International Journal of Inclusive Education

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Rethinking silence in the classroom: Chinese

students’ experiences of sharing indigenous
knowledge

Yanqiu Rachel Zhou, Della Knoke & Izumi Sakamoto

To cite this article: Yanqiu Rachel Zhou, Della Knoke & Izumi Sakamoto (2005) Rethinking
silence in the classroom: Chinese students’ experiences of sharing indigenous knowledge,
International Journal of Inclusive Education, 9:3, 287-311, DOI: 10.1080/13603110500075180

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International Journal of Inclusive Education
Vol. 9, No. 3, July–September 2005, pp. 287–311

Rethinking silence in the classroom:

Chinese students’ experiences of
sharing indigenous knowledge
Yanqiu Rachel Zhou*, Della Knoke and Izumi Sakamoto
Faculty of Social Work, University of Toronto, Ontario, Canada
International
10.1080/13603110500075180
TIED107501.sgm
1360-3116
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Taylor
2005
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[email protected]
929-8971
978-7072
and
&of
Article
Francis
Social
(print)/1464-5173
Francis
Journal
Zhou
WorkUniversity
Ltd
Ltd
of Inclusive
(online)
Education
of Toronto246 Bloor Street WestOntarioM5S 1A1Canada

Recent research has documented silence/reticence among East-Asian international students,

including Chinese students, in Western/English classrooms. Students’ communication competence
and cultural differences from the mainstream Euro-American society have been identified as two
primary barriers to participation. Placing emphasis on individual characteristics of Chinese
students, however, without considering aspects of the educational context with which those charac-
teristics interact, may over-simplify and distort the mechanism underlying their silence in the class-
room. Based on a qualitative study of Chinese students’ experience of sharing indigenous knowledge
in classroom settings of Canadian academic institutions, it is argued that the pursuit of diversity in
the classroom may be compromised by classroom interactions, through which, for instance, the
dynamics and quality of the knowledge exchange of students from different socio-cultural back-
grounds may be adversely affected. Within this conceptual framework, the concepts ‘silence’,
‘culture difference’ and ‘indigenous knowledge’ are re-examined; the concepts ‘reciprocal cultural
familiarity’ and ‘inclusive knowledge sharing’ are advocated.

… [W]hen I did participate, mostly because I was required to. … Students took turns to
present something and that is your topic. You have to say something but even then I didn’t
feel that good because it seems … they didn’t feel that interested, … like they couldn’t
follow my ideas, follow my perspective. And so it seems difficult to communicate. I think
that is not just because of the language, it seems we see the same thing in different ways.
(Chinese student in this study)

Introduction
The process of globalization brings more and more non-English-speaking students
around the world to the English-speaking educational contexts such as the US,

*Corresponding author. Faculty of Social Work, University of Toronto, 246 Bloor Street West,
Toronto, Ontario, Canada M5S 1A1. Email: [email protected]

ISSN 1360–3116 (print)/ISSN 1464–5173 (online)/05/030287–25

© 2005 Taylor & Francis Group Ltd
DOI: 10.1080/13603110500075180
288 Y. R. Zhou et al.

Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and Britain. The number of international students
from Mainland China to North America has increased steadily in recent years. In the
United States, for instance, there were nearly 65,000 Mainland Chinese students in
higher education in the year 2002–03, making them 11% of all international students
and the second largest international student group behind India (IIE Network, 2003).
At the University of Toronto, one of the largest universities in Canada, the largest
proportion of international students comes from Mainland China, accounting to 18%
of all international students from 141 countries/regions in the year 2002–03 (Interna-
tional Students Centre, 2003).
Given the differences in political, historical, geographical, linguistic, and cultural
backgrounds of Chinese students and their peers in the Western/English settings, the
marked difference in these students’ in-class behaviours has caught the attention of
researchers, especially those interested in ESL/EFL (i.e. English as the second
language/English as a foreign language) education and of cross-cultural pedagogies.
Specifically, recent research has documented reticence and silence among East-Asian
students, including Chinese students, in English-speaking classrooms (e.g. Jin &
Cortazzi, 1993; Flowerdew & Miller, 1995; Turner & Hiraga, 1996; Liu & Little-
wood, 1997; Jackson, 2002; Liu, 2002; Holmes, 2004). In current ESL/EFL
literature, East-Asian students have been largely depicted as passive recipients and
quiet learners, appearing reluctant to adopt active roles in classroom discussion. In
their study of Japanese students in Britain, for instance, Turner & Hiraga, (1996)
found that students were unwilling to engage in dialectic and analytic discourse in
tutorials. In his study of Chinese students in a New Zealand university business
school, Holmes (2004) found these students were not prepared for the dialogic nature
of classroom communication, which created difficulties in their listening, understand-
ing and interacting.
The myth of ‘passive’ East-Asian students and their apparent silence was initially
explained by two primary factors: language communication competence and cultural
differences from the mainstream Euro-American societies. The communication
barrier refers to East-Asian students’ English proficiency for academic listening and
oral presentation, which is also cited as ‘foreign language classroom anxiety’ (e.g.
Bailey, 1983, cited in Jackson 2002) or ‘second language anxiety’ (e.g. Foss & Reitzel,
1991). In her study of Chinese students in an English-medium undergraduate busi-
ness course in Hong Kong, for instance, Jackson (2002) found that these students
were commonly concerned about their ability to express their thoughts in English.
Their low proficiency in English has been associated with reduced confidence in the
ability to participate orally in classroom discussion (Liu & Littlewood, 1997; Jackson,
2002). However, little research has been conducted on how such language-based
inhibition may be compounded by other contextual elements, such as teaching meth-
odologies, classroom interactions as well as these students’ cultural understanding of
‘appropriate participation’, in the classroom.
Confucian Heritage Culture (CHC)1 has been frequently cited by many research-
ers for explaining East-Asian international students’ apparent passivity and reticence
in the classroom (e.g. Flowerdew & Miller, 1995; Turner & Hiraga, 1996; Spizzica,
 Chinese students’ experiences of sharing indigenous knowledge 289

