponit in ig. d £1. Dirferentia 11-^ .
quas differentia usque adxvni Maji per dies xxxi 11 imminuta fuit ad
modulum 147. Si ergo agamus proportionaliter, ; ut quia de
differentia per xxxi 1 1 dies evanuerant octo fcrupula, iiL, cadem
rationeper dies fequentes xi 1 evanescent 1 1 1 fcrupula, Differentia
igitur die xxx Maji erit 117. Quare Mars correctius in 6 grad. 37
minut. np 4 Sic anno mdxci D. xxn Januarii mane hora vn diftabat d*
a Spica «p 34.31.45 cum declinatione 17. 15 Auftrina,in altitudine i^.
Ergo poft cautas variationes horizontales declinatio 17. 30. Hinc
afcenfio re&a 13°© . 13. ii.longitudo 11.331?. latitudo 1. 0.30 Borea.
Diftac vero tempus a noftro 1 die xix horis , &C diurnus ex Magino
eft 33 . Ergo tempori interje&o debentur 55)' . Relinquitur ergo locus
Mams ad xx Januariihora o (quod momentumpriori
refponderedixeramus) 11.34 Et quia ex Tychonis reftitutione c f eft 1
3. ig ^ fat certo, d f vero vel c 1 anno m d lxxxv 6. 3 7 np Ergo d f c
vel f c 1 erit 3 ^.5 1. Sic quia rurfum c f eft anno m d xci i 3. 2.3 ^ *
Pixcefllo tempoiij intetmedii non efficit $ minuti. e f vero vel c h 1 i .
3 4 *o Hic igitui eft neglcfta. Ergo efc vel fch erit 38. 5—. Ecce
magnam dirferentiam profthaphasrefeon orbis annui , cum tamen
anomalia commutationis utrinque eandem polliceatur. Caufam indicat
nobis hypothefis Copernicana, T e r r a in d c£ e putabatur a:qualitcr
diftare a c puncto asqualis motus : inveniturvero diftarc ina:qualiter ,
ut centrum ejus circuitus fit m b verfus a Solem. Per a:quipollcntiam
igitur cpicyclus hi in forma Ptolemaic a non a:qualitcr circumjcclus cft
puncto r > cujus viam eccentricanL, nobis
 PARS T E R T I A ♦ iz9 nobis acronychia; obfervationes
defcribebant, &; circa quod motus epicycli regulariseft. EtvergitG
centrum epicycli ad e inpartesperig^i Solaris. In Tychonica mniliterx l
deferens systemata Planetaria non a^quabiliter ambit c terram,
circaquammotusillius orbisregularis eft , fed vergit m centrumejus
circuitus in partcsperiga^i Solis. C A P V T XXIII. Cognitis duabus
diftantiis SOLIS a TERRA & locis fub zodiaco & apogxo SOLIS,
mquirere eccentricitatem vix S O L I S (vel COPERNICO Cap. XXII. i
n c n o b i s non eft difficile &C menfuramtentare imea^ b c. S Sit
enim Yo.iooooo.Et quia dfc ett $6-5*' tcd 64. 2.3.30 : ergo refduus f
d c esl 73°. 45. 17. Et ut fnus hujus anguliad f c 100000 ,fc fnus df
oad d c 61148 . Eodem modo quia e f c 33. \ \ minus f c e 64. 13. 3
o:ertt f e c 77. $1. o plus . Srgo e c 63186 minus. Exponatur orbis
terr^ n e d . /tz ^0 c b n Itnea apfdum y M n perihelium> r
aphelium, b centrum , 0 punctum aqualttutis motus, e . d . loca
duarum obfervattonum , qux connefkintur cum 0 & curn b . Esl igitur
e c & 0 d in iisdem numeris cognitu^ notus angulus ecd, nempe
118.47. l9' (pntinuefur ec:^ tn eam ex d perpendtcularis descendat d
o : ut & irt d,E; dm perpendiculares ex 0 . b . qua fn£_> CPjB Eil
tgttUr D C O 51. II.41 ^CDO 3 g. 47.1 Quare qualium d c 6114.8
3erit d d 4.7660 ^co 383 °S • $ff£ appofta ad 0 e ^&7/ e o 1014.91.
Ex datis autem DOjO Y,circa retlum habetur d e o 15. ia. Quaren e
11 21 2 j . cujus dimtdtum efl d taltum 0 p 268 j8 > & p VJ4932 .
^/^r ^ Qj) . relinquitur p 0^130 ■* . *x cogntta inclinattone
linearum ed^nc ^r/Z? habetur longitudo 0 b . J\Qtm quta ck esl
linea aphelti in 5. 30. £ ; cd
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accurate

