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 Bloody Revenge Thomas J. Scheff
Bloody Revenge

Emotions, Nationalism, and War

Thomas J. Scheff

ISBN 978-0-367-00893-2

www.routledge.com  an informa business

9780367008932.indd 1 10/25/2018 5:52:51 PM

Bloody Revenge
BLOODY
REVENGE
Emotions,
Nationalism,
and War

THOMAS J. SCHEFF

Routledge
&Francis Group

LONDON AND NEW YORK

First published 1994 by Westview Press
Published 2018 by Routledge
52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

Copyright © 1994 by Taylor & Francis

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or
by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission
in writing from the publishers.
Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for
identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Scheff, Thomas J.
Bloody revenge : emotions, nationalism, and war I Thomas J.
Scheff.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8133-1908-0 - ISBN 0-8133-1909-9 (pbk.)
1. Social interaction. 2. Emotions. 3. Motivation (Psychology)
4. Shame. 5. Alienation (Social psychology) 6. Conflict
(Psychology) 7. Social conflict. 8. War. I. Title.
HM29i.S287 1994
302-dc20 93-41666
CIP
ISBN 13: 978-0-367-00893-2 (hbk)
 To all innocent victims of humiliated fury

Vilna, 1924. My Aunt Rachel is telling the fortune of my Uncle Hym and my Grandfather Lazar
Heifetz. She did not foresee what fate would befall them seventeen years later.
Contents

List of Figures ix
Acknowledgments xi

Introduction 1
Theory, 1
Method, 4
References, 9

1. Quarrel and Impasse in a Marriage 11

Protracted Conflict, 11
An Empirical Approach to Alienation, 15
Feeling Traps, 22
Two Forms of Alienation, 25
The Motors of Protracted Conflict, 31
Conclusion, 33
References, 34

Part One: THEORY AND METHOD

2. Pride and Shame: The Master Emotions 39
Language and Culture, 40
Approaches to a Concept of Shame, 45
Shame and the Social Bond, 51
Shame as the Master Emotion, 53
References, 54

3. Alienation and Conflict: A Theory

of Interminable Conflict 57
Family Systems and Emotions, 61
The Emotional Sources of Vengeance, 62

VII
VIII Contents

Emotions as Explanations, 63
Pride and Shame, 66
Conclusion, 69
References, 70

Part Two: APPLICATIONS

4. The World Social System: The Origins of World War I 75
The Origins of World War I, 77
A Family Quarrel, 92
War arid Social Science, 96
References, 101

5. The Origins of World War II:

Hitler's Appeal to the Germans 105
Earlier Studies, 106
Hitler's Personality, 109
Humiliated Fury as the Key Affect in Hitler's Life, m
Shame-Anger Sequences in Mein Kampf, 113
The Triple Spiral, 117
Conclusion, 120
References, 123

Part Three: CONCLUSION

6. Aclcnowledgment and Reconciliation 127
Grief, Anger, Fear, and Anxiety, 128
The Concept of Acknowledgment, 130
Apologies, 131
Acknowledgment of Shame and Levels of Collective Sanity, 137
Shame and Delusion, 140
Long-Term Implications for Reconciliation
Between Nations, 141
Directions for Immediate Change, 144
References, 149

Appendix: Cues for Shame and Anger 151

About the Book and Author 153
Index 155
Figures

1.1 Three types of social relationships 31

3.1 Group solidarity-alienation 59
3.2a, b Social solidarity and cooperation; alienation and conflict 60
4.1 The major nations involved in the origins of World War I 78

IX
Acknowledgments

I am indebted to many persons for help during the writing of this book. Rodney
Beaulieu, Joan Murdoch, and Mark Schildhauer provided expert suggestions on
word processing and printing. Christine Allen organized miscellaneous clerical
support and supplied wisecracks in the face of my unending demands. Advice on
Chapter 4, for me the most difficult part, was rendered by John Braithwaite,
Robin Evans, Gabrielle Hoffman, and Robert Marsh. Edward Muir read the first
four chapters, and Nancy Carlston, Eric Dunning, Louis Kriesberg, Nicholas
Tavuchis, and an anonymous Westview Press reviewer read a draft of the whole
book. Randall Collins and Suzanne Retzinger provided comments, support, and
encouragement during the lengthy process of revision. The feedback that I got
from these readers has helped me immeasurably in writing this book.

Thomas/. Scheff

XI
Introduction

This book proposes a theory of protracted conflict and a method appropriate to

such a theory. Since my approach departs from many of the conventions current
in the human sciences, a preliminary sketch of premises may help orient the
reader.
The argument is self-contained; knowledge of other sources is not required. In-
evitably, however, the present statement depends on earlier work by myself,
Retzinger (my wife), and others. The general approach advances the argument of-
fered earlier in Microsociology (Scheff, 1990). The specifics of the theory and
method closely follow prior work by Retzinger (1991). Another book (Scheff and
Retzinger, 1991) was a rehearsal for the kind of micro-macro analysis I attempt
here. A brief outline of the main issues addressed in these prior volumes provides
a framework for the present approach.