1997). Influenced by the Confucian values, for instance, Chinese students were
characterized as generally quiet in class and less likely to question or challenge their
teachers (Bond, 1999, cited in Chan 1999). Remaining silent is one strategy used by
Chinese students to avoid the awkwardness associated with disagreement and, thus,
maintain harmonious relationships with others (Ho & Crookall, 1995; Jackson,
2002). Carson & Nelson (1996) found that Chinese international students engaged
in extensive self-monitoring to avoid criticizing or disagreeing with the work and
perspectives of their peers. Educated by the Confucian pedagogies, Chinese students
preferred didactic and teacher-centred style of teaching and would show great respect
for the wisdom and knowledge of their teachers (Cortazzi & Jin, 1996; Kirkbride &
Tang 1999, cited in Chan 1999). Liu & Littlewood (1997) found most Chinese
students were accustomed to minimal speaking opportunities at school, where ‘listen
to teacher’ has been their most frequent classroom experience. As well, these
students’ perceptions about acceptable behaviours in the classroom were influenced
by the cultural meanings of appropriate participation. Consistent with Confucian
‘maxims of modesty’, for instance, Chinese students prefer less frequent participation
and brief responses in class so as to avoid dominating the discussion and to avoid
being labelled as a ‘show-off’ by their Chinese peers (Liu & Littlewood, 1997;
Jackson, 2002). Among East-Asian students but not their American classmates,
active listening is more likely than jumping into discussion to be perceived as an
appropriate way of participating (Jackson, 2002).
Cheng (2000), however, argued that there is a distortion of the Confucian doctrine
used for explaining East-Asian students’ reticence because some of its contents
were under-represented while the others were over-presented. For instance, some
Confucius’s well-known sayings that are in favour of students’ questioning and chal-
lenging the teacher (e.g. ‘shi bu bi xian yu di zi; di zi bu bi bu ru shi’ [the teacher is not
necessarily more knowledgeable than the student; and the student is not necessarily
less learned than the teacher] and ‘qin xue hao wen’ [a good student should study hard
and always be ready to ask questions]) have been rarely cited in the current discourses
on ‘passive’ East-Asian students (Liu & Littlewood, 1997; Cheng, 2000). Meanwhile,
using CHC as an overarching explanation for any observed or actual behavioural
traits (including these students’ silence in the classrooms) has been criticized as ‘the
biggest cliché’ about East-Asian students (e.g. Liu & Littlewood, 1997, p. 374). The
imagined homogenous and timeless Asia is a very problematic discourse, not only for
understanding Confucian cultures but also for understanding East-Asian interna-
tional students’ diverse experiences in the Western/English classrooms (Cheng, 2000;
Wong, 2004). By exploring the distinctive values of the Confucian pedagogies,
Watkins & Biggs (1996, 2001) argued that the CHC students and their learning styles
were commonly misunderstood by Westerners, primarily because they were earlier
examined under a Eurocentric gaze that rarely take the contexts of Confucian peda-
gogies into account. Placing emphasis on cultural differences or cultural attributes of
Chinese students, without considering aspects of the educational context, may over-
simplify and distort the mechanisms underlying silence/reticence of these students in
their classrooms.
290 Y. R. Zhou et al.

A context-oriented analysis of students’ cross-cultural experiences is advocated by

a number of authors (e.g. Volet & Renshaw, 1996; Volet, 1999; Cheng, 2000; Kubota
& Lehner, 2004; Wong, 2004). Volet (1999), for instance, stresses the significance of
mutual individual-context dynamic interactions for students’ learning across
cultures. In their study of Chinese students in an Australian university, Volet &
Renshaw (1996) found these students, like their Australian peers, were able to adapt
in the new educational context in order to fulfil the academic requirements. This
viewpoint is supported by a number of additional studies in which Chinese students,
despite their previous educational and cultural backgrounds, were found to have
strong desires to participate in classroom activities and preference for student-centred
style of teaching (e.g. Liu & Littlewood, 1997; Cheng, 2000; Wong, 2004). Cheng
(2000) sharply pointed out that it is dangerous to over-generalize East-Asian
students’ reticence and passivity, the causes of which are situation specific rather than
culturally predetermined. Kubota & Lehner (2004) further suggest that researchers
examine individuals in context rather than as members of a cultural group. Taking
into consideration the specific educational contexts in which students’ silence/reti-
cence occurs allows the contribution of a wide range of elements beyond ‘cultural
difference’ to surface, such as teaching styles/methodologies, classroom interactions,
power dynamics in the classroom, knowledge sharing or exchange, subjective dimen-
sions of students’ classroom experiences, and interactions of various contextual
elements.
In their study of classroom experiences of international students in the United
States, for instance, Beykont & Daiute (2002) found that these students were
comfortable participating when they perceived the professor to be supportive and
willing to use his/her authority to the direct the discussion in ways that ensured equity
in participation. Jenkins (2000) also found that teachers’ misunderstanding or misin-
terpretation of Chinese students’ culture-related behaviours/reactions may reinforce
their silence and isolation in the educational settings. Several studies indicate possible
impacts or consequence of students’ (especially minority students’) school-related
experiences and perceptions. For instance, minority students’ perceptions of alien-
ation and racial tension in academic environments influence the extent to which they
experience a sense of belonging in academic institutions (Nora & Cabrera, 1996;
Hurtado & Carter, 1997). As well, reticence to engage in classroom discourse may
shape minority students’ sense of belonging in the classroom and may contribute to
a sense of ‘social exclusion’ in educational settings, since their perspectives are not
represented in classroom discussion (Wotherspoon, 2000).
The limited state of current knowledge regarding the cross-cultural classroom
experiences of Chinese students (i.e. not only the Chinese L2 students) and the
potential impact of classroom contexts motivated further inquiry. Specifically,
there has been little study of Chinese international students’2 experiences of shar-
ing knowledge (including indigenous knowledge) in the Western/English class-
rooms, hindering our ability to appreciate the influence of classroom dynamics
(e.g. difference in language, culture, educational backgrounds, and knowledge)
and a broad range of contextual elements (e.g. teaching methodologies, class-size,
 Chinese students’ experiences of sharing indigenous knowledge 291

study disciplines, and classroom interactions) in relation to their silence/reticence.

The influences of different knowledge systems (e.g. indigenous knowledge and
Western knowledge) on peoples’ experiences in larger educational contexts (e.g.
the academy) have been critically discussed by several authors (e.g. Dei, 2000a, b;
Tuhwai Smith, 2002). However, little attention is paid to how different knowledge
are perceived and experienced by international students in the Western/English
classroom settings and the influence of these factors on students’ willingness to
share indigenous perspectives. Given the increasing number of international
students from Mainland China in North America and other Western/English coun-
tries (IIE Network, 2003), it is important to understand how their differences in
socio-cultural and linguistic backgrounds interact with aspects of the Western/
English educational contexts to shape their learning experiences. Therefore, we
designed a study to explore Chinese international students’ experiences of sharing
knowledge (including indigenous knowledge) in the classroom of Canadian
academic institutions, and sought specifically to better understand how Chinese
students’ experiences of sharing indigenous knowledge were related to their overall
experiences in the classroom.
Based on the main themes emergent in our data analysis, this paper represents a
preliminary dissemination of the study findings. Following the methods section, find-
ings of the study are presented in three parts. The first part presents classroom
dynamics influencing Chinese students’ classroom participation in general. This
section also serves to provide a context for understanding the indigenous knowledge
sharing experiences, discussed in the second section. Finally, we direct our discussion
to strategies that may facilitate the co-construction of learning environments that
foster inclusive knowledge sharing. Within this framework, key concepts such as
silence, culture difference and indigenous knowledge are critically examined and
alternative terms are advocated.

Methods
This phenomenological study3 focuses on exploring the meaning of lived experiences
as phenomena. The data was collected through individual face-to-face interviews
with 10 students. Eligible participants included individuals from Mainland China who
came to Canada to acquire graduate education in the last five years. This target group
was selected for two primary reasons. First, Mainland Chinese students, compared
with other Chinese student subgroups (e.g. Taiwanese and Hong Kong students),
come from an educational setting influenced little by Western pedagogy (Rui, 1997).
Second, the relatively smaller size of graduate as compared to undergraduate classes
provides students more opportunity to participate in classroom discussion. Such
classrooms may provide relatively rich information about students’ participation or
knowledge sharing, which is the focus of our proposed study.
Participants in this study were recruited through multiple Chinese student
networks in Toronto (including Chinese student associations, list-serves, and web
sites) and through snowball sampling based on personal referral.
292 Y. R. Zhou et al.

