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Great Lakes Lessons in Participatory Governance 1st
Edition Velma I. Grover Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Velma I. Grover, Gail Krantzberg
ISBN(s): 9781578087693, 1578087694
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 8.32 MB
Year: 2012
Language: english
 Great Lakes
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Gail Krantzberg
Velma I. Grover
Editors
Gail Krantzberg
Velma I. Grover
Gail Krantzberg
Velma I. Grover

Editors
Editors

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Editors
Velma I. Grover
Editors
6000 Broken Sound Parkway, NW
Gail Krantzberg
Velma
EditorsI. Grover
Suite 300, Boca Raton, FL 33487
711 Third Avenue
New York, NY 10017
an informa business
www.taylorandfrancisgroup.com
2 Park Square, Milton Park
Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN, UK
GailI. Krantzberg
Velma Grover
Gail Krantzberg
 Great Lakes
Lessons in Participatory Governance
This page intentionally left blank
 Great Lakes
Lessons in Participatory Governance

Editors
Velma I. Grover
Adjunct Professor
Faculty of Environmental Studies
York University
Toronto, ON
Canada

Gail Krantzberg
Professor and Director
Centre for Engineering and Public Policy
School of Engineering Practice
McMaster University
Hamilton, ON
Canada

p,
A SCIENCE PUBLISHERS BOOK
CRC Press
Taylor & Francis Group
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 Preface

Great Lakes in both North America and Africa constitute a large chunk of
planet’s surface freshwater. However, increased pollution, decreasing water
quantity, over-fishing, urban sprawl and climate change are threatening
the sustainability of the Great Lakes. What happens to the Great Lakes has
significance not only for the riparian countries but also the surrounding regions
and the global community as a whole, as the waters and fisheries of these lakes
provide enormous economic and social benefits for the people of surrounding
regions.
Great Lakes have seen a fair bit of pollution and contamination with
industrial and agricultural growth along its shores. Land-use changes have been
observed in the catchments of the Great Lakes, mainly in response to population
increase and consequent demand for resources. Clearing of land for agriculture
(and large scale farming), lumbering, and human settlements result in increased
surface run-off and increased sediment and nutrient input in the lakes. In
some cases like Lake Erie there have been major challenges with eutrophication
and invasive species, and Lake Victoria has faced its own challenges in terms
of invasive species. This industrial and agricultural build-up along the shores
of lakes has led to accumulation of toxins in the Great Lakes. 1Initially with
industrialization and large scale farming, there were few regulations to prevent
discharge of effluents in water bodies and to protect water quality and as a
result toxin loading to the lakes was in some cases severe. Most of these toxins
came from either agricultural runoff (contaminated with fertilizers, herbicides
or other chemicals used in farms) or from industrial discharges (since lakes
provide easy access for transportation of raw materials and finished goods a
lot of industries sprung along lake side but they also just discharged untreated
effluent in the lakes). With new regulations and programs such as Remedial
Action Plans (RAPs) there has been significant progress in the control of point-
source pollution (where polluters can be directly identified), however, non-point
source pollution (where the sources are diffuse or even unknown) remains much
more difficult to control or regulate.
RAPS are being developed and implemented at Areas of Concern (43, now
39 because some four Areas of Concern have completed implementation and

1
USEPA, http://www.epa.gov/glnpo/atlas/glat-ch4.html
vi Preface

have been delisted). The Areas of Concern are locations throughout the Great
Lakes basin ecosystem where environmental quality is particularly compromised.
According to United States and Canada Great Lakes Water Quality Agreement
of 1987, RAPs are to embody a systematic and comprehensive ecosystem
approach to restoring and protecting beneficial uses (the ability of fish, wildlife
and humans to thrive) in the Areas of Concern. The Agreement calls for the
federal governments, in cooperation with state and provincial governments, to
ensure the public is consulted throughout the development and implementation
of the RAPs. While costly clean up efforts remain, there are notable advances
in remediation and prevention programs. Essential elements that characterize
successful initiatives include true participatory decision making, a clearly
articulated and shared vision, and focused and deliberate leadership.
Most of the RAPs at geographic Areas of Concern were based on ecosystem
management principles and involved stakeholder participation in both identifying
issues of concern, desired future regeneration states, and remedial interventions.
The focus of this edited volume is on these participatory governance regimes in
environmental management in general and in Great Lakes in particular. Editors
of the book believe that there is a wealth of experience in this area which is
not published, especially in scholarly literature. The book brings an up-to-date
information and thinking on remediation and regeneration around the lakes.
The book documents such experiences from North American and African lake
systems. The book concludes with transferable finding about revitalizing the
ecosystem integrity of the lakes, which can be replicated in other watersheds of
the world.
Velma I. Grover
Hamilton, ON, Canada Gail Krantzberg
March, 2012
 Contents

Preface v
List of Contributors xi

SECTION 1: SETTING THE SCENE

1. Introduction and Roadmap of the Book 3

Velma I. Grover
2. Great Lakes – Great Responsibilities: History of and Lessons 13
in Participatory Governance
Thomas R. Crane
3. Governance in the Great Lakes – A Regime in Transition 44
Paul Muldoon
4. Innovations in Decision Making 67
Chris McLaughlin
5. Transnational Municipal Networks of American and 105
Canadian Local Governments in the Context of Bilateral
Environmental Relations: The Emergence of a
European Phenomenon in the Great Lakes Basin
Irek W. Kusmierczyk
6. The Economic Impact of Remedial Action Plans: Case Studies 132
from Ontario
Atif Kubursi