Theory
The Social Bond
Retzinger and I propose that earlier work in many fields has established the cru-
cial importance of the social bond in human behavior. This conception gives rise
to an approach to conflict that focuses on the relationships between individuals
and between groups. Although the concept of a relationship is so primitive, it has
never been adequately explicated in the human sciences.
As in our earlier work, this book specifies key aspects of interpersonal and col-
lective relationships. I assume that the social bond is a real and palpable phenom-
enon and that in every type of human contact it is being either built, maintained,
repaired, or damaged. In this context, we see alienation or damaged bonds as a ba-
sic cause of destructive conflict.
Our preliminary definition of a secure bond involves what I have called "at-
tunement" (Scheff, 1990). Persons (and groups) who understand each other both
cognitively and emotionally are apt to trust and cooperate. Even when they are in
competition or conflict, there are clear boundaries and limits. There is a realiza-

I
2 Introduction

tion that even in a state of conflict, they are ultimately all in the same boat. Lim-
ited wars are a product of bond networks within and between disputants in which
attunement prevails over misunderstanding.
By the same token, unlimited destruction is a product of broken bonds. One of
Simmel's many insights implies as much: "The deepest hatred grows out of bro-
ken love .... Here separation does not follow from conflict, but, on the contrary,
conflict from separation" (1955, p. 47). In a sense, this book and our three earlier
ones are attempts to unpack Simmel's statement, which is uncannily complex in
that it suggests interrelations among several crucial concepts: hatred, broken love,
separation, and conflict. Note also the implication of a spiral: how separation
leads to conflict, and conflict in turn leads to further separation, ad infinitum.
Our main effort has been to show how separation and the spiral of separation and
conflict can be detected in actual discourse. Surprisingly, the four books en masse
have barely scratched the surface of the implications of Simmel's comment.
In our definition, alienation involves a lack of understanding or a misunder-
standing, either cognitively or emotionally. As the subsequent chapters will show,
there were gross misunderstandings between the disputants prior to the outbreak
of World War I. Both sides, for example, thought themselves so much stronger
than the other that they predicted a war would be a frolic. The lack of under-
standing in this case led to an unnecessarily quick resort to war.
At the onset of the World War II, the lack of understanding had the opposite
result. The Allies' misconceptions about Germany's intentions and its determina-
tion to fight led them to delay going to war for much longer than necessary. An
Allied declaration of war at the time of the German incursion into the Sudet-
enland would have resulted in a constructive conflict since the German military
was weak at the time, and, more importantly, support for Hitler in Germany was
not yet consolidated. My approach seeks to explain irrational management of dis-
putes, whether they involve fighting or not.
Our exact formulation of the relational cause of destructive conflict concerns
the state of bonds both within and between nations. We propose that a certain
state of bondlessness has lethal implications: We call it "bimodal alienation:' This
state involves isolation between nations and engulfment within them. In our for-
mulation, engulfment is the kind of blind loyalty and conformity that arise when
persons deny important parts of themselves. Chapter 1 provides an example. One
reason that Rosie and James are discussing divorce is that both hide and deny
their feelings of anger and shame. Engulfment means alienation from self, just as
isolation means alienation from others.
Destructive wars require not only isolation between nations but also en-
gulfment within: blind loyalty that overrides reason and dissent. A well-known
example occurred in the discussions before the Bay of Pigs disaster. We now know
that one of President Kennedy's most trusted advisers, Ball, was intensely opposed
to the invasion, but he withheld his dissenting opinion. It would be of great inter-
est to investigate his bond network at this time. My hypothesis is that none of his
Another Random Scribd Document
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MEMOIRS OF

FRANÇOIS RENÉ VICOMTE DE CHATEAUBRIAND SOMETIME
AMBASSADOR TO ENGLAND. VOLUME 5 (OF 6) ***
 THE MEMOIRS OF FRANÇOIS
RENÉ
VICOMTE DE
CHATEAUBRIAND
SOMETIME AMBASSADOR TO ENGLAND

BEING A TRANSLATION BY ALEXANDER TEIXEIRA DE

MATTOS
OF THE MÉMOIRES D'OUTRE-TOMBE WITH ILLUSTRATIONS
FROM CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. In 6 Volumes. Vol. V

"NOTRE SANG A TEINT

LA BANNIÈRE DE FRANCE"