The qualitative in-depth interviews were guided by a semi-structured interview

guide, with open-ended questions and as few prompts as possible to elicit rich
descriptions of experiences. The interview guide included several general prompts to
ensure that the interview maintained a general focus and that major themes of interest
were explored. Specifically, we asked our informants questions about their personal
experiences of sharing knowledge (including Chinese/indigenous knowledge) in
classroom settings, perceptions regarding classroom interactions, their understanding
of indigenous knowledge, the influence of experiences on their self-perceptions, and
strategies to facilitate more discussion of indigenous knowledge in the classroom
setting. For example, participants were asked ‘Can you tell me about some of your
experiences of sharing knowledge (including Chinese/indigenous knowledge) in the
classroom?’, ‘How do you understand your experiences of sharing knowledge in the
classroom?’ and ‘How have your classroom experiences influenced your willingness
to share Chinese/ indigenous knowledge?’ The specific phrasing of interview
questions varied slightly across participants depending upon the interview contexts.
Each interview lasted for approximately 90 minutes. At the end of each interview, the
background information of participants was collected.
Participants were interviewed in English or Mandarin, based upon each partici-
pant’s expressed preference. With permission from the participants, the interviews
were audiotaped and transcribed. The Mandarin interviews were transcribed and
translated verbatim in English by the fist author, a native Mandarin speaker, so that
they could be understood by all members of the research team. The transcribed data
were coded and analysed using N-Vivo, a computer software program for qualitative
data analysis. Emerging themes were discussed among the researchers for consistency
and refinement. Initially, the researchers’ past or present experiences as (interna-
tional) graduate students were bracketed (Caelli, 2001) so that the themes were
allowed to emerge from the data. Next, to examine the credibility and confirmability
of emerging themes (e.g. Drisko, 1997), the preliminary findings of this study were
presented and reviewed by all participants and were further discussed by four partic-
ipants who wished to participate in a focus group. This member checking provided
one means of increasing trustworthiness by ensuring that participants’ experiences
have been appropriately represented.
Five female and five male students participated in this study. The age range of
participants was 25 to 39 with an average of 29.9 years of age. Seven participants were
single or not living with a spouse/partner.
In the background questionnaire, eight participants reported participating in social
activities ‘often’. The majority of participants indicated that their friends in Canada
were Chinese or Asian and that Chinese was the language spoken outside of class-
room settings.
All students completed their undergraduate education in Mainland China. Three
participants lived/studied in another English speaking country, for a period ranging
from 1 month to 2.5 years, before coming to Canada. The length of time participants
resided in Canada ranged from half a year to five years, with an average of 2.5 years.
In terms of their current studies, three participants had recently completed their
 Chinese students’ experiences of sharing indigenous knowledge 293

graduate studies (i.e. two Master’s and one PhD), while the others were divided
among Master’s (3/10) and Ph.D. (4/10) programs. Given that the current literature
has found that East-Asian/Chinese students’ classroom participation is often related
to students’ self-perceptions about their own English proficiency (e.g. Liu & Little-
wood, 1997; Jackson, 2002), participants were asked to assess their overall level of
English proficiency on a six-point Likert scale [i.e. very poor (1), poor (2), fair (3),
intermediate (4), very good (5), and excellent (6)]. Four participants from Social
Science and one from Medicine considered their English language abilities to be ‘very
good’ (5), and the other five participants from Science or Engineering identified their
English level to be ‘intermediate’ (3).

Self-reported silence/reticence of Chinese students in the classroom: a

contextual understanding
Min (pseudonym), a participant of this study, was a second-year PhD student major-
ing in Computer Science at a Canadian university. He reported that he, as well as
other Chinese fellow students in his class, was ‘sort of silent’ in the classroom, seldom
asking questions or joining class discussion voluntarily. When asked how his profes-
sors and peer students would respond to his silence in class, Min said, ‘I don’t think
they know me. … I mean, I sat in that class, they wouldn’t remember there was such
a person there’. Commenting that his participation in Canada was not as active as that
when he was doing his Master’s program in China, Min hoped that he would feel
more motivated to join class discussion in future.
As Min did, Chinese students in this study commonly reported minimal class
participation4, especially in their earlier years of studying in Canadian academic
institutions, unless called upon personally to respond to a question or required to do
a presentation. Several students described their role in the class as ‘listener’ or
‘bystander’, unable to engage actively in class discussions. However, such ‘passivity’
and reticence in class was far from what Chinese students desired. In fact, they were
often upset and frustrated by the fact that they could not participate more in class. A
range of negative feelings associated with Chinese students’ low levels of participation
were reported in this study, including anxiety, frustration, depression, isolation, infe-
riority and loss of confidence. As a student described, for instance, ‘I felt pretty bad
because I don’t feel like I am part of the class. I felt I was being left out… I didn’t
think I am competent enough’. Another student said: ‘I kind of feel myself inferior,
feeling I cannot survive here in such an English-speaking environment’. Many
students were uncomfortable with being solely ‘listeners’ in class, because ‘of course
professors would like active students’, ‘I would lose my marks if I did not participate’,
or ‘[non-participation] is not good for my confidence and my learning’. Being able to
join the class dialogue/discussion was viewed very important and helpful by all
Chinese students in this study, because when you feel that ‘you can contribute to that
dialogue, then you begin to feel good about yourself’.
Despite the desire to participate more in class and the emotional consequences
associated with their difficulties, what was holding these students back? This study
294 Y. R. Zhou et al.

suggests that a variety of factors and processes may inhibit students’ inclinations to
spontaneously answer or ask questions and to contribute to classroom discussion.
Among the most commonly reported inhibitors were poor English language profi-
ciency, unfamiliarity with Canadian/Western culture and the content and norms of
Canadian education, perceptions of interpersonal interactions in the classroom, and
culturally influenced understanding of aspects related to classroom participation (e.g.
the meanings of participation and personal familiarity with peer students in class).
Instead of categorizing those aspects as the ‘determinants’ of Chinese students’ class-
room participation, we are more interested in exploring how these interlocking
aspects/elements played a role in the classroom processes through which Chinese
students’ silence/reticence was engendered. A closer look at classroom processes and
interactions may enhance our understanding of the ways that various contextual
elements including language- and culture-related dynamics interact to influence the
class participation experiences of Chinese students.
Consistent with previous findings, poor English proficiency was identified by
Chinese students as a primary barrier to participation, particularly in their first year
of study in Canada. They reported difficulty understanding class content, taking
notes, understanding and responding to questions, joining discussions, and so on.
For Chinese students, however, their English proficiency often interacted with a
number of aspects of classroom dynamics, such as how professors and peer students
reacted to their language proficiency and how they perceived themselves as non-
native-English speakers. Specifically, ‘feeling nervous’ was a common experience for
Chinese students when they spoke in class; for instance, a student ‘sweated a lot’
when he was doing his first presentation, and several students described that their
hearts were beating rapidly when they participated. These students often felt pres-
sured by the possibility that their English might not be understood by others and felt
awkward for repeatedly saying ‘I beg your pardon’ in class. A male student in Engi-
neering, for instance, always hesitated to join class discussion, worrying that he would
be unable to deal with the possible conflicts or misunderstandings occurring during
(English) conversations. The challenges of English communication confronting
Chinese students were also accompanied by a sense of incompetence. A student said,
‘When my other classmates discussed actively, I couldn’t join coz’ I don’t know what
they were saying. I feel very uncomfortable, feeling I was outside their circle’.
Another student, who had previously taught in China, felt she was not like herself any
longer but ‘like a child’, because she ‘couldn’t think that fluently and didn’t know
[how to] talk fluently [in English]’. As a result, ‘you begin to lose your confidence’.
As well, many Chinese students expressed concern about how their professors and
peer students would react to their English proficiency, and this appeared to influence
their decision-making about classroom participation. In a class, for instance, a
Chinese student asked the instructor for a 2-minute extension so as to finish her
(English) in-class essay writing, which would account for a considerable percentage
of the final mark. The instructor simply refused her ‘because that will be unfair to the
others’. When telling her experience, this student was still struck by the instructor’s
insensitivity towards international students’ language-related difficulties. She said: ‘I
 Chinese students’ experiences of sharing indigenous knowledge 295