SECTION 2: PRINCIPLES OF INTEGRATED WATER

RESOURCES MANAGEMENT

7. A Brief Introduction of Integrated Water Resources 167

Management
Abigail Cruickshank and Velma I. Grover
viii Contents

8. Lessons Learned from Implementing Low Impact Development 184

in the Credit River Watershed
Christine Zimmer, Phil James, Kyle Vanderlinden,
Robb Lukes and Tracy Patterson
9. Conservation Ontario’s Coordinating Mandate to Promote an 212
Integrated Watershed Management Approach to Protection
of the Great Lakes and St. Lawrence Ecosystem
Bonnie Fox and Sonya Meek

SECTION 3: CASE STUDIES

10. The Remedial Action Plan Program, Historical and 245

Contemporary Overview
Gail Krantzberg
11. First off the List: The Collingwood Harbour Story 257
Gail Krantzberg
12. Remedial Action Plan Case Study: Participatory Governance 268
Used in Hamilton Harbour
John D. Hall and Kristin M. O’Connor
13. As the Water Flows: Community Based Decision-Making and 293
Participatory Planning for the Maumee Area of Concern, Ohio
Patrick L. Lawrence
14. Remedial Action Plan: A Case Study of the Presque Isle Bay 312
Area of Concern
Lori Boughton
15. Sustaining Restoration in Light of Climate Change 326
Sommer Abdel-Fattah