LONDON: PUBLISHED BY FREEMANTLE AND CO. AT 217 PICCADILLY

MDCCCCII

CONTENTS

VOLUME V
BOOK XIII 1-78

The Roman Embassy continued—Letter to Madame Récamier—

Dispatch to M. le Comte Portalis—Conclaves—Dispatches to M. le
Comte Portalis—Letters to Madame Récamier—Dispatch to M. le
Comte Portalis—Letters to Madame Récamier—Dispatch to M. le
Comte Portalis—Letter to Madame Récamier—Letter to the Marchese
Capponi—Letters to Madame Récamier—Letter to M. le Duc de Blacas
—Letters to Madame Récamier—Dispatch to M. le Comte Portalis—
Letter to Monseigneur le Cardinal de Clermont-Tonnerre—Dispatch to
M. le Comte Portalis—Letters to Madame Récamier—Dispatches to M.
le Comte Portalis—Fête at the Villa Medici for the Grand-duchess
Helen—My relations and correspondence with the Bonaparte Family—
Dispatch to M. le Comte Portalis—Monte Cavallo—Dispatch to M. le
Comte Portalis—Letter to Madame Récamier—Presumption—The
French in Rome—Walks—My nephew Christian de Chateaubriand—
Letter to Madame Récamier—I return to Paris—My plans—The King
and his disposition—M. Portalis—M. de Martignac—I leave for Rome—
The Pyrenees—Adventures—The Polignac Ministry—My consternation
—I come back to Paris—Interview with M. de Polignac—I resign my
Roman Embassy
BOOK XIV 79-124
Sycophancy of the newspapers—M. de Polignac's first colleagues—
The Algerian Expedition—Opening of the Session of 1830—The
Address—The Chamber is dissolved—New Chamber—I leave for
Dieppe—The Ordinances of the 25th of July—I return to Paris—
Reflexions on the journey—Letter to Madame Récamier—The
Revolution of July—M. Baude, M. de Choiseul, M. de Sémonville, M.
de Vitrolles, M. Laffitte, and M. Thiers—I write to the King at Saint-
Cloud—His verbal answer—Aristocratic corps—Pillage of the house of
the missionaries in the Rue d'Enfer—The Chamber of Deputies—M. de
Mortemart—A walk through Paris—General Dubourg—Funeral
ceremony—Under the colonnade of the Louvre—The young men
carry me back to the House of Peers—Meeting of the Peers
BOOK XV 125-183
The Republicans—The Orleanist—M. Thiers is sent to Neuilly—
Convocation of peers at the Grand Refendary's—The letter reaches
me too late—Saint-Cloud—Scene between M. le Dauphin and the
Maréchal de Raguse—Neuilly—M. le Duc d'Orléans—The Raincy—The
Prince comes to Paris—A deputation from the Elective Chamber offers
M. le Duc d'Orléans the Lieutenant-generalship of the Kingdom—He
accepts—Efforts of the Republicans—M. le Duc d'Orléans goes to the
Hôtel de Ville—The Republicans at the Palais-Royal—The King leaves
Saint-Cloud—Madame la Dauphine arrives at Trianon—The Diplomatic
Body—Rambouillet—3 August: opening of the Session—Letter from
Charles X. to M. le Duc d'Orléans—The mob sets out for Rambouillet
—Flight of the King—Reflections—The Palais-Royal—Conversations—
Last political temptation—M. de Sainte-Aulaire—Last gasp of the
Republican Party—The day's work of the 7th of August—Sitting of the
House of Peers—My speech—I leave the Palace of the Luxembourg,
never to return—My resignations—Charles X. takes ship at
Cherbourg-What the Revolution of July will be—Close of my political
career
PART THE FOURTH
1830-1841
BOOK I 187-248
Introduction—Trial of the ministers-Saint-Germain-l'Auxerrois—Pillage
of the Archbishop's Palace—My pamphlet on the Restauration et la
Monarchie élective—Études historiques—Letters to Madame Récamier
—Geneva—Lord Byron—Ferney and Voltaire—Useless journey to Paris
—M. Armand Carrel—M. de Béranger—The Baude and Briqueville
proposition for the banishment of the Elder Branch of the Bourbons—
Letter to the author of the Némésis—Conspiracy of the Rue des
Prouvaires—Letter to Madame la Duchesse de Berry—Epidemics—The
cholera—Madame La Duchesse de Berry's 12,000 francs—General
Lamarque's funeral—Madame La Duchesse de Berry lands in
Provence and arrives in the Vendée
BOOK II 249-312
My arrest—I am transferred from my thieves' cell to Mademoiselle
Gisquet's dressing-room—Achille de Harlay—The examining
magistrate, M. Desmortiers—My life at M. Gisquet's—I am set at
liberty—Letter to M. the Minister of Justice and his reply—I receive an
offer of my peer's pension from Charles X.—My reply—Note from
Madame la Duchesse de Berry—Letter to Béranger—I leave Paris—
Diary from Paris to Lugano—M. Augustin Thierry—The road over the
Saint-Gotthard—The Valley of Schöllenen—The Devil's Bridge—The
Saint-Gotthard—Description of Lugano—The mountains—Excursions
round about Lucerne—Clara Wendel—The peasants' prayer—M.
Alexandre Dumas—Madame de Colbert—Letter to M. de Béranger—
Zurich—Constance—Madame Récamier—Madame la Duchesse de
Saint-Leu—Madame de Saint-Leu after reading M. de Chateaubriand's
last letter—After reading a note signed "Hortense"—Arenenberg—I
return to Geneva—Coppet—The tomb of Madame de Staël—A walk—
Letter to Prince Louis Napoleon—Letters to the Minister of Justice, to
the President of the Council, to Madame la Duchesse de Berry—I
write my memorial on the captivity of the Princess—Circular to the
editors of the newspapers—Extract from the Mémoire sur la captivité
de madame la duchesse de Berry—My trial—Popularity
BOOK III 313-356
The Infirmerie de Marie-Thérèse—Letter from Madame la Duchesse
de Berry from the Citadel of Blaye—Departure from Paris—M. de
Talleyrand's calash—Basle—Journal from Paris to Prague, from the
14th to the 24th of May 1833, written in pencil in the carriage, in ink
at the inns—The banks of the Rhine—Falls of the Rhine—Mösskirch—
A storm—The Danube—Ulm—Blenheim—Louis XIV.—An Hercynian
forest—The Barbarians—Sources of the Danube—Ratisbon—Decrease
in social life as one goes farther from France—Religious feelings of
the Germans—Arrival at Waldmünchen—The Austrian custom-house
—I am refused admission into Bohemia—Stay at Waldmünchen—
Letters to Count Choteck—Anxiety—The Viaticum—The chapel—My
room at the inn—Description of Waldmünchen—Letter from Count
Choteck—The peasant-girl—I leave Waldmünchen and enter Bohemia
—A pine forest—Conversation with the moon—Pilsen—The high-roads
of the North-View of Prague
BOOK IV 357-417
The castle of the Kings of Bohemia—First interview with Charles X.—
Monsieur le Dauphin—The Children of France—The Duc and
Duchesse de Guiche—The triumvirate—Mademoiselle—Conversation
with the King—Dinner and evening at Hradschin—Visits—General
Skrzynecki—Dinner at Count Chotek's—Whit Sunday—The Duc de
Blacas—Casual observations—Tycho Brahe—Perdita: more casual
observations—Bohemia—Slav and neo-Latin literature—I take leave
of the King—Adieus—The children's letters to their mother—A Jew—
The Saxon servant-girl—What I am leaving in Prague—The Duc de
Bordeaux—Madame la Dauphine—Casual observations—Springs—
Mineral waters—Historical memories—The Teplitz Valley—Its flora—
Last conversation with the Dauphiness—My departure
APPENDIX 421-426
The Royal Ordinances of July 1830
INDEX