think it isn’t right to let people feel bad just because of their language proficiency. …
You shouldn’t be evaluating people based on their English skills; [rather,] it is how
much knowledge and how much ideas they got’. In contrast, some students
commented that their professors were ‘more patient’ and ‘even nicer’ to them,
because the professors were aware that overseas students might have language prob-
lems. One student reported that his professor ‘deliberately speaks slowly to us, and
he tries to tell less jokes [because the jokes may include some slang or local/cultural
contents that beyond our reach]’. The understanding and consideration from profes-
sors appears to make Chinese students feel safer in a class and in joining class discus-
sions, because they often perceived that such professors were ‘willing to communicate
with and help students’. Similarly, the insensitivity to Chinese students’ language-
related challenges from peer students may inhibit their classroom participation. As a
student described, ‘[I]t takes a while [for me to express my ideas] and I don’t think
most people wait until I finish. Like [after I said] the first couple of sentences and then
I think they just assumed what I was trying to say’. The perceived impatience towards
her English proficiency from her peer students had made it more difficult for her to
speak in class.
Conceptualizing learning English as a process that improves over time, some
Chinese students may be expected to join class discussion after they have gained
greater confidence and comfort in class. Yet challenges remained. ‘Having no
chance to speak (in class)’ was often reported by Chinese students, despite improved
English proficiency, because they were unable to react as quickly as their native-
English-speaking peers did. Though some of them had no difficulty understanding
the class, they felt that a bit more time was required for preparing to speak in
English. Once prepared, however, ‘the topic had moved on’. As described by a
Chinese student, ‘If you responded to it slowly, other students could cut in, and
then you just could not get more chance to say… So after several experiences like
this, finally you might not say anything anymore’.
In addition to language-related barriers, Chinese students’ classroom participation
was also compounded by their unfamiliarity with the Canadian educational context
(including pedagogy) as well as the Canadian/Western culture and knowledge base.
For instance, Chinese students in our study often reported difficulty in giving presen-
tations, participating in discussions, or communicating/interacting with peer students
and/or professors, largely because they were ‘not familiar with the manner of things
here’ and thus they didn’t know ‘how to do it’ or ‘what’s the appropriate way to do
it’. For instance, a Chinese student who had studied in a Canadian university for over
two years was still struggling to figure out what is the right timing to interject in class
discussion: ‘like even when to say something and when to stop, it is still pretty confus-
ing’. Similarly, some Chinese students found it difficult to discuss questions with
their Canadian peer students, because we were ‘not sure to what extent you should
discuss, whether they would like [to be] asked questions in that way, or whether they
have time to discuss questions with you’. It appeared that most Chinese students in
our study would rather step back if they were not sure was about the appropriate
forms of interaction. Unfamiliarity with knowledge related to Canadian/Western
296 Y. R. Zhou et al.

context also contributed to Chinese students’ reluctance to participate. Some

students reported that the lack of background knowledge/information impeded their
understanding of the content discussed, limiting their ability to respond to it. One
Chinese student dropped a course because he felt ‘totally lost’ in his first class discus-
sion on a recent water crisis in a local city (Walkerton), which he knew little about
then. Another also described such a challenge: ‘It took me two months to find out
who Mike Harris [i.e. the previous Premier of Ontario, Canada] is or talk about some
novels [that are] like a necessity for people living in this country and I have no knowl-
edge about it at all’. These students wished that they could have had a ‘buffer zone’,
which could allow them some time to familiarize with the new educational environ-
ment, as soon as they arrived in the Canadian academic institutions where they were
studying. Despite the desires to know more about local educational and socio-cultural
contexts, most students were unable to do so because they were often overwhelmed
by their studies in addition to paid employment.
Most Chinese students in this study expressed preference for seminars to lectures
and enjoyed that ‘there are no stone walls between the professors and the students’.
However, their understanding of and decision-making about class participation were
largely influenced by their previous cultural and pedagogical experiences in China. In
other words, class participation appeared to hold different meanings for Chinese and
Canadian students. Specifically, Chinese students perceived that they took the class
‘very seriously’ while their local counterparts seemed to behave casually in class: they
looked relaxed, they cut in the discussions any time, they said whatever they wanted
to say, and so on. In contrast, Chinese students tended to consider carefully their
ideas/questions and the reactions they might evoke before they spoke out. For
instance, some Chinese students didn’t ask questions in class because they thought
‘it’s our own problem for not understanding the class’, they ‘didn’t want to bother
others’, they worried that their questions ‘could slow down the class schedule, or
might not interest other students’, or they didn’t want to ‘lose face’ in front of other
students because of their confusions about the class. The following quotes by two
students are among many that illustrate this point well:
[I]n China we emphasize…it’s the way I was educated you should have something solid
about this thing until then you speak up. Like you express your ideas in certain… certain
logic or system or whatever, like it should be a mature idea… but here I see some people
[just say it] and I like that but I am not brave enough… some people are like [just saying]
whatever is in their minds they just ah… I wish I had the courage but I don’t.
(interviewed in English)
In China, when you answer questions, teachers would comment on your answer, like it’s
good or not good… So, as student, you would kind of evaluate your answer before you
speak out. If you didn’t answer right, you wouldn’t be that confident later… But this is not
a problem for students here.
(interviewed in Chinese)

Moreover, Chinese students’ personal familiarity with peer students in class was often
identified as an important element that could inhibit or facilitate their classroom
 Chinese students’ experiences of sharing indigenous knowledge 297

participation. According to students in this study, familiarity with peer students may
increase trust, motivation and feelings of comfort and safety in the classroom. Sitting
‘in a class in which students don’t know each other’ was viewed as a pressure, because
Chinese students might worry how they are perceived by their classmates, influencing
decisions about their class participation. Many students believed that interacting with
Canadian peer students outside the classrooms would enhance knowledge of one
another and increase comfort in communication, indirectly improving their perfor-
mance in the classroom. In reality, however, Chinese students often found such after-
class interactions were difficult and superficial, primarily because of the lack of recip-
rocal socio-cultural familiarity and the language-related barriers. Some students also
viewed a good relationship with their professors, particularly their supervisors, as
important. Working with a ‘kind’ and ‘supportive’ supervisor often alleviated anxiety
as well as a sense of isolation and increased their self-confidence and sense of safety
in the new educational environment.
Students’ experiences of silence/reticence differed across individuals and classroom
contexts. Their motivation for and the nature of classroom participation appeared to
be influenced by a broad range of other contextual elements, such as size of class, the
composition of peer students (e.g. if there are other minority or international students
in class), the content of teaching (e.g. if it sounds familiar or difficult), the professors’
teaching methodologies (e.g. lecture- or discussion-oriented), the personality and
style of professors (e.g. if the professors are approachable or open-minded), and so
on. While some students reported that it was the particular class formats that
provided little opportunity for active class participation, others thought it was their
perceptions of classroom context and dynamics that led them to ‘[choose] not to say
anything’. As well, for some Chinese students, decisions about the extent of involve-
ment in small group discussions ‘depend on who you are working with in the group’.
As explained by one student: ‘Some people [in the group] are really strong … it looks
like I am not even in the group. And if I got lucky the group is good and I will say
more’.
In this paper, therefore, silence is not merely defined as an individual decision not
to speak. Rather, more importantly, it is understood as classroom processes in which
Chinese students’ individual characteristics interact with classroom context to engen-
der their reluctance to participate, despite opportunity to do so. In other words, to
understand Chinese students’ silence/reticence in the Canadian classroom, it is more
important to examine the conditions or the interactive classroom processes that char-
acterize the contexts in which Chinese students make decisions about their participa-
tion. With such an understanding, the silence/reticence of Chinese students, as well
as East-Asian students, in the Western/English classroom cannot be reduced to
linear, main effects models of causation in which individual characteristics (e.g.
English proficiency and cultural difference) are conceptualized as determinants of
their classroom performance. Moreover, this kind of main effects model is inadequate
to understand why, despite improvements in language and increased familiarity with
the new educational environment over time, reluctance to participate persisted.
Reducing Chinese students’ silence to their individual characteristics fails to capture
298 Y. R. Zhou et al.