SECTION 4: COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE GREAT

LAKES

16. A Holistic Approach to Natural Resource Management: 349

A Case of Lake Victoria Basin
Tom O. Okurut and Doreen M. Othero
17. Top-Down and Bottom-Up Approaches in the Management 364
of the Laurentian Great Lakes and Lake Victoria Fisheries:
A Comparison of Two Shared Water Bodies
Marc Gaden, Oliva C. Mkumbo, Ted Lawrence and Chris Goddard
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the Smyrna authorities. It acted like a charm: the vessels were
suffered to slip away, and Sir John was able to pursue his voyage in
peace.[297]
The shores of Turkey gradually merged in the sea-mists. That
harsh Eastern world lay hushed behind him. Before him, ready to
welcome the exile, friendly Italy; and beyond, England, dear
relatives, and leisure, and rest.
On January 18th, 1682, we hear of the ex-Ambassador’s arrival at
Argostoli on the island of Cephalonia, where he was treated by the
Venetian Governor very courteously.[298] On March 11th he was at
Leghorn, purchasing Italian pictures, statues, and wines. From
Marseilles he intended to travel overland to Calais in a litter; but he
changed his mind and continued his journey by sea, visiting Seville
on the way and purchasing Spanish wines. By the time he reached
the Downs he had with him, besides some sixty trunks, nineteen
enormous chests of books, twenty-three of Italian pictures and
statues, fifteen of Florence wine, a butt of Smyrna wine, and six of
Saragossa. From the Oxford he wrote to his nephew, giving him
minute directions about this baggage: “I believe a barge will be most
convenient as I can put three or four trunks upon it which cannot
well be left for any other passage.” The chests of books and pictures
and statues “will require a hoy or vessell that hath a dry hold to
keepe them from rain above and sea water below.” “If wine in
bottles pay no custome, I will have 50 dozen bought for me with
good corks.”[299]
That a man who had suffered such a bereavement should have
any thoughts left for pictures and statues; that he should, to the sad
cargo of his friend’s coffin, be adding chests of wine and ordering
corks, may to the impercipient seem strange, and to the cynical
convey a suggestion of insincerity. But those acquainted with the
psychology of grief will understand. In reality it was distraction from
thought which these thoughts brought him. Sir John sought some
antidote—he felt the need, which certain natures under the stress of
intolerable sorrow feel, of turning to commonplace occupations, of
busying himself with trivial details, as the only means of reducing
the dreary melancholy which else would crush him utterly.
His attempt was rewarded by a measure of success. Although
during the early part of the voyage he had been so depressed that
he made his will, in July he landed on his “native soyl” in much
better spirits than he could have hoped “after so much weaknesse
and sicknesse and sorrow.” But the rally was only temporary: the
anxieties, the mortifications, the apprehensions he had endured at
Constantinople had undermined his delicate constitution: the worm
of grief had gnawed too far into his heart for anything to be
remedial now; and after laying the remains of Sir Thomas in the
chapel of Christ’s College, Cambridge, as if the last frail tie that held
him to life had snapped, Finch himself succumbed to an attack of
pleurisy on the 18th of November 1682.
His body was conveyed to Cambridge and buried, as he had
desired, beside his friend’s under the tomb which is still visible: a
marble monument, the laboured elegance of which reflects the
Italian tastes of the age and of the men in whose joint memory it
stands. It is adorned with a Latin epitaph from the pen of Henry
More—the tutor who had first introduced the two friends to each
other. Thus years that were far asunder were bound together, and
the hand which had started Sir John and Sir Thomas on their
common course rounded off its common end.
Beneath that stone the Ambassador whose doings and sufferings
we have witnessed sleeps quietly—the sleep of clay and dust. Of all
those agonies and vanities: emotions once so real and vibrant—of
that personality so impulsive, so susceptible to flattery, so prone to
anger and fear—remains only a pale reflection in the letters we have
deciphered. Out of those fussy despatches he who cares may still
call up the phantom of Sir John Finch: there, if anywhere, he still
lives—a soul infinitely pathetic.
For Sir John was nowise great; and such elements of greatness as
may have been in him were frustrated by his one life-long
attachment. From the time he met Baines, Finch lost every chance of
self-development and self-realisation. Tied, heart and mind, to that
monotonous, masterful pedagogue, he never used his own powers.
The universe had contracted round him to the narrow circle limited
by that pedant’s exiguous vision. How completely Baines kept the
world, its inhabitants, and its interests from Finch may be seen from
the fact that, after seven years’ residence, our Ambassador knew
almost as little of Turkey as on the day of his landing. During all
those years the realities about him took a second place in his
thoughts: the first place was filled by abstractions according to Sir
Thomas: on Sundays the twain composed essays on Theology, and
on week-days they talked what Sir Thomas imagined to be
Philosophy. Life-long tutelage must have a debilitating, devitalising
effect; and it can hardly be questioned that the benignant Baines
exercised over his friend a most malignant influence. Not
intentionally, of course: Baines, we are persuaded, meant well; but
much of the mischief done on this planet is done by people who
mean well.
It was a sound instinct that made Finch shy at public life. As a
diplomat he displayed all the faults of one to whom zeal and
judgment had not been given in equal proportions. He was not born
for diplomacy: certainly not for Turkish diplomacy. In all those
oscillations of mood and fluctuations of the will which he so naïvely
betrayed when wrought up by his feelings, we see a temperament
very ill adapted to a profession which requires above all things
coolness and firmness. That he failed at Constantinople cannot be
disguised. But, despite his foibles and his friend, he would have
done as well as any average ambassador, if he had had no
exceptional difficulties to contend with. So much is clear from his
history: as long as the sun shines and the waters are smooth, we
see him steering on, happily enough; as soon as the tempest bursts,
the helm slips from his hold and he flounders on in thick darkness,
inward and outward—a fair-weather pilot, like many another. To drop
metaphor, the man—everything reckoned—was essentially a victim
of circumstances: chief among them the death of Ahmed Kuprili.
Even more mediocre natures would have succeeded under that
Grand Vizir; under Kara Mustafa only talents of the very first order
could have availed. And it is poignant to reflect what a trifle would