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

VOL. V

Pope Pius VIII

Henry IX. (Cardinal of York)
Louise of Stolberg (Countess of Albany)
Guizot
The Princesse de Lieven
Charles X
Queen Hortense
Henry V. (Duc de Bordeaux)
 Pope Pius VIII.

THE MEMOIRS OF CHATEAUBRIAND

VOLUME V
 BOOK XIII[1]

The Roman Embassy continued—Letter to Madame Récamier—

Dispatch to M. le Comte Portalis—Conclaves—Dispatches to M. le
Comte Portalis—Letters to Madame Récamier—Dispatch to M. le
Comte Portalis—Letters to Madame Récamier—Dispatch to M. le
Comte Portalis—Letter to Madame Récamier—Letter to the Marchese
Capponi—Letters to Madame Récamier—Letter to M. le Duc de Blacas
—Letters to Madame Récamier—Dispatch to M. le Comte Portalis—
Letter to Monseigneur le Cardinal de Clermont-Tonnerre—Dispatch to
M. le Comte Portalis—Letters to Madame Récamier—Dispatches to M.
le Comte Portalis—Fête at the Villa Medici for the Grand-duchess
Helen—My relations and correspondence with the Bonaparte Family—
Dispatch to M. le Comte Portalis—Monte Cavallo—Dispatch to M. le
Comte Portalis—Letter to Madame Récamier—Presumption—The
French in Rome—Walks—My nephew Christian de Chateaubriand—
Letter to Madame Récamier—I return to Paris—My plans—The King
and his disposition—M. Portalis—M. de Martignac—I leave for Rome—
The Pyrenees—Adventures—The Polignac Ministry—My consternation
—I come back to Paris—Interview with M. de Polignac—I resign my
Roman Embassy.

Rome, 17 February 1829.

Before passing to important matters, I will recall a few facts.
On the decease of the Sovereign Pontiff, the government of the
Roman States falls into the hands of the three cardinals heads of the
respective orders, deacon, priest and bishop, and of the Cardinal
Camerlingo. The custom is for the ambassadors to go to compliment,
in a speech, the Congregation of Cardinals who meet before the
opening of the conclave at St. Peter's.
His Holiness' corpse, after first lying in state in the Sistine Chapel,
was carried on Friday last, the 13th of February, to the Chapel of the
Blessed Sacrament at St. Peter's; it remained there till Sunday the
15th. Then it was laid in the monument which contained the ashes of
Pius VII., and the latter were lowered into the subterranean church.

To Madame Récamier
"Rome, 17 February 1829.
"I have seen Leo XII. lying in state, with his face uncovered, on
a paltry state bed, amid the master-pieces of Michael Angelo; I
have attended the first funeral ceremony in the Church of St.
Peter. A few old cardinal commissaries, no longer able to see,
assured themselves with their trembling fingers that the Pope's
coffin was well nailed down. By the light of the candles, mingling
with the moon-light, the coffin was at last raised by a pulley and
hung up in the shadows to be laid in the sarcophagus of Pius
VII.[2]
"They have just brought me the poor Pope's little cat; it is quite
grey and very gentle, like its old master."