the complex interplay of various contextual elements that contribute to their class-
room experiences and leaves classroom processes (e.g. interactions between Chinese
students and their professors as well as peer students) unexamined. To deepen our
contextual understanding of Chinese students’ silence/reticence and continued silence/
reticence in the classroom, we will direct our discussion to another level, that is, the
level of knowledge sharing. Specifically, in the next section of the paper, we focus our
analysis on Chinese students’ experiences of sharing indigenous knowledge in the
classroom, paying a closer attention to how the presentation of knowledge different
from the dominant Euro-American ones further complicates classroom processes and
interactions that inhibit participation. This examination also provides the impetus to
re-examine further the concepts ‘silence’ and ‘cultural difference’.

Indigenous knowledge sharing in the classroom: relational experiences of

Chinese students
The working definition of ‘indigenous/Chinese knowledge’ used in this paper refers
to an in-depth understanding of indigenous/Chinese realities resulting from one’s
long-term residence in China. This concept consists of at least three dimensions. First,
as an in-depth understanding of Chinese realities, such knowledge includes informa-
tion about Chinese history, culture, tradition, religion, economy, politics, geography,
society, and so on. Or, in Chinese students’ word, it can be ‘all things about China’.
Second, such knowledge is informed by individuals’ local experiences and/or practices
in China, in which they live their day-to-day lives for a long time and construct the
meanings of those experiences vis-à-vis Chinese socio-cultural context. At an empir-
ical level, it includes from apparently trivial aspects of routine daily life (e.g. when and
how to eat and to take a shower) to more salient components of personal experience
(e.g. previous educational and working experience) in China. At a subjective level,
indigenous knowledge may be embodied in ‘subtle things’ such as the meanings of
certain behaviours (e.g. ‘appropriate’ classroom participation) or a way/logic of ‘order-
ing, organizing and thinking of things’. In other words, it can be a distinctive way of
interpreting, understanding and reacting in interpersonal and social contexts. Third,
despite its distinctiveness, the recognition of indigenous/Chinese knowledge is in rela-
tion to, not independent of, the existence of other forms of knowledge. In fact, some
Chinese students in this study reported that they had rarely noticed ‘what is indige-
nous/Chinese knowledge’ or thought of defining ‘indigenous/Chinese knowledge’
when they were in China, because ‘everything there is a Chinese thing’. Only after
having experiences of knowledge encounter or exchange in the new educational
context, did some students begin to think in these terms, partly because ‘they [i.e. their
professors and peer students] can only speak or discuss from where they come from
and that is pretty different from where I come from’ and ‘it seems we [i.e. Chinese
students and their professors and peer students] see the same things in different ways’.
In this paper, our understanding of ‘indigenous knowledge’ develops along with
Chinese students’ narration of their experiences of sharing Chinese knowledge in the
Canadian classrooms. This definition of indigenous knowledge is also informed by a
 Chinese students’ experiences of sharing indigenous knowledge 299

number of authors (e.g. Dei, 2000a, b; Tuhwai Smith, 2002) who theorized ‘indige-
nous knowledge’ in relation to other forms of knowledge, particularly dominant forms
of knowledge. By re-reading ‘indigenous’ from a perspective of knowledge operation-
alization, for instance, Dei (2000b) argued that ‘indigenous’ signals the power relations
and dynamic embedded in production, interrogation and validation of such knowledge.
As a relational construct, according to Dei, indigenous knowledge do not exist ‘outside
of the effects of other knowledge’ (Dei, 2000b, p. 113). Dei (2000b), as well as Tuhwai
Smith (2002), viewed the production of indigenous knowledge as a resistance to
dominant knowledge systems, in that it recognizes that ‘different knowledge are
contested in terms of boundaries and space’ and ‘ruptures normalized categories of
what constitutes valid/invalid knowledge’ (Dei, 2000b, p. 113). Though not specifically
addressing ‘indigenous knowledge’, as well, Kubota & Lehner (2004) also advocated
researchers giving a scrutiny on the politics of ‘difference’ (e.g. difference in language,
culture and knowledge), through which the Other is constructed and exoticized.
To understand Chinese students’ experience of sharing indigenous knowledge in
the classroom setting, again, it is essential to recognize that such experiences were not
independent of the contextual elements influencing their general participation in the
classroom. The addition of the knowledge dimension to the contextual elements
complicates the pre-existing classroom dynamics and may shape classroom interac-
tions. Focusing on the experiences of indigenous knowledge sharing, this section
seeks to illustrate the more profound influence of classroom processes on Chinese
students’ silence/reticence. We also examine how such experiences affect Chinese
students and their responses.
According to Chinese students of this study, the space allocated to sharing indige-
nous knowledge coincided with the division of disciplines. Less opportunity for shar-
ing indigenous knowledge was identified within Science/Engineering/Medicine
classes, in which Western knowledge were often viewed as the authoritative. In
contrast, more opportunities were provided in classes in the Social Sciences and
Humanities, in which the relativism of knowledge was assumed to be somewhat
accepted. However, uncertainty regarding the relevance of such knowledge to in-class
discussion was commonly reported by Chinese students across disciplines and
contributed to their reluctance to share. For instance, a Chinese PhD student in
Social Science found it difficult to ask a ‘proper’ question in class, because she was
not sure if her professors and peer students could follow her perspective. She said that
she always hesitated to participate in class discussion before she could articulate and
show to the class the connection between Western theories and Chinese realities.
When they finally managed to share their perspectives in class, however, Chinese
students often found they were confronting other challenges. The perceived indiffer-
ence and the lack of interest of peer students and/or professors toward Chinese
knowledge were commonly reported by students in this study. One student
commented that ‘the class doesn’t want to spend time on these kinds of issues’. When
his Chinese classmates shared their previous working experiences in China, one
Chinese student also felt that his peers were disinterested in discussing his experi-
ences further. He described as follows:
300 Y. R. Zhou et al.