have turned Sir John’s failure into a success: had he accepted the
Turkish Embassy when it was first offered to him, in 1668, his career
at Constantinople would have terminated before the death of Ahmed
—on such little ironies hang the destinies of poor mortals.
 F O OT N OT E S :
[290] Finch to Sunderland, Nov. 6-16, 1680.
[291] Finch to Jenkins, July 25, 27, 1681.
[292] Chandos to Jenkins, Sept. 23, St. Vet. 1681.
[293] Malloch’s Finch and Baines, p. 72.
[294] Finch to Jenkins, Sept. 22, Oct. 14-24.
[295] Ibid.
[296] Life of Dudley North, pp. 171-2.
[297] Chandos to Jenkins, April 17-27, 1682; Petition of the
Levant Company to the King in Register, pp. 114-17; Life of
Dudley North, p. 98.
[298] Sir Clement Harby to Jenkins, Zante, Feb. 10, 1681-82, S.P.
Turkey, 19.
[299] Malloch’s Finch and Baines, p. 77.
 CONCLUSION
The death of Sir John Finch forms so fitting an end to the drama in
which he bore a principal, if not a leading, part that, in a work of the
imagination, any further addition would have been an artistic crime.
But in a book like the present the claims of artistic fitness must yield
to those of historic completeness.
After getting their ships out of the Vizir’s clutches, the English
endeavoured to come to an arrangement with him on the basis of
their original offer of 55,000 dollars, in which the sum paid at
Smyrna should be included; but they failed. Kara Mustafa, infuriated,
meant to have his revenge; and a few days later he summoned the
merchants to the Porte—the merchants only, for his policy now was
to treat the matter as a quarrel between them and the Customer—a
purely commercial lawsuit in which neither the King of England nor
his representative had any concern. But Lord Chandos would have
none of these fictitious distinctions. He assembled all the merchants
in the Embassy, and when the Chaoush came to fetch them, he
positively refused to let them go without him. After a day’s parley, he
carried his point; and so, on Sunday morning, January 15th, 1682,
Ambassador and merchants went together. They were shown into
the Kehayah’s room, where they found, besides that officer, the
Chaoush-bashi, the Customer, and three or four other dignitaries.
The discussion soon degenerated into a violent altercation, until the
Kehayah, proceeding from words to deeds, ordered a Chaoush to
seize the two chief merchants, Montagu North and Mr. Hyet.
Chandos at once interposed and, getting hold of them, declared that
he would go to prison in their place: he was there to act as surety
for the Nation under his protection. “No, no,” said the Kehayah, “the
King of England and the Grand Signor are good friends, and you
shall be treated accordingly: this is a mere matter of trade, in which
the merchants are the only parties concerned,”—and he asked his
Lordship to sit down and drink his coffee and sherbet! His Lordship
hung on to the prisoners, as the Chaoush dragged them out—he
hung on to them across the courtyard: the Chaoush pushed him off,
but he still hung on with true bull-dog tenacity: so that the Chaoush
had to resort to a ruse: he carried the prisoners back into the house,
shut Lord Chandos out, and got them off by a back-door.
Baulked, angered, thoroughly disgusted, the Ambassador mounts
his horse and returns home—to plan such measures as the situation
demands. That afternoon he seals up all the English warehouses at
Constantinople and despatches to the Smyrna Factory notice to
provide against the worst. During the following days he plies the
Vizir with memorials, messages, petitions for audience—“too tedious
to relate”; to all of which he receives but one answer: the Vizir has
given him an audience on his arrival, he has also seen him since
about the business in dispute, and has heard all that could be said
on that subject: the Grand Signor will soon be back: His Excellency
will have an audience of him then, and an opportunity of saying
anything he has to say. An appeal to the Mufti falls equally flat: the
Mufti stands in too much awe of Kara Mustafa. And meanwhile our
merchants remain in custody: for a month and a week they keep in
tolerable health, but on the thirty-ninth day one of them sickens: he
seizes the chance of a visit from the Ambassador’s Dragoman to say
in Turkish that he will not die there—if he owes any man anything,
he is ready to pay; if he has committed any crime, let his head fly.
All he demands is justice: since the Ambassador cannot free him, he
has slaves in his house, and he will send one of them to the Grand
Signor with a pot of fire on his head![300] This threat, it was
thought, reported to the Vizir by one of his spies, produced, or
contributed towards producing, the desired effect. Soon afterwards
Kara Mustafa agreed to Chandos’s original proposal that, for 55,000
dollars, he should condemn his own sentence and absolve the
English from all such claims, past and future. The bargain struck, our
prisoners, after forty-two days’ confinement, were released, and the
Ambassador reported home:
“Thus are we restored to free commerce with these unrightuous
people once again, how long it may continue is past my guess for
never was there a people more false and ficle in theyr words then I
have found thos here I have had to doe with ... but I consider’d it
the duty of a faithfull servant to his master to avoid all is possible
the necessity of pushing disputes to such extremities as to bring a
war or great dishonor on his master and for this reason in the first
place and secondly in regard to trade which would infallibly have
receiv’d a deadly blow had their violence byn a little more provok’d
for ’tis most certain that we have stuck many days at the pit’s
brink.... I had my ar’s ready to have gone in person to the Visier and
G: Signor but was overcome and prevented by the merchants
reasons and intreaties and I hope all is for the best for there is not
one instance of any one’s having ever got any good by wrangling
with this Visier.”[301]
In adjusting this avania Lord Chandos had hoped, as he tells us, to
find “some faire quarter” in other matters; but he soon found that
“there is no peace with the wicked.” When he applied for his
Audience of the Grand Signor, Kara Mustafa demanded an
extraordinary present—not, he explained, as a price for the
Audience, but as a recognition of the great favour he had done us by
letting us off the silk claim on such easy terms. Chandos replied that
all he had parted with was to purchase the Vizir’s goodwill, and he
was willing to strain yet further to give him satisfaction; only he
entreated his patience till the Audience was over, lest it should be
said that he had paid money for it: which, being an alteration of the
ancient practice between the Crowns, imported much more than his
head was worth. This reply, in spite of its urbanity, set the Vizir in a
mighty passion: he doubled his demand, and, as the Ambassador
took no notice, he refused to let him deliver his Credentials.
Moreover, every time an Englishman was sued before the Divan,