Dispatch Dispatch to M. Le Comte Portalis

to Portalis.
"Rome, 17 February 1829.
"Monsieur Le Comte,
"I had the honour to inform you in my first letter carried to Lyons
with the telegraphic dispatch, and in my Dispatch No. 15, of the
difficulties which I encountered in sending off my two couriers
on the 10th of this month. These people have not got beyond
the history of the Guelphs and Ghibellines, as though the fact of
the death of a pope becoming known an hour sooner or an hour
later could cause an imperial army to enter Italy.
"The obsequies of the Holy Father were concluded on Sunday
the 22nd, and the Conclave will open on Monday evening the
23rd, after attending the Mass of the Holy Ghost in the morning;
they are already furnishing the cells in the Quirinal Palace.
"I shall not speak to you, monsieur le comte, of the views of the
Austrian Court or the wishes of the Cabinets of Naples, Madrid
and Turin. M. le Duc le Laval, in his correspondence with me in
1823, has described the personal qualities of the cardinals, who
are in part those of to-day. I refer you to No. 5 and its appendix,
Nos. 34, 55, 70 and 82. There are also in the boxes at the office
some notes from another source. These portraits, pretty, often
fanciful, are capable of providing amusement, but prove nothing.
Three things no longer make popes: the intrigues of women, the
devices of the ambassadors, the power of the Courts. Neither do
they issue from the general interest of society, but from the
particular interest of individuals and families, who seek places
and money in the election of the Head of the Church.
"There are immense things that could be effected nowadays by
the Holy See: the union of the dissenting sects, the consolidation
of European society, etc. A pope who would enter into the spirit
of the age and place himself at the head of the enlightened
generations might give fresh life to the Papacy; but these ideas
are quite unable to make their way into the old heads of the
Sacred College; the cardinals who have arrived at the end of life
hand down to one another an elective royalty which soon dies
with them: seated on the double ruins of Rome, the popes
appear to be impressed only with the power of death.
"Those cardinals elected Cardinal Della Genga[3], after the
exclusion of Cardinal Severoli, because they thought that he was
going to die; Della Genga taking it into his head to live, they
detested him cordially for that piece of deceit. Leo XII. chose
capable administrators from the convents; another cause for
murmuring for the cardinals. But, on the other hand, this
deceased Pope, while advancing the monks, wanted to see
regularity established in the monasteries, so that no one was
grateful to him for the boon. The arrest of the vagrant hermits,
the compelling of the people to drink standing in the street in
order to prevent the stabbing in the taverns, unfortunate
changes in the collection of the taxes, abuses committed by
some of the Holy Father's familiars, even the death of the Pope,
occurring at a time which makes the theatres and tradesmen of
Rome lose the profit arising from the follies of the Carnival, have
caused the memory to be anathematized of a Prince worthy of
the liveliest regret; at Cività-Vecchia they wanted to burn down
the house of two men who were thought to be honoured with
his favour.
"Among many competitors, four are particularly designated:
Cardinal Capellari[4], the head of the Propaganda, Cardinal
Pacca[5], Cardinal Di Gregorio[6] and Cardinal Giustiniani[7].
"Cardinal Capellari is a learned and capable man. They say that
he will be rejected by the cardinals as being too young a monk
and unacquainted with worldly affairs. He is an Austrian and said
to be obstinate and ardent in his religious opinions.
Nevertheless, it was he who, when consulted by Leo XII., saw
nothing in the Orders in Council to warrant the complaint of our
bishops; it was he also who drew up the concordat between the
Court of Rome and the Netherlands and who was of opinion that
canonical institution should be granted to the bishops of the
Spanish republics: all this points to a reasonable, conciliatory and
moderate spirit. I have these details from Cardinal Bernetti, with
whom, on Friday the 13th, I had one of the conversations which
I announced to you in my Dispatch No. 15.
"It is important to the Diplomatic Body, and especially to the
French Ambassador, that the Secretary of State in Rome should
be a man of ready intercourse and accustomed to the affairs of
Europe. Cardinal Bernetti is the minister who suits us best in
every respect; he has committed himself on our behalf with the
Zelanti and the members of the lay congregations; we are bound
to wish that he should be re-employed by the next Pope. I asked
 him with which of the four cardinals he would have most chance
of returning to power. He answered:
"'With Capellari.'
"Cardinals Pacca and Di Gregorio are faithfully depicted in the
appendix to No. 5 of the correspondence already mentioned; but
Cardinal Pacca is very much enfeebled by age, and his memory,
like that of the Senior Cardinal, La Somaglia[8], is beginning to
fail him entirely.

"Cardinal Di Gregorio would be a suitable Pope.