Most Chinese students in our department had worked for years in China before they came
here to study. When we talked about what we did in China, they would feel that is very
incredible or unbelievable. For example, when we talked about a chemical laser instru-
ment, they might feel surprised, but it seems that they didn’t want to talk about it more …
I just didn’t know why.
(interviewed in Chinese)

As well, some students reported changes in the topic after they spoke, leaving little
space for them to further explain/explore the issues they raised. For instance, a
student reported the lack of response and impatience from the class:
Like if I say something about my experience back home if the whole class just, there was
nothing to say. Well, I start a bad thing, right? People are not interested at all or they
don’t see the connection, so they just start something else to discuss. … Then the
instructor says okay and the whole class moves on to other stuff, very smoothly for them,
I think.
(interviewed in English)

Confronting ‘no response’ in class, this student perceived that ‘no response is worse
than negative response’. She commented: ‘Negative response means that at least they
are listening and they have something to say, and no response is like okay we don’t
care’. Consequently, some Chinese students reported feeling uncomfortable sharing
their ideas related to China in class. As a Chinese student said, ‘Before they can really
understand what you are saying they just change the topic. … Even just once or twice
you will just give up because you just feel no need [to] ask for that kind of troubles
yourself. You say okay and just give it up’. To figure out why their peer students and/
or professors had little interest in what they shared in class, some Chinese students
also began to think/rethink of the value of Chinese knowledge and the relationship
between different forms of knowledge in this Canadian/Western educational context.
Despite their disappointment, some Chinese students commented such lack of inter-
est in Chinese knowledge from their Canadian peers and professors ‘understandable’,
‘because sometimes the lives are so far away from yours it is hard to have an interest’.
As is conveyed by the following two quotes, Chinese students perceived their peers
students and professors might ‘give up’ knowing more about ‘another world’ because
it is ‘not important’ or ‘the second-class’.
they try to learn something interesting on this kind of topic, but it is not that easy to get a
complete picture of our society. They just give up because it’s not important. … I just feel
that’s another world, not that much related to their academic life, their career. …So why
[they] spend that much time or energy? …They don’t need that.
(interviewed in English)

I feel they [i.e. the professors and/or peer students] are far more interested in Chinese life
habits such as Chinese food than in our working experiences in China. In terms of tech-
nology, I think they think we [i.e. China] belong to the second-class, otherwise why do you
come here to study?
(interviewed in Chinese)
 Chinese students’ experiences of sharing indigenous knowledge 301

Nevertheless, some Chinese students in this study tried to explore ‘strategies’ to

facilitate the inclusion of their perspectives in class. For instance, a Chinese student
reported using the uniqueness of Chinese knowledge as the ‘selling point’ of his topic
to attract people’s interest in class, though this might not appeal to other Chinese
students who worried such strategy to getting popular among peers might distort or
sacrifice the ‘true’ Chinese realities. As well, some students tried to figure out the
connection between different knowledge and relevance of Chinese knowledge to
Western ones. However, according to some students in this study, such an attempt
might not work well, primarily because their professors and peer students knew little
about Chinese knowledge. Lack of recognition and familiarity from professors and
peer students for the distinctive knowledge and perspectives brought by Chinese
students to the classroom made meaningful sharing and discussion of indigenous/
Chinese knowledge difficult. As a student described, ‘I feel like cross talking. You
know I was talking this but they were talking other things so even in the same class in
the same room, we were like in different worlds sometimes. …it is just… very shallow
information exchange’. The unfamiliarity of peer students and/or professors with
Chinese society, knowledge and culture also limited their ability to respond to and
engage in discussion and thus discouraged Chinese students’ attempt to exchange
cross-context/cultural information/knowledge in class. As Chinese students said:

There is nothing to talk about. Backgrounds are different and [we] can only talk something
very superficial.
(interviewed in English)
like they couldn’t follow my ideas, follow my perspective. And so it seems difficult to
communicate. I think that is not just because of the language, it seems we see the same
thing in different ways.
(interviewed in English)

Moreover, the existing stereotypes and misconception about China and Chinese
society sometimes impeded the ability of Canadian students and/or professors to
respond to Chinese students in culturally sensitive ways. Chinese students were
often annoyed by the fixed and homogenous characterizations of China and Chinese
society from their peer students and/or professors. With regard to ‘Chinese culture’,
for instance, Chinese students often found their peer students were talking about
movies about ‘China’ or foods in China town. When such clichés are very strong,
Chinese students may consider efforts to refute or challenge them futile. As a
student said: ‘They may talk something [in class] and they want to you talk about
China case. But they already have a very strong mind. If I say something different,
different from their expectation, it’s kind of like very unhappy’. As well, overempha-
sizing the difference of Chinese students from other students was reported by some
students, which may have exacerbated their sense of isolation in class. For example,
one student described feeling like an ‘entertainer’, being called upon in class to
provide the Chinese perspective, like an ‘exotic’ novelty. She decided to be silent in
that class: ‘Like they are doing a presentation and there is a question especially for
302 Y. R. Zhou et al.

you since you are the only person who comes from a different background. I don’t
want to do that, like just provide something different. I just didn’t feel comfortable’.
Some students described the experiences of being viewed as a ‘representative’ of
‘Chineseness’ or ‘Chinese perspective’ by their peers students and/or professors:
‘[W]hen I do something, people are just saying, wow, do all Chinese do that thing? I
think that’s [a] dangerous tendency. Everything you do is Chinese’. Such misinter-
pretation from peers and professors may also inhibit Chinese students from speak-
ing more in class for fear that their sharing may reinforce the essentialization of
‘Chineseness’ or ‘Chinese perspective’.
The relative dominance of ‘mainstream perspectives’ in the classroom was identi-
fied as an element influencing the indigenous knowledge sharing of Chinese students.
Although it was seldom noted among students studying in disciplines such as
Computer Science or Engineering, some Chinese students studying in Social Science
reported that they were among very few ‘non-Western students’ in the host depart-
ment or the only people of colour in class. Without the sensitivity of peer students
and/or professors to the socio-cultural backgrounds of such minority students,
Chinese students found it difficult to believe their voices may be heard and their
perspectives presented in the classroom. Thus, they tended to stay ‘silent’ in class.
However, the presence of other minority students (i.e. other international students or
students from other ethnic groups) in the classroom was thought helpful for increas-
ing their ‘safety’ to share Chinese knowledge. As well, ‘open-minded’ professors or
professors with international perspectives were appreciated by Chinese students. As
a student said: ‘I think [some professors] have some helpful insights that culture is
part of your experience, you have to make it meaningful to you. …That’s meaningful
knowledge, it is part of your life’. For Chinese students, however, professors ‘don’t
have to know everything in the world’, but they should ‘[not] lose interest in discus-
sion [and not] refuse to further communicate with students’. In fact, some Chinese
students managed to cope with in-class ‘no-response’ situation through sharing their
thoughts with their professors after class.
Chinese students’ experiences of sharing indigenous/Chinese knowledge compli-
cated their silence/reticence in the classroom. In addition to various contextual
elements that we discussed in the last section, Chinese students’ decisions about
whether or not to participate in class discussion was also influenced by the way in
which their professors and peer students responded to the indigenous/Chinese knowl-
edge shared in class, and their subsequent understanding of their knowledge sharing
experiences. While some Chinese students decided ‘to fight to get a chance to speak
up’, others decided to give it up. Confronting the unfamiliarity with Chinese society
and the misconception about Chinese culture of professors and peer students, some
students found it hard to explain to the class ‘how big, how complicated, how diverse
Chinese society is’. When bridging a Chinese topic with Western theories, a student
also felt it was difficult to adhere to her Chinese perspective and to her understanding
of Chinese realities, because her paper may finally be ‘judged by professors from their
own perspectives’. She said: ‘In the end, like I just wanted to make deadlines, I just
tried to finish. When I write, if it is logically right, that’s good. But it is not the reality
 Chinese students’ experiences of sharing indigenous knowledge 303

[in China], [after all] those professors are not living in that society’. Consequently,
this student started doubting the ‘value’ and ‘relevance’ of Chinese knowledge in
Canadian/Western educational contexts. In the focus group discussion of this study,
she commented that she felt indigenous/Chinese knowledge is more like a ‘burden’
for her. She said:

If you have very rich knowledge and experiences back in China, you came here, they
became a burden. If we just graduated from university and [immediately] come here, that’s
much easier… But if you have a very-long-time work experience in China, then you have
a more fixed way of thinking. You came here, like you [would] have more difficulties, like
the new world and the old world [would collide] more intensively.
(interviewed in English)