Kara Mustafa condemned him out of hand; and, in short, missed no
chance of showing his malice against us. Not that we enjoyed the
exclusive monopoly of his rancour. The Dutch underwent a fresh
fleecing on the same pretext as the English—silk export duties—and
were glad enough to compound for 25,000 dollars; the Venetians
were forced to pay ten times that sum by way of reparation for an
affray between their own and some Turkish subjects in Dalmatia—it
was, in truth, reparation for wrongs suffered rather than inflicted,
but that made no difference: the Bailo, finding reason useless, had
to employ “the rhetorick of chequins”—’twas the only means “to
make faire weather with a Visier who is of a temper to doe anything
for mony and nothing without it.” When describing to the Secretary
of State how he and his colleagues fared at the hands “of this
greivous oppressor of all Christians,” Chandos ventured to drop a
hint that His Majesty might, “if the intolerable tyranny of this vile
Minister receiv’s not a speedy check,” find “some other way to make
him sensible of His iust indignation”—some way more “becoming His
great wisedome and high honor.” But what could poor, lazy Charles
do, where the haughty and energetic Louis was content to eat
humble pie by the plateful? It was, indeed, the “submission,” as the
Turks very correctly called it, of the French Padishah that had raised
Kara Mustafa’s rapacious insolence to its present pitch. This brings
us to the conclusion of the Chios exploit in which the Franco-Turkish
quarrel had culminated.
Nothing more humiliating for Christendom, nothing better
calculated to inflate Ottoman arrogance, could be imagined. The
French Admiral, after hovering aimlessly about the Dardanelles with
his squadron for nine months, sailed away leaving the French
Ambassador to pay for his feat. It was no longer a question of
exacting satisfaction for past insults, but of averting imminent
calamities: M. de Guilleragues had to fight not for a stool, but for
safety. A three days’ struggle ensued—the French gazettes of the
time styled it an “audience.” The first day, when the Ambassador
was brought before the Vizir, he spoke and acted with spirit; but
Kara Mustafa, unimpressed by what he knew to be empty bluster,
ordered him to be locked up. Three days’ confinement brought M. de
Guilleragues to reason: he signed a bond to pay within six months
an indemnity thinly veiled under the euphemism of a “galantaria”
emanating from his private pocket—“a present of such value as
became a Chivaliere.” When the six months expired, the “present”
was duly tendered, but was rejected as falling short of what became
a Chevalier in distress to give or a victorious Pasha to receive. After
some kicking against the pricks, the Ambassador submitted to a
valuation of his “galantaria” by experts appointed by Kara Mustafa,
with the result that he was “screw’d up to 100 purses, that is,
50,000 Dollars.” This was for the Grand Signor. “What he paid the
Visier himself and his inferior officers, by his own confession, came
to between 15,000 and 20,000 Dollars and most of this mony was
taken up at 18 or 20, and some at 22 per cent.”
Thus the long-drawn-out duel between the wig and the turban
ended in a decisive victory for the turban. It was not pleasant to
witness “the barbarous triumphing of the Turks over all Christians
upon this their success against the French, for the Turks judge all
things by the event and impute all that hitts right to the great
wisedome and conduct of their Visier, for in this business they say
(according to their proverb) the Visier caught a hare with a cart, and
the French who are the loosers have nothing to say, which is hard
according to our English proverb.” Nothing to say—they who a few
months before “made many high brags of great wonders they
resolv’d to doe.”[302]
But in ascribing their triumph to Kara Mustafa’s genius the Turks
paid him a tribute to which he was not entitled. The causes of the
French defeat lay in Paris rather than in Stambul. Louis was a
calculating politician as well as an arrogant prince. His arrogance
prompted him to beard the Turks, his policy forbade him to break
with them. It was essential for the success of his ambition in the
West that the German Empire should be engaged in the East; and he
did not hesitate to purchase the co-operation of Kara Mustafa at any
price. Kara Mustafa, on his part, had long nourished the wish to
attack Austria, and he had a good opportunity of doing so in the first
two years of his Vizirate, when the French harassed the Emperor on
one side and the Magyars on the other; but, with characteristic
acumen, he had chosen to go to a profitless war with Russia and to
postpone the realisation of his favourite dream to a less convenient
moment. However, Louis thought, better late than never.
In the meantime, while these machinations were maturing, Kara
Mustafa sharpened his sword. Chandos heard of “nothing soe much
as the drawing togeather of great forces from all parts of this vast
Empire,”[303] and, though he prayed “God defend all Christians from
the violence of Turks,” he could not help feeling that in a long-
protracted war lay his only hope of escaping further molestation. It
was therefore with profound relief that he saw the Vizir make his
stately exit from Constantinople: “nor doe we dispair of God’s mercy
either to convert him from or confound him in his malice against us
before his returne.”
Of the two contingencies it was the more probable that came to
pass; and, if the English had good reason to attribute the
aggravation of their woes to the Machiavellian policy of Louis, it was
to that same policy that they owed their final deliverance.
Kara Mustafa, in the spring of 1683, marched north at the head of
as numerous an army as ever Grand Vizir led—the whole strength of
the Ottoman Empire was bent against Austria. With this host,
augmented, too, by Hungarian rebels, he crossed the frontier,
traversed Hungary performing miracles of ferocity and perfidy, and,
not finding in his way either fortified towns or armies capable to
arrest his progress, penetrated to the very gates of Vienna (July 14,
n.s.). At the approach of the enemy the Emperor Leopold fled with
precipitation, leaving the Duke of Lorraine with a small force to
defend his capital.
The unhappy citizens, isolated and abandoned by their natural
protector, presented to the world a memorable example of courage
and initiative. But hunger and disease soon began to decimate them.
Of succour there was no sign. The beleaguered city seemed
doomed, and with it the whole of Central Europe. Only a
combination of chances could save Vienna.
Such a combination was provided by Kara Mustafa’s multiform
imbecility. Eager to secure the treasures of the Hapsburg capital for
himself, he declined to stimulate the ardour of his soldiers with the
promise of plunder and avoided a general assault which could have
reduced the town before the arrival of relief, hoping to take it intact