1 }Q Caf. XXliL DE MOTIB. STELLiE MARTIS reclungulo}ut

finustotus ad tangentem & fccantem angult s g. 2.5. z'{,fic v
q^ccgnitu ad q^s 167 > & s P 1143 quA eft c b . 6t quia Aqualts
pg^sb fcilicet 2 ordinari in circulo. De quoetfi analogia ad Planetas
carteros diver^um teftabitur infra cap . x l 1 v : exilitas tamen
deflexus plane nihil noftrae demonftrationi incommodac; GAPVT
XXI\V. Evidentior probatio, epicyclum feu orbem I INttl annuum efle
a pun£to a^qualitatis eccentncum m mc igitvr initia
fueruuthujusinquifitionis, timidailla &L 2 tamfnultis
cautionibusoperofa, ut a^qualis habereturex uI rroque latcrc
anomalia commutationis. Jam
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P A R S T E R T I A . 131 Jam poftquam femel hujLisrei

periculumfecinnis,audacia fubvedii porro liberiores elfeinhee campo
lncipieimis.Namconquiram triavel quorcunque locavifa Martis, Planeta
femper eodem eccentrici loco vcrfante:&; ex lis lege
trianguloruminquiram totidempunclorumepicycli vel orbis
annuidiftantias apLincto asqualitatis motus. Ac cumex tnbus punctis
circulus defcnbatur , ex tnnis igitur hujusmodi obfervationibus
litumcirculi ,ejusque augium, quod prius ex prxfuppolito ulltrpaveram
, eccentricitatem a puncto arquaiitatis mquiram . Quod
fiquartaobfervatio accedet , ea erit locoprobationis . Primvm tempus
eilo anno mdxcx D. V Martii Vefperi H.vn M. x eoquod tunc o*
lantudine pene caruitmequisimpertinentifufpicioneob hujus
implicationemin percipienda demonftratione impediatur . Refpondent
momenta hxc , quibus o* ad idem fixarum punclum. redit: A. m d
xcii D. xxi Jan. H. vi M.xli : A.m d xciilD. viii Dec. H.vi. M. xii : A.
mdxcv D. xxvi Octob. H.v M.xliv. Eftq; longitudo Cap. xXlv.
Martisprimo temporeex Tychonis reftitutionc 1.4.38.50: fequentibus
temporib. toties per L aufiior. Hic enim eft motiis pra^ceflionis
congiuiens tempori periodico uniusreftitutionisMARTis Cumq; Tycho
apoga*lim ponatin ijla^qLia^ tio ejliserit 11. 14.55 :propterea
logitudo coxquataannoMDXC 1.15.53.45. Eodem vero tempore,
commutatio feu difFerentia medii motus So lis a medio Martis
colligitur id\ ig.ic^^xo^quatafeu difFerentia inter medium
Solis&Martis coa^quatumeccentricumi 0.7.5.1. COFVERHICI Primvm
haecinforma COPERNICANA Utfimpllciori adfenfumproponemus . Sit
ct puncluni &qualitatis circuitw terra, > qui •putefur efie circulus ex
a. defiripM : £f fit Sol in fartcj fi3utctfi linea apogd YCHOjN"r
 i 3* C AP. DE MOTIB. STELL£ CcpVernici M ART I S Solis
vergat tn j T ss : quamvis hunc gradum cap. xxv libere tnqutfiturt
jumus quafi incognttum. Stfit TERRA A. MDXC in3-3anno mdxcii in y)
,anno mdxciii in t3anno mdxcv in £. Et anguli quales ,quia ct eft
punttum aqualitatis3 & periodica a^ftartis tempora pr&fupponuntur
qualia . Sitc^ Tlaneta his quatuor *vicibus in k, ejw dtmidium
minutum . Ergo angulus nKctesl 35. 4 6". 1 3 , £^ clyik 60.'^.'^ (f