To survive in the new educational environment, therefore, some students may acqui-
esce to presenting mainstream perspectives in order to fulfil academic requirements
(e.g. organizing a paper ‘in a Western logic way’). As a Chinese PhD student joked:
‘We are all brainwashed’. Some Chinese students began to question the unequal
relationship between different knowledge in the Canadian/Western educational
context. In the focus group discussion, for instance, a student commented, ‘differ-
ence [in culture and knowledge] can not be neutral’ and ‘cultural diversity doesn’t
mean that every culture has [an] equal status’. Some students asked to critically
examine ‘how the university evaluates the international students’ and ‘why, the
mainstream [system], the local, want us here’. A couple of students recognized that
the boundaries between different knowledge and cultures already become ‘mixed’
and ‘blurring’ in such a global era, but they also commented that the problems/
challenges encountering in the process of knowledge exchange in class made them
examine how ‘indigenous/Chinese knowledge’ becomes positioned in relation to the
knowledge dominant in Western/English educational context.
Descriptions of these experiences raise important issues about how concepts such
as ‘indigenous knowledge’ and ‘cultural difference’ are constituted. For Chinese
students, the differences between ‘Chinese/indigenous knowledge’ and Western
knowledge are gradually recognized and defined by Chinese students based on their
personal experiences of sharing such knowledge and their understanding of such
experiences. Within the classroom setting, as suggested in the above-mentioned
quotes by Chinese students, the two parties in a knowledge encounter are not
assigned equal value. Students’ familiarity with and mastery of certain bodies of
knowledge (e.g. Euro-American knowledge) is granted more credibility and signifi-
cance than their familiarity with and mastery of other bodies of knowledge (e.g. indig-
enous knowledge). In such a Eurocentric knowledge framework, therefore, a
unidirectional perspective of cultural difference or cultural unfamiliarity is empha-
sized (i.e. the unfamiliarity of Chinese students with Western culture/knowledge).
The effects of reciprocal unfamiliarity are not examined.
To some degree, the perceived devaluation of Chinese knowledge from peer
students and/or professor resulted in or reinforced these Chinese students’ contin-
ued silence/reticence in the classroom and engendered reflection on ‘indigenous
304 Y. R. Zhou et al.

knowledge’ in relation to the dominant knowledge of the classroom. At this point,

both ‘silence/reticence’ and ‘indigenous knowledge’ become relational realities that
are produced among people (including students and professors), rather than by an
individual Chinese student, in the very educational context (i.e. classroom). As
informed by Dei (2000b), ‘indigenous knowledge’ may be defined as a relational
construct, in which Chinese students gradually reflect on and identify the Chinese
knowledge in relation to their knowledge sharing experiences in the Canadian/
Western classrooms. Despite various constraints, these students’ critical thinking
about their indigenous knowledge sharing experiences can also be understood as a
resistance to the hegemonic knowledge systems and pedagogies in the classrooms. It
questions the status quo of the asymmetric power relations between different
knowledge and problematizes the Eurocentric discourses of legitimated knowledge
(Dei, 2000b; Tuhwai Smith, 2002; Kubota & Lehner, 2004).
However, the complexities of knowledge sharing in class and the unequal power
embedded in different knowledge and cultures have been rarely taken into account by
the current framework of ‘inclusive education’, in which the increasing ranges of
differences between students are given primary attention (Leeman & Volman, 2001).
Deconstructing classroom silence through the lens of power dynamics, Briskin (1998,
2000) argued that the classroom is an active site which reproduces power dynamics
(e.g. based on gender, race, class, sexual orientation, ability, and age) about speaking
and silence. The findings of our study also suggest that classroom power dynamics
are not only about gender, race, and so on, but also about linguistic and cultural dispar-
ity in knowledge production, dissemination and validation. Diversity in knowledge and
ways of thinking are as integral to inclusive education as diversity in gender, race, or
other dimensions of experience. Therefore, developing a broader conceptual and
practical framework of inclusive education and increasing the diversity of content
presented in the class requires that the complexity of elements that impact knowledge
sharing (including indigenous knowledge sharing) be taken into account, rather than
merely certain characteristics of students. Just as we understand Chinese students’
silence/reticence as a relational reality, transforming their silence/reticence and foster-
ing an appreciation of diversity in the classroom is not an individual initiative: it
requires the collaboration among students and professors within and without the
classroom settings, not unilateral and unidirectional but multilateral and bidirectional
processes.

Co-construction of strategies fostering inclusive knowledge sharing: towards

a broader framework
Differences in individual characteristics and specific classroom contexts contributed
to diverse classroom experiences. However, our study participants identified some
common aspects and strategies that facilitated participation and meaningful knowl-
edge (including indigenous knowledge) sharing in classroom. These aspects reveal
potential for both students and professors, whether Chinese students or other
students, to co-construct a more open framework for embracing various forms of
 Chinese students’ experiences of sharing indigenous knowledge 305

knowledge in the classroom setting. Only through such an alliance among all individ-
uals of classroom interaction/communication, can diverse perspectives and experi-
ences be represented.
First, the interest, appreciation, or support shown by peers students and professors
were commonly regarded by Chinese students as responses that encouraged further
knowledge sharing. ‘Peoples’ willingness to listen’, for instance, was identified as the
primary facilitator of sharing Chinese knowledge by one participant. Such positive
classroom interactions can also increase the pride of Chinese students in indigenous
knowledge and confidence in sharing it. One student described appreciation for her
classmates at the university where she was studying: ‘They showed great curiosity
[about] my country, my culture and I myself took great pride in my language, my
country, my people and my culture’. As well, some students reported that support
from their professors facilitated their performance in the classroom. Some professors
were described as better able or more willing than others to support or facilitate such
interactions, modulating the extent to which students could capitalize on the diversity
present in their classrooms. For instance, a Chinese student seldom hesitated to ask
questions in class because he perceived his the professor ‘encouraging’. The student
said: ‘When professor is encouraging you, no matter in what kind of way, you would
just feel more and more confident’. The important role of professors as classroom
facilitators was also evident in a study by Beykont & Daiute (2002) on the classroom
participation of international students (including Chinese students).
As previously noted, some students reported that personal familiarity with peer
students and professors also increased ‘sense of safety’ and ‘sense of belonging’ in
class and the motivation to participate. These students highlighted the potential value
of interacting with peers and professors to improve their confidence to participate and
to enhance their level of comfort in a new culture and educational system. Cross-
cultural communication and interpersonal interaction outside of classroom were also
recognized as effective channels to increase English proficiency, reciprocal familiarity
with and mutual understanding of students and their socio-cultural backgrounds.
Despite the potential benefits of such interactions, such after-class social contacts
seldom took place between Chinese students and local Canadian students and
predominantly occurred among Chinese students or, to a lesser extent, between
Chinese students and other East-Asian students. Sometimes, the unfamiliarity with
peers and professor may also inhibit Chinese students from seeking help and support
from them.
At the same time, students in this study identified a number of programs/activities
that facilitated their adjustment and, in turn, their participation in class discussion.
For instance, a student reported that she succeeded in doing her first presentation in
class after being trained for the presentation skills in an English language program
provided by the university. Another Chinese student reported working with a local
student tutor had helped him ‘to catch up with both language and culture’. As well,
Chinese students appreciated some activities that provided opportunities for them to
get support from other Chinese students and international students. As one Chinese
student explained, ‘I just feel like it is more comfortable to talk to a group that [has]
306 Y. R. Zhou et al.