by capitulation. Being as arrogant as he was greedy, he disdained to
keep himself informed of the movements of the enemy, took no
measures to prevent their passage of the Danube, and allowed them
to concentrate close behind his camp without the slightest
opposition. At the very moment when Vienna seemed ready to
succumb, John Sobieski joined the Imperial forces under the Duke of
Lorraine on the neighbouring heights.
Next day (Sept. 11, n.s.) this army of only 77,000 men descended
to the plain like an irresistible avalanche and beat Kara Mustafa’s
host into confusion, defeat, destruction. Some ten thousand Turks
remained dead on the field of battle. The rest, including the Grand
Vizir, fled leaving behind them their guns, their tents, their archives,
and all their colours except the sacred standard of the Prophet. Not
the least notable item in the long list of loot was the Grand Vizir’s
pavilion: a miniature palace surrounded by baths, gardens, and
fountains: which that night afforded a luxurious resting-place to the
happy King of Poland—the King whose ambassadors Kara Mustafa
had treated as we have seen. And so in a few hours the cloud that
had hung over Central Europe for months melted away.
This rout, aggravated by some other disasters which overtook
shortly afterwards the demoralised Ottoman army, exhausted the
Grand Signor’s favour for his Vizir. Kara Mustafa’s enemies at Court
fanned the Imperial wrath to a white heat, and an Aga was sent to
Belgrade, where the would-be conqueror had retired, with orders to
relieve him of his head. The Aga arrived on December 25th (n.s.)
after sunset; and before sunrise he had fulfilled his mission. Thus
perished, in the height of his pride, one of the most wicked
Ministers, and one of the weakest-minded, that ever tyrannised over
a country. His death was lamented only by those few who had had
no cause to regret his birth.
Kara Mustafa’s disappearance brought comparative peace and
contentment to foreign residents in Turkey. Not long afterwards Lord
Chandos had the Audience from which he had been debarred for
three years, and after a prosperous career this shrewd and sturdy
Englishman retired, in 1687, with a full purse.[304]
But for Kara Mustafa’s country there was neither peace nor
contentment. The discomfiture before Vienna afforded a revelation
of Turkey’s weakness which tempted Russia and Venice to join
Austria and Poland in what they called a “Holy League.” As we have
seen, they all had many scores to settle with the Porte. They settled
them now with a vengeance. From 1684 on to 1699 this struggle for
dominion and plunder raged under the name of religion. The
religious fervour of the Moslems was not less holy than that of the
Christians, but Allah fought on the side of the majority. Misfortune
followed misfortune and loss came on the top of loss. In 1687 the
Turks thought to change their luck by changing their Sultan. But to
no purpose: the cycle of their misfortunes went on unbroken.
Famine, fires, and insurrections at home heightened the dismay
caused by defeats abroad, until at last the mighty Ottoman Empire,
stripped of vast territories, distracted, and utterly spent, had to seek
the mediation of the Maritime Powers—England and Holland. Lord
Pagett and Jakob Collyer, the successors of the diplomats whom Kara
Mustafa had outraged so grievously, tried in 1699 to rescue what
was possible from the wreck Kara Mustafa had wrought. (Peace of
Carlowitz, Jan. 26.)
Not long after this remarkable instance of historic retribution, one
of Kara Mustafa’s victims reappeared upon the stage. Mrs. Pentlow
had, on his fall, endeavoured to obtain reparation for the injury done
to her, and the new Grand Vizir, our old friend Soliman, Ahmed
Kuprili’s suave Kehayah, was very willing to see both that and our
other claims settled out of his enemy’s estate. But the Grand Signor,
who had confiscated that estate, demanded due proofs, which was
demanding the impossible. Avanias were always so conducted that
hardly any one besides the persons concerned knew the details: the
Turks concerned were Kara Mustafa’s creatures who, on his death,
were dispersed; the evidence of his Jew and of our Dragomans was
inadmissible against True Believers; the only witness who could have
helped us was the Chief Customer; but Hussein Aga would not, for
prudential reasons, come forward.[305] So the matter dropped, and
Mrs. Pentlow went away to England, where she married a member
of the St. John family, apparently resigned to her loss. But she had
not abandoned all hope, and in the autumn of 1700, when our
Ambassador was basking in the sun of popularity, she arrived at
Constantinople with her daughter, now grown into a fine young “Mrs.
Susanna Pentlow,” and a letter from the Earl of Jersey, Secretary of
State, to Lord Pagett, requesting him to use his influence for the
recovery of the Smyrna estate.
Lord Pagett enjoyed among the English in the Levant the
reputation of a diplomat who made “no great figure at Court,
contenting himself with being feared by his own nation.”[306] And in
this case he did precisely as the unfortunate Sir John Finch would
have done. He indited a lengthy despatch in which he gave five
different reasons why he could do nothing. The records of the Porte
had been lost before Vienna, and without them no claim would be
considered. The widow had no documents to prove her case. By the
Turkish law all debts for which no demand had been made for fifteen
years were invalid. The Vizir then in power was the son of Kara
Mustafa’s sister who was still alive, and there was nobody in the
whole of the Ottoman Empire who respected the memory of that
“unfortunate great man” so much or who showed a stronger
devotion to his family. Lastly, the Turkish Government had no money
to pay off its soldiers and sailors, all of whom were clamouring for
their long overdue stipends: “and while pressing, clear, just debts
can’t be got in, there’s little hopes of recovering an old, doubtfull,
litigious pretence, pursued upon a very cold scent.”[307] His Lordship
therefore advised that the matter should be allowed to rest till some
favourable opportunity turned up. Such an opportunity, to the best
of the present writer’s knowledge, has not yet turned up. And so we
may part for ever with Mrs. Pentlow, alias Mrs. St. John, and direct
our attention to some of the other characters that have figured in
our story—those three distinguished Englishmen who, it is hoped,
did in Turkey enough to inspire the reader with a wish to know what
became of them afterwards.
The subsequent career of Paul Rycaut need not detain us long. On
missing the Constantinople appointment, our late Consul entreated
the King to cast a gracious eye upon him, when any office which His
Majesty’s wisdom should judge most agreeable to his talents and
experience became vacant; and in 1685 he obtained the post of
Secretary to the Earl of Clarendon who had recently been made Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland. At the same time he was knighted and sworn