cly) 674.67 jamlongtorquam ctd-. Sane quia SoLverjus
perigAumdescen
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P A R S T E R T I A4 i33 dit , ^ t e r r a ex 3- in «
transpofim esl 5 circa quas partes So t e m invenit ultra fi,in
appropinquanti puncio . Ter t 1 o,anno mdxciii adnoflrum momentum
esl longitudo 1. 15. 56". 5 co&quatu , commututio to&quata j.ii. ig. \
£ ,hoc eff zolk 4.1. ig.ig. Obfirvatm esl die x TDecembris hora v 1 1
Q^C. xx m 4. 45 r £vz/*ta parallaxi. g-0 v 1 1 1 jyecemb . hora v 1 1
ej#T. xx *z;^&/ /'» 5. 3 7 r : /W^ £*T propior perig&o Soli s . Qva
rtoj ^/z/zo mdxcv ad noftrum momentum eft lohgitudo coaquata 1.
15. 5 g. $6 ,commutatio 5. ig. ii.^,hoc esl angulm k ct ^eff 1. 30.
Obfirvatm esl diexxvn Ociob. hora xu c complementum 5.1, 10 &
cti^ ^7^7^» Sed periculofa eft ha?c ultima cpcratio ob parvos
angulos trianguli, in quibus fi fcrnpulus unus &£ alter in obfervando ,
vel m computando loco Mart i s eccentrico ex Tychonis hypothefi
peccatur , proportio angulorum facile mutatur ad fenfum . Sed jam
omnes quatuor lineasoculis fubjiciam-. Solis medio loco in 11.5^ x
\cl3-\66jj4. 10. 6 ctn\6j^.6j 17. 13 £ & s\6yj^4 14.10 £67478 Eft
ergo longiflima ct€,qnx Sc proxima perigaro So lis -y breviffima qux
etiam remotilfima a periga:0 Soli sj dc ferearqualesct^^c «.>?,quia
etiam pene aequaliter abfunt a perigaro . Ets 1 vero ct ^longior eft
paulo quam ctn qna? propior periga?o : id tamen exilitati angulorum
in £tribuendum eftyper quam faciletam parvum aliquid peccatur.
Ergo circulus ^ y , qui defcriptus eft a Copernico ex ctpuncto
xqitalitatis mottis terryE , noneftiter terr^: fedeftalius quispiam
circulus 5ng^,in quo terra verfatur 5 cujus centrum vergit 111
easdem partes, m quibus S o t cft , fcilicet in . In forma Ptolemaica
fit tellvs m A^Solts Jfthxra H OIT, cen~ trum epicjcli putativum > id
nempe, circa quodepicyclm ip/e puiativus AT, sequalis theorix Solis.
quod ad omnimodam asquipollentiam interhypothefes Copernici &C
Brahei eft neceftarium factu: etfi ad pra:ientem demonftrationem
nihil refert, in quacunqueproportione fint, orbis Solis &C epicyclus
Planetxj dummodo a^quales habeant reftitutiones . Sitque AA linea
apfidum m D xc i i iin E , mdxcv in Z : & fimul medtus Solis motm iis
temporibm ordine fit A T, Al,AOjAE,ut fintj KG^AT paralleli , & fic
reliquA \ pro ut notum esl ^Ptolemaica hypothefi % CenHexis igitur
0 , H . E . Z . cum K,,demcnM ftrabi^ Cap. XXIV.
 134 Cap. XXIV. MARTIS flrabitur( ut prim) lisdem plane
numeris,ltneis & angulis , has lineas pr&ter opinionerru ejfe
in&quales , ac proptcreaMartem non in circulo T A autem lmc& medti
motm So l i s ad noflra quatuor momenta ah,at,ae,as : & ex a
ejiciantur ltne& , in hunc vcltllunLy Zsodtact gradum vcrgcrc. Et quia
ponitur Mars omnibm quatuor 'vicibm eodem
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accurate