common experiences’. Despite reports of feelings of anxiety and depression, none of

these students sought formal assistance to deal with negative affective states or diffi-
culties they experienced. Students expressed the belief that services such as counsel-
ling would be of little benefit partly because it’s ‘useless’ for solving the concrete
problems (e.g. cannot understand the class or cannot participate in class discussion),
and they had to ultimately deal with these issues on their own. Instead, Chinese
students favoured the use of personal networks of Chinese fellow students, friends
and partners for support, because it is ‘easier to communicate’, both linguistically and
culturally.
Contrasting opinions exist in the current ESL/EFL literature with regard the
possible institutional interventions toward difficulties confronting international
students in the Western/English higher learning institutions. For instance, some
authors argued for the development of more culturally sensitive programs/pedagogy
to suit these students’ culturally based learning styles (e.g. Lewthwaite, 1996; Jones,
1999), while others suggested there is no need to adjust the current pedagogies
given the flexibility of international students to adapt the new educational contexts
(e.g. Wong, 2004). However, the findings of this study illustrate multiple challenges
that go beyond any single explanation or solution for Chinese students’ silences/
reticence (e.g. either a culturally based interpretation of silence/reticence or an
enthusiastic view of cross-cultural adaptability/transferability). Their needs and their
difficulties are multidimensional; for instance, they wanted assistance in becoming
accustomed to the new language and culture, to join the classroom dialogues with
their peers, and to make their voices and perspectives to be heard and understood.
In fact, some students in this study wondered if their host departments and universi-
ties were aware of the existence of such a student group with various difficulties. A
student said: ‘[F]or academic I would say I didn’t get much support from anywhere,
like from the University or from the department. I think nobody can help you. You
can either swim by yourself or you can sink. It all depends on yourself’. Instead of
targeting international students’ ‘problems’ in Western/English classrooms, some
researchers paid more attention to the roles of pedagogy as well as curriculum in
transforming the classroom dynamics that can motivate both international students
and local students to participate. To embrace the hybridity and multiplicity of the
knowledge brought into the classroom by students from diverse backgrounds, for
instance, Dei (2000b) argued to integrate indigenous knowledge into the current
curriculum, Tuhwai Smith (2002) advocated the development of indigenous
research proposals and methodologies, and Kubota & Lehner (2004) suggested
teachers reflect critically on how classroom dialogue that underscores cultural differ-
ences in rhetoric ‘could perpetuate Othering, cultural stereotyping, and unequal
relations of power’ (Kubota & Lehner, 2004, p. 18). Without critical interrogating
hegemonic knowledge system in Western academies, classroom might become a site
of reproduction of relations of domination and subordination and ‘diversity’ may
still be a cliché without meaningful content (Benjamin, 2002). Teachers’ key role in
facilitating ‘inclusive knowledge sharing’ in the classroom was also emphasized by
Chinese students:
 Chinese students’ experiences of sharing indigenous knowledge 307

In my opinion the instructors’ reaction, attitudes towards my comments are the most
important part. It is not that she or he is more important but the instructor is the leader
of the class. If she or he directs the class into that direction it is easier for other people
[to] go into that direction too. Like if the instructor is like oh okay and [moves on] …
even if the other people are interested, I don’t think the whole class will go into that
direction at all.
(interviewed in English)

Conclusion
Fostering an appreciation of diversity in the classroom requires the open exchange of
ideas and experiences of students from different backgrounds. However, the content
of these exchanges and the extent to which knowledge (including indigenous
knowledge) is shared may be compromised in the classroom setting. This study
described the knowledge sharing experiences of Chinese international students and,
in particular, their experiences of sharing indigenous knowledge. Student experiences
varied according to specific classroom contexts, students’ perceptions about class-
room interaction/democracy, their personalities and level of familiarity with the host
(Canadian) culture.
While previous studies found ‘cultural differences’ and communication capability
to be salient elements in determining level of participation, this study further suggests
that these cultural elements and proficiency in communication dynamically intersect
with a wide range of other elements such as reciprocal cultural familiarity and power
differentials between different languages, cultures and knowledge. By focusing on
classroom context, the current study documents the ways in which classroom inter-
actions influence knowledge sharing and the way that classroom dynamics interact
with linguistic, cultural and knowledge aspects. We argue that the reticence to partic-
ipate among Chinese students cannot be adequately explained by reducing these
experiences to their ‘cultural difference’ and/or communication capability alone. This
contention is reinforced by the finding that while improvements in English language
skills and increased knowledge of Canadian/Western culture increased participation
among some students, others chose to remain silent. More attention should be paid
to the classroom context in which such silence/reticence is manifested and to the
classroom process through which such silence/reticence is produced and reproduced.
The study also found a connection between Chinese students’ perceptions regard-
ing the receptiveness of classes to indigenous knowledge and their practices of knowl-
edge sharing. The perceived responses from professors and their peer students
provided them the basis for determining their response/reaction strategies and
influenced their level of subsequent participation. However, Chinese students’
perceptions of or interpretations about classroom process (e.g. participation and
interaction) are also influenced by their cultural and educational backgrounds. This
analysis also suggests that more attention must be paid to the fluid elements of culture
and to the complex processes through which elements such as power differentials
(e.g. language capability, cultural familiarity, and relative positioning of various
308 Y. R. Zhou et al.

systems of knowledge) and sites of emergence (e.g. classroom) influence the impact
of culture. The term ‘reciprocal cultural familiarity’ is proposed to convey that culture
is not a static and unidirectional element determining Chinese students’ performance
in classroom but a bidirectional and dynamic element intricately interwoven with a
range of other classroom contextual elements and perpetuating the ongoing process
of classroom interactions and classroom participation. The classroom processes, in
which Chinese students make decisions about knowledge sharing, is context specific or
situationally constructed and thus changeable. As a Chinese student who self-identified
as silent in the classroom, but active outside the classroom, said, ‘A student like me
can be changeable’. Conveyed in their narratives is the agency and potential to resist
the dominant classroom ideology/knowledge that may marginalize indigenous
knowledge and preclude a more inclusive learning environment. Despite the small
number of participants in this study, there is no doubt that the exploration of their
lived experiences will increase our understanding of the classroom experiences of
Chinese students, as well as other international students, in Canadian academic
institutions and other Western/English educational settings. Such information may
also inform ways in which we enrich the notion of ‘diversity’ and move towards the
co-construction of a more inclusive learning environment.

Acknowledgement
The authors would like to express their gratitude to the Chinese students who
generously shared their time and experiences. They also appreciate the anonymous
reviewers for providing insightful revising suggestions. Earlier drafts of the paper were
presented at the Excellence through Equity – Confronting the Tensions in Universi-
ties Conference, Toronto, Canada, 21–22 March 2003, and at the 36th World
Congress of International Institute of Sociology, Beijing, China, 7–11 July 2004.

Notes on contributors
Yanqiu Rachel Zhou is a PhD candidate at the Faculty of Social Work, University of
Toronto, Canada. Her areas of interest include Chinese Diaspora, illness narra-
tives, social/health policy, and international social work.
Della Knoke is a PhD candidate at the Faculty of Social Work, University of
Toronto, Canada.
Izumi Sakamoto is an assistant professor at the Faculty of Social Work, University of
Toronto, Canada.

Notes
1. Students from Confucian Heritage Culture (CHC) refer to students from cultures such as
China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Singapore, Korea and Japan (Watkins & Biggs, 2001).
2. We use the term ‘international students’ to refer to those students from other countries and
whose primary aim of coming to North America (in our case, Canada) is to study, including
both visa students and students with permanent residence.
 Chinese