of the Privy Council and judge of the Admiralty in Ireland. In this
employment the ex-Consul earned his Chief’s commendations for
integrity and, among the Irish Catholics, the character of an
extortionate official. Whichever of these two opinions was correct,
Sir Paul did not hold that office long. At the beginning of 1688 he
returned to England, and about the middle of the following year he
was transferred at last to a sphere for which his linguistic
attainments and his diplomatic and commercial experience really
fitted him—that of English Resident in Hamburgh and the Hanse
Towns. He filled that position almost till his death, which occurred in
1700, a few months after his recall. As in Turkey, so in Europe,
Rycaut devoted much of his time to literary work, publishing The
Present State of the Greek and Armenian Churches (1678); The
History of the Turkish Empire from 1623 to 1677, including his
Memoirs (1680); and some translations from the Spanish and the
Latin. Of these productions the History was long considered one of
the best works of its kind in the English language; and the Memoirs
part of it, at least, can still be read with profit and not without
pleasure.
 To turn to the Rev. John Covel. Thanks to his trip to Adrianople,
supplemented just before he left Turkey by some swift excursions to
Nicomedia, Nicaea, and the islands of the Sea of Marmara, and by a
passing view of such classic spots as the homeward bound ship
touched at, our Chaplain returned home with his fame as “a great
Oriental traveller” firmly established.[308] Soon afterwards he was
made Doctor of Divinity by royal warrant, instituted to two sinecure
rectories, and, in 1681, was appointed Chaplain to the Princess of
Orange at the Hague. He was now forty-three. With his faculties
unimpaired and patronage from high quarters flowing in, he seemed
to have the ball fairly at his feet. For about four years he flowered in
the sun of princely favour; and then, suddenly, the fair prospect
became overcast. Dr. Covel would never speak of the cause which
brought his residence at the Hague to an abrupt close—it was,
perhaps, the one subject on which he ever succeeded in holding his
tongue. But we know it. Among the various and, doubtless, useful
functions a divine had to perform in the Orange household, that of
gossip and newsagent was not included. Dr. Covel, however, unable
to break himself of an old habit, continued his investigations into
other people’s affairs with unabated ardour. To put it plainly, he
became one of the spies and tale-bearers who were encouraged, if
not actually employed, by King James to make mischief between his
daughter and his son-in-law. A letter from the Chaplain giving the
English Ambassador an account of the way in which William treated
Mary was intercepted—and Dr. Covel had to pack at three hours’
notice.
King James tried to console the dismissed cleric with the
Chancellorship of York during its vacancy (Nov. 9, 1687); and the
Mastership of Christ’s College falling vacant, the Fellows, to avoid
having a certain Smithson thrust upon them by the King, hastily
chose (July 7, 1688) Dr. Covel: “a choice,” it has been guessed, “they
probably would not have made, had they had more time.”[309] But
the Rev. John was not to be consoled for the loss of his place in the
princely sun. He denied the accusation, denounced his accusers, did
everything possible to regain the Paradise Lost. But all in vain. That
William neither believed nor forgave him became painfully obvious
when, soon after the Revolution, he visited Cambridge. That year
(1689) Dr. Covel was Vice-Chancellor of the University, and since he
could not avoid coming into personal contact with the King he had
offended as a Prince, he anxiously inquired how His Majesty would
be pleased to receive him. The answer must have made him wince:
His Majesty could distinguish between Dr. Covel and the Vice-
Chancellor of the University. Curt, caustic Majesty!
His garrulity had ruined Dr. Covel’s chances of ecclesiastical
preferment; but it did not stand in the way of his academic career.
He retained the Mastership of Christ’s all his life, and spent much of
his leisure in transcribing, expanding, correcting, and every way
spoiling the notes he had made at Constantinople: to the satisfaction
of himself, though not of others. No publisher could be found
courageous enough to undertake the publication of these masses of
immense discursiveness and laborious irrelevance. It was only in our
own time that a learned society ventured to print a selection from
them. But Dr. Covel was not fortunate even in this tardy and partial
emergence. To the author’s minute inaccuracies the editor has added
a multitude of absurdities of his own; the upshot being the most
bewildering bundle of blunders that ever issued from the press of
any country in the guise of a book.[310]
So much concerning Dr. Covel’s Travels. His magnum opus on the
Greek Church, after nearly fifty years’ incubation, came out at last
when it was least wanted, in 1722—more than a generation after the
question with which it deals had lost its actuality. It came out in
folio, with a florid dedication to the Duke of Chandos, son of our late
Ambassador and at the time Governor of the Levant Company: the
author hints that, had he been made a Bishop, he would have had
time to finish his book sooner. The delay, indeed, had its
advantages: non cito, hoc est, non cito ac cursim agere; vel non
temere et inconsulte. Yet, despite fifty years’ revisions and
manipulations, he fears “some few things may yet appear Defective,
and others Confus’d and Indigested.” The fear is well founded. Its
diffused and confused style, and still more its creator’s fundamental
inability to take an objective view of things, render this Account of
the Greek Church one of the best illustrations extant of the aphorism
mega biblion, mega kakon.
But, after all, it is not Dr. Covel the bad writer, but John the good
fellow we care most about. In course of time he left off hoping for
royal favours and episcopal mitres, and settled down to a mechanical
routine of existence such as good dons lead. Whether he knew it or
not, Dr. Covel was happy; the jollity which had made the Papas
popular with the Factors of Constantinople helped to make the
Master popular with the Fellows of Cambridge. This placid existence
lasted till December 19th, 1722, when the Rev. John, in the 85th
year of his age, went to join Finch and Baines under the pavement
of Christ’s College chapel.
An inscription commemorates the virtues of Dr. Covel. A good
portrait of him, in his congregational robes, preserves the features of
his countenance. His voluminous journals and letters, stored in the
British Museum, supply an ample and by far the most trustworthy
testimony to the traits of his mind and character; they exhibit him as
an amiable man rather than one of a very superior understanding.
 DR. JOHN COVEL.
From the Portrait by Valentine Ritz at Christ’s
College, Cambridge.
To face p. 372.