XXIV. PARS.TERTIA. eodem loco eccentrici : quare diftantia

ejm a puntfis medii loci So l i s &quales erunt omnes & paralleli .
SiwL> g h , f t,ie,kSj omnes Aquales^ £f an~ c ap; guli lhg.ltf.lei.lsk.
aquales prton A A K velActx, ,fc ut Mars ad noftra momentu fit in g.
f. i . k . Ec ut obiter moneam y haec quatuor puncta g. f. i. k . facient
in rei veritate arcumplane asqualem &c a^qualiter fitum cum priori
arcu 0 H EZ in forma Ptolemaica.* quia nulla amplius eft difFerentia
> quam quod Ptolemjevs epicyclum theorias S o l i s asqualem in
eccentnco circumfert ,Tvcho eccentricum in_, theoria Solis feu in
arquali circulo ipfiepicyclo Ptolemaico . Rurfum igitur manenttbus
tisdem angulis & numeris demonftrabitury quod linea ah,at,ae,as
^prMer opinwnem fnt in&qual&s . Itaque punc-him illud eccentrici,
unde confurgit Martis &c omnium Planetarum eccentricitasf quod
jam ponitur m linea medii motus Soli s fecundum mentem artificum
priorum) non circumit in illo circulo dc, circa cujus centrum a
a^quales facit angulos a^qualibus temporibusj fed in circulo hte
s,cujus centrum a b centroeccentrici Soli s vergit in partes
contrarias,ut hactenus cralfa Minerva ex ipfislineisapparuit. C A P V T
XXV. Ex tribus diftantiis SOLIS a centro IvfVNDI, cognitis locis fub
zodiaco , inquirere apogxum & eccentricitatem SOLIS vel TERRi£.
vantitatem autem eccentricitatis &C fitum apogad probabo jam
porroin unico circulo omnibus tribus formis apto. Facile enimapparet,
rationes effe taiitummodo oppolitas . ut in forma Copernicana linea
longilfima vergit in Geminos , in reliquis formis vergit in_>
Sagittarium : propterea quod Copernicvs vifum verfus centrum
dirigit, reliqui a centro. Quare etiamCoPFRNicvs trans centrum in
partes zodiaci easdem vifum dirigit eumcaeteris . Exponatur circulus
$ n g £ centro f2> , irb qtio a fufcepto puncto ct fint data^ lineas ut
prius y &C aiiguli infuper ciixa et dati 5 eft enim quilibet eoruni4i.
51.47. Quaeritur dc quantitas ctfiy&c cafus ejuslinea^ inter Fixas feu
refpectu cacterarum linearurm Sumantur 3*« g Sc conne&antur
invicem . Nam triapuncta fufficiunt ad hoc inveftigandunL « M 1 Pri 
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accurate

Cap. xxv. i36 D E M O T I B. STELLjE MARTIS Primumin

triangulo B-ctn dantur latera & angulus comprehenfus,qua?ritur 3-yi,
oftenditurq;lege triangulan 49169 inpriori ? dimenfionelaterum ctS-
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