Candidates Although he ranks among the Zelanti, he is not without
for the
Papacy. moderation; he thrusts back the Jesuits, who have as
many adversaries and enemies here as in France.
Neapolitan subject though he be, Cardinal Di Gregorio is rejected
by Naples, and still more by Cardinal Albani[9], the executor of
the high decrees of Austria. The cardinal is Legate at Bologna,
he is over eighty and he is ill; there is therefore some chance of
his not coming to Rome.
"Lastly, Cardinal Giustiniani is the cardinal of the Roman nobility;
Cardinal Odescalchi is his nephew, and he will probably receive a
fairly good number of votes. But, on the other hand, he is poor
and has poor relations; Rome would fear the demands of this
indigence.
"You are aware, monsieur le comte, of all the harm that
Giustiniani did as Nuncio in Spain, and I am more aware of it
than anyone else through the troubles which he caused me after
the delivery of King Ferdinand. In the Bishopric of Imola, which
the cardinal governs at present, he has shown himself no more
moderate; he has revived the laws of St. Louis against
blasphemers; he is not the pope of our period. Apart from that,
he is a man of some learning, a hebraist, a hellenist, a
mathematician, but better suited for the work of the study than
for public business. I do not believe that he is backed by Austria.
"After all, human foresight is often deceived; often a man
changes on attaining power; the zelante Cardinal Della Genga
became the moderate Pope Leo XII. Perhaps, amid the four
competitors, a pope will spring up, of whom no one is thinking at
this moment. Cardinal Castiglioni[10], Cardinal Benvenuti,
Cardinal Galleffi[11], Cardinal Arezzo[12], Cardinal Gamberini, and
even the old and venerable Dean of the Sacred College, La
Somaglia, in spite of his semi-childishness, or rather because of
it, are presenting themselves as candidates. The last has even
some hope, because, as he is Bishop and Prince of Ostia, his
exaltation would bring about alterations which would leave five
great places free.
"It is expected that the Conclave will be either very long or very
short: there will be no systematic contests as at the time of the
decease of Pius VII.; the 'conclavists' and 'anti-conclavists' have
totally disappeared, which will make the election easier. But, on
the other hand, there will be personal struggles between the
candidates who assemble a certain number of votes, and, as it
requires only one more than a third of the votes of the Conclave
to give the exclusive, which must not be confounded with the
right of exclusion[13], the balloting among the candidates may
be prolonged.
"Does France wish to exercise the right of exclusion which she
shares with Austria and Spain? Austria exercised it in the
preceding conclave against Severoli, through the intermediary of
Cardinal Albani. Against whom would the Crown of France
exercise that right? Would it be against Cardinal Fesch, if by
chance he were thought of, or against Cardinal Giustiniani?
Would the latter be worth the trouble of striking with this veto,
always a little odious, inasmuch as it trammels independence of
election?
"To which of the cardinals would His Majesty's Government wish
to entrust the exercise of its right of exclusion? Does it wish the
French Ambassador to appear armed with the secret of his
 Government, and as though ready to strike at the election of the
Conclave, if it were displeasing to Charles X.? Lastly, has the
Government a choice of predilection? Is there such or such a
cardinal whom it wants to support? Certainly, if all the cardinals
of family, that is to say the Spanish, Neapolitan and even
Piedmontese cardinals, would add their votes to those of the
French cardinals, if one could form a party of the crowns, we
should gain the day at the Conclave; but those coalitions are
chimerical, and we have foes rather than friends in the cardinals
of the different Courts.

"It is asserted that the Primate of Hungary and the

Reasons Archbishop of Milan will come to the Conclave. The
against
interferenc Austrian Ambassador in Rome, Count Lützow, talks
e. very cleverly of the conciliatory character which the
new Pope must have. Let us await the instructions of
Vienna.
"Moreover, I am persuaded that all the ambassadors on earth
can do nothing to-day to influence the election of the Sovereign
Pontiff, and that we are all perfectly useless in Rome. For the
rest, I can see no pressing interest in hastening or delaying
(which, besides, is in nobody's power) the operations of the
Conclave. Whether the non-Italian cardinals do or do not assist
at this Conclave is of the very slightest interest to the result of
the election. If one had millions to distribute, it might still be
possible to make a pope: I see no other means, and that method
is not in keeping with the customs of France.
"In my confidential instructions to M. le Duc de Laval, on the
13th of September 1823, I said to him:
"'We ask that a prelate should be placed on the Pontifical Throne
who shall be distinguished for his piety and his virtues. We
desire only that he should possess sufficient enlightenment and
a sufficiently conciliatory spirit to enable him to judge the
political position of governments and not to throw them, owing
to useless exigencies, into inextricable difficulties as vexatious to
the Church as to the Throne.... We want a moderate member of
the Italian zelante party, capable of being accepted by all parties.
All that we ask of them in our interest is not to seek to profit by
the divisions which may arise among our clergy in order to
disturb our ecclesiastical affairs.'
"In another confidential letter, written with reference to the
illness of the new Pope Della Genga, on the 28th of January
1824, I again said to M. le Duc de Laval:
"'What we are concerned in obtaining (supposing there should
be a new conclave) is that the Pope should, through his
inclinations, be independent of the other Powers, that his
principles should be wise and moderate, and that he should be a
friend of France.'
"Am I, monsieur le comte, to-day, to follow as ambassador the
spirit of those instructions which I gave as minister?
"This dispatch contains all. I shall only have to keep the King
succinctly informed of the operations of the Conclave and of the
incidents that may arise; the only questions will be the counting
of the votes and the variations of the suffrages.
"The cardinals favourable to the Jesuits are Giustiniani,
Odescalchi, Pedicini[14] and Bertalozzi[15].
"The cardinals opposed to the Jesuits, owing to different causes
and different circumstances, are Zurla[16], Di Gregorio, Bernetti,
Capellari and Micara[17].
"It is believed that, out of fifty-eight cardinals, only forty-eight or
forty-nine will attend the Conclave. In that case thirty-three or
thirty-four would effect the election.
"The Spanish Minister, M. de Labrador, a solitary and secluded
man, whom I suspect of being frivolous under an appearance of
gravity, is greatly embarrassed by the part he is called upon to
play. The instructions of his Court have foreseen nothing; he is
 writing in that sense to His Catholic Majesty's chargé d'affaires at
Lucca.
"I have the honour to be, etc.
"P.S.-They say that Cardinal Benvenuti has already twelve votes
certain. If that choice succeeded, it would be a good one.
Benvenuti knows Europe and has displayed capacity and
moderation in different employments."