Much more exciting were the fortunes of the Honourable Dudley

North. We saw him in Turkey a shrewd merchant, keen and
unscrupulous in his pursuit of wealth. We find him in England a
shrewd politician, keen and, some said, remorseless in his pursuit of
power. He returned at a moment when the feud between Whig and
Tory—to give the factions their new-fangled designations—was at its
fiercest. By that infamous fiction, the Popish Plot, the Whigs had for
a time driven the nation to madness and their principal opponents to
an ignominious death. The public was just beginning to find out how
it had been duped, and the Tories, profiting by the reaction, were
getting ready to pay the Whigs back in their own false coin; the
same gang of spies, witnesses, informers, and suborners who had
hounded innocent Tories to the gallows, were now employed to
hound innocent Whigs. North had come home a firm believer in
Titus Oates’s murderous myth. He was undeceived—all the sooner
because he was not slow to perceive that his interest lay on the
same side as the truth: the Tory side. At the instance of his brother,
then Lord Chief Justice, he was called to serve the King’s party as
Sheriff of London and Middlesex: an expensive office which
conferred the power of packing juries and securing convictions.
Dudley performed the services expected from him with more energy
than scruple. He considered it, indeed, very unfortunate that so
many trials for high treason and executions should happen in his
year of office; but business is business.
In the midst of all this sanguinary work, he found time to court a
wealthy widow, Lady Gunning, and, in spite of her father, to marry
her. She loved him, admired him, idolised him, and presided over the
splendid banquets he gave in his Basinghall Street mansion. He
returned her affection fully, and it was partly that she might not
remain, were it only in name, separate from him, but become Lady
North, that he accepted the honour of knighthood which a grateful
Court bestowed upon him. Thus happy both in his private and public
affairs, Sir Dudley climbed from height to height, becoming in quick
succession an Alderman, a Commissioner of the Customs, a
Commissioner of the Treasury, a Member of Parliament, and the
chief advocate for the Crown in all questions of revenue that came
before the House of Commons. In this last capacity North shone with
a pure light.
Men who spend their lives in making money are usually the least
competent to understand the abstract principles that govern the
accumulation and distribution of wealth. The distant views and
ultimate conclusions which make up the science of Political Economy
are beyond their vision. All the progress achieved in that most
important field of knowledge has been achieved by philosophers, to
whose discoveries our merchants and manufacturers were the last to
be converted. North, by a most rare gift of nature, combined in his
mental constitution the contradictory qualities of the practical trader
and the speculative thinker. Together with a large fortune, he had
brought from the Levant a large fund of original deductions from his
experience.[311] Withal, he possessed a faculty of expressing
himself, at once homely and forcible, which arrested attention and
carried conviction. As a speaker on financial topics the Member for
Banbury had no rival.
How much higher a man of so many gifts and so few scruples
might have climbed must remain matter of speculation. The
Revolution of 1688 pulled the ladder from under him. The day which
witnessed the victory of the Whigs was a day of reckoning for the
Tories. Forgetting the wrongs they had inflicted and remembering
only the injuries they had suffered, the victors were grimly set on
revenge. Parliamentary Committees were appointed to inquire into
the late judicial proceedings, to punish all persons concerned in
them, and to indemnify the victims out of their estates. Among the
rest, Sir Dudley North had to stand his trial. Great sport was
expected from his baiting. The galleries and benches of the House of
Commons were crowded with spectators; but they got very little
satisfaction. To all the questions put to him as to the manner in
which he had obtained his Shrievalty and his conduct therein, North
gave fearless and, apparently, full and frank answers. This was not
well! After much whispering into the Chairman’s ear, one of the
members of the Committee moved that the ex-Sheriff should be
asked to name the Aldermen who, as he pretended, had assisted at
his election. The Chairman nodded. That was Sir Dudley’s supreme
moment. He turned quietly round and with his cane pointed to five
Aldermen present, who since the Revolution had gone over to the
Whigs, naming them one after another with deadly distinctness. This
was worse than ever! To prevent further sensations, a cunning
Parliamentarian stood up hastily, and “Mr. Foley,” he said, addressing
the Chairman, “you had best have a care: you have an honourable
gentleman before you: that you do not ask him, etc.” Having thus
turned the tables upon his prosecutors, the clever Dudley left the
House with colours flying, sped away by the very persons who had
dragged him there.
For a time he continued in the Commission of the Customs. But,
presently, that and his other offices were taken from him; and Sir
Dudley relapsed to his original status of a Turkey Merchant. He went
back to the buying and selling of cloth with the resignation of a
philosopher and the spirit of a veteran trader. But even there luck
had at the last rounded upon him. The War with France just begun
(1689) hit North as hard as it did most of the other merchants of
England trading into the Levant Seas. Their trade was attacked by
the enemy both in Turkey and on the way to it. These calamities
abated North’s mettle and affected his health. He decided to give up
the perilous business and turn country gentleman—a quiet rural life,
he thought, would restore to him the health of body and peace of
mind of which the bustle of the world had robbed him: he would
beat his clothyard into a ploughshare; he would raise crops with as
much pleasure as he had raised dollars or cut off heads. Alas! even
here his good fortune failed him. After inspecting several great
estates and offering great prices for them in vain, he succeeded at
last in finding a home in Norfolk; the date was fixed for him to go
down to sign the agreement; but on the day before, he was seized
with the disease which killed him. He died on the last day of 1691,
at the comparatively early age of fifty.
However his character may be appraised, Dudley North will always
be remembered as one of the outstanding figures of his time: the
most brilliant of those seventeenth century merchant-adventurers
who were the founders of our national prosperity and commercial
pre-eminence.
So with all our actors off the stage, we may ring the curtain down.
La commedia è finita.
 The Hon.ble S.r Dudley North K.t
Commissioner of the Treasury to King Charles
the Second.
From an Engraving by G. Vertue, 1743.
To face p. 376.
 F O OT N OT E S :
[300] As a rule, all petitions to the Sultan had to pass through the
Vizir’s hands; but in cases where the Vizir himself was involved a
direct appeal was possible through the above formality: which
secured to the petitioner access to the throne, but entailed, if his
complaint proved false, loss of his head. See Rycaut’s Present
State, p. 84; Life of Dudley North, p. 100.
[301] Chandos to Jenkins, April 17-27, 1682; cp. Sir John
Buckworth’s “Narrative of the Distresses of our Turkey Merchants
at C.P.,” Jan. 22, 1681-82, S.P. Turkey, 19.
[302] Chandos to Jenkins, Oct. 11, st. vet. 1682. The Turk
catches the hare with a cart still is a common proverb among the
inhabitants of the Near East. It conveys an appreciation of Turkish
tactics: slow and blundering in appearance, yet forming parts of a
strategic plan, based on the principle that the ultimate outcome
of a struggle depends on which side can show the greatest
endurance and shall have most reserves when it comes to the
final tussle.
[303] Chandos to Jenkins, March 29, 1683.
[304] “Few have made more of the place than he hath. He has
doubtless raised his estate considerably by it.”—Nathaniel Harley
to Sir Edward Harley, Aleppo, Oct. 29, 1687, Hist. MSS. Com.
Thirteenth Report, Part II. p. 242.
[305] Life of Dudley North, pp. 102-3.
[306] Nathaniel Harley to Sir Edward Harley, Aleppo, July 20,
1694, Hist. MSS. Com. Thirteenth Report, Part II. p. 245.
[307] Pagett to Vernon, Jan. 17, O.S. 1700-1, S.P. Turkey, 21.
[308] Evelyn’s Diary, Nov. 23, 1695.
[309] Dictionary of National Biography.
[310] It would be invidious to single out particular pearls, but one
is too precious to be passed over. Dr. Covel wrote in his Diary:
“Just at two o’clock Antonio called us to go to the Alloy.” Now, as
the reader may remember, “Alloy” was the name for the
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