As the Conclave is about to open, I will rapidly trace the history of

that great law of election, which already counts eighteen hundred
years' duration. Where do the Popes come from? How have they
been elected from century to century?
At the moment when liberty, equality and the Republic were
completely expiring, about the time of Augustus, was born at
Bethlehem the universal Tribune of the peoples, the great
Representative on earth of equality, liberty and the Republic, Christ,
who, after planting the Cross to serve as a boundary to two worlds,
after allowing Himself to be nailed to that Cross, after dying on it, the
Symbol, Victim and Redeemer of human sufferings, handed down His
power to His Chief Apostle. From Adam to Jesus Christ, we have
society with slaves, with inequality of men among themselves; from
Jesus Christ to our time, we have society with equality of men among
themselves, social equality of man and woman, we have society
without slaves, or, at least, without the principle of slavery. The
history of modern society commences at the foot and on this side of
the Cross.
Peter[18] Bishop of Rome inaugurated the Papacy:
The early
Popes.
tribune-dictators successively elected by the people, and
most part of the time chosen from among the humblest
classes of the people, the Popes held their temporal power from the
democratic order, from that new society of brothers which Jesus of
Nazareth had come to found, Jesus, the workman, the maker of
yokes and ploughs, born of a woman according to the flesh, and yet
God and Son of God, as His works prove.
The Popes had the mission to avenge and maintain the rights of
man; the heads of public opinion, all feeble though they were, they
obtained the strength to dethrone kings with a word and an idea: for
a soldier they had but a plebeian, his head protected by a cowl, his
hand armed with a cross. The Papacy, marching at the head of
civilization, progressed towards the goal of society. Christian men, in
all regions of the globe, gave obedience to a priest whose name was
hardly known to them, because that priest was the personification of
a fundamental truth; he represented in Europe the political
independence which was almost everywhere destroyed; in the Gothic
world he was the defender of the popular liberties, as in the modern
world he became the restorer of science, letters and the arts. The
people enrolled itself among his troops in the habit of a mendicant
friar.
The quarrel between the Empire and the priesthood is the struggle of
the two social principles of the middle ages, power and liberty. The
Popes, favouring the Guelphs, declared themselves for the
governments of the peoples; the Emperors, adopting the Ghibellines,
urged the government of the nobles: these were precisely the parts
played by the Athenians and Spartans in Greece. Therefore, when the
Popes took side with the kings, when they turned themselves into
Ghibellines, they lost their power, because they were disengaging
themselves from their natural principle, and, for an opposite and yet
analogous reason, the monks have seen their authority decrease,
when political liberty has returned directly to the peoples, because
the peoples have no longer needed to be replaced by the monks,
their representatives.
Those thrones declared vacant and delivered to the first occupant in
the middle ages; those emperors who came on their knees to implore
a pontiff's forgiveness; those kingdoms laid under an interdict; an
entire nation deprived of worship by a magic word; those
anathematized sovereigns, abandoned not only by their subjects, but
also by their servants and kindred; those princes avoided like lepers,
separated from the mortal race while waiting to be cut off from the
eternal race; the food they had tasted, the objects they had touched
passed through the flames as things sullied: all this was but the
forceful effect of popular sovereignty delegated to and wielded by
religion.
The oldest electoral law in the world is the law by virtue of which the
pontifical power has been handed down from St. Peter to the priest
who wears the tiara to-day: from that priest you go back from pope
to pope till you come to saints who touch Christ; at the first link of
the pontifical chain stands a God. The bishops were elected by the
general assembly of the faithful; from the time of Tertullian[19], the
Bishop of Rome was named the Bishop of Bishops. The clergy,
forming part of the people, concurred in the election. As passions
exist everywhere, as they debase the fairest institutions and the most
virtuous characters, in the measure that the papal power increased, it
attempted more, and human rivalries produced great disorders. In
Pagan Rome, similar troubles had broken out on the occasion of the
election of the Tribunes: of the two Gracchi, one[20] was flung into
the Tiber, the other[21] stabbed by a slave in a wood consecrated to
the Furies. The nomination of Pope Damasus[22], in 366, led to an
affray attended by bloodshed: one hundred and thirty-seven people
succumbed in the Sicinian Basilica, known to-day as Santa Maria
Maggiore.
We find St. Gregory[23] elected Pope by the Clergy, the
History of
their Senate and the People of Rome. Any Christian could rise
election. to the tiara: Leo IV.[24] was promoted to the Sovereign
Pontificate, on the 12th of April 847, to defend Rome
against the Saracens, and his ordination deferred until he had given
proofs of his courage. The same thing happened to the other
bishops: Simplicius[25] ascended the See of Bourges, layman though
he were. To this day (which is not generally known) the choice of the
Conclave might fall on a layman, even if he were married: his wife
would take the veil, and he would receive all the orders together with
the papacy.
The Greek and Latin Emperors tried to suppress the liberty of the
popular papal election; they sometimes usurped it, and often exacted
that the election should at least be confirmed by them: a capitulary
of Louis the Débonnaire[26] restores its primitive liberty to the
election of the bishops, which was accomplished according to a treaty
of the same time, by "the unanimous consent of the clergy and the
people."
The dangers of an election proclaimed by the masses of the people
or dictated by the emperors made necessary certain changes in the
law. There existed, in Rome, priests and deacons known as
"cardinals," whether because they served at the horns or corners of
the altar, ad cornua altaris, or that the word cardinal is derived from
the Latin word cardo, a hinge. Pope Nicholas II.[27], in a council held
in Rome in 1059, carried a resolution that the cardinals alone should
elect the popes and that the clergy and the people should ratify the
election. One hundred and twenty years later, the Lateran Council[28]
took away the ratification from the clergy and the people, and made
the election valid by a majority of two-thirds of the votes in the
assembly of cardinals.
But, as this canon of the Council fixed neither the duration nor the
form of this electoral college, it came about that discord was
produced among the electors, and there was no provision, in the new
modification of the law, to put an end to that discord. In 1268, after
the death of Clement IV.[29], the cardinals who had met at Viterbo
were unable to come to an agreement, and the Holy See remained
vacant for two years. The Podesta and the people were obliged to
lock up the cardinals in their palace, and even, it is said, to unroof
that palace in order to compel the electors to make a choice. At last
Gregory X.[30] came out of the ballot, and thereupon, to remedy this
abuse in future, established the Conclave, cum clave, with or under
key; he regulated the internal dispositions of the Conclave in much
the same manner as they exist to-day: separate cells, a common
room for the balloting, walled-up outer windows, from one of which
the election is proclaimed, by demolishing the plaster with which it is
sealed, and so on. The Council held at Lyons in 1274 confirms and
improves these arrangements. Nevertheless, one article of this rule
has fallen into disuse: that in which it was laid down that, if the
choice of a pope were not made in three days of confinement, during
five days after those three days the cardinals should have only one
dish at their meals, and that, after that, they should have only bread,
wine and water until the Sovereign Pontiff was elected.
To-day the duration of a conclave is no longer limited, nor are the
cardinals now punished in their diet, like naughty children. Their
dinner, placed in baskets, carried on barrows, is brought to them
from the outside, accompanied by lackeys in livery; a dapifer follows
the convoy, sword at side, and drawn by caparisoned horses in the
emblazoned coach of the cardinal recluse. On reaching the conclave
tower, the chickens are drawn, the pies examined, the oranges cut
into quarters, the corks of the bottles cut up, lest some paper should
be concealed inside. These old customs, some childish, others
ridiculous, have their drawbacks. If the dinner be sumptuous, the
poor man starving of hunger who sees it go by makes his comparison
and murmurs. If it be mean, by another infirmity of human nature,
the pauper laughs at it and despises the Roman purple. It would be a
good thing to abolish this usage, which is no longer in keeping with
our present customs; Christianity has gone back to its source; it has
returned to the time of the Lord's Supper and the love-feasts, and
Christ alone should to-day preside over those banquets.
The intrigues of the conclaves are famous; some of them
Intrigues had baneful results. During the Western Schism, different
of the
Conclaves. popes and anti-popes were seen to curse and
excommunicate one another from the top of the ruined
walls of Rome. The schism seemed on the point of extinction, when
Pedro de Luna[31] revived it, in 1394, through an intrigue of the
conclave at Avignon. Alexander VI.[32], in 1492, bought the votes of
twenty-two cardinals, who prostituted the tiara to him, leaving
memories of Lucrezia[33] behind him. Sixtus V. had no intrigue in the
conclave except with his crutches, and when he was Pope his genius
no longer had need of those supports. I have seen in a Roman villa a
portrait of Sixtus V.'s sister, a woman of the people, whom the
terrible pontiff, in all his plebeian pride, pleased himself by having
painted:
"The first arms of our house," he said to this sister, "are rags[34]."
That was still the time at which some sovereigns dictated orders to
the Sacred College. Philip II. used to have notes passed into the
conclave, saying:
"Su Magestad no quiere que N. sea Papa; quiere que N. to tenga."
From that period, the intrigues of the conclave are scarcely more
than agitations without general results. Nevertheless, Du Perron[35]
and d'Ossat obtained the reconciliation of Henry IV. with the Holy
See, which was a great event. The Ambassades of Du Perron are
greatly inferior to the Letters of d'Ossat. Before then, Du Bellay was
at one time on the point of preventing the schism of Henry VIII.[36]
Having obtained from that tyrant, before his separation from the
Church, that he should submit to the judgment of the Holy See, he
arrived in Rome at the moment when the condemnation of Henry
VIII. was about to be pronounced. He obtained a delay to send a
man of trust to England; the bad roads retarded the reply. The
partisans of Charles V. caused the sentence to be pronounced, and
the bearer of the powers of Henry VIII. arrived two days later. The
delay of a message made England Protestant and changed the
political face of Europe. The destinies of the world depend on no
more potent causes: a too capacious goblet emptied at Babylon
caused Alexander to disappear.
Next comes to Rome, in the time of Olimpia[37], the Cardinal de Retz,
who, in the conclave held after the death of Innocent X.[38], enlisted
in the "flying squadron," the name given to ten independent
cardinals; they carried with them "Sacchetti," who was "only good to
paint," in order to pass Alexander VII.[39], savio col silenzio, who, as
Pope, showed himself to be nothing much.
Henry IX. (Cardinal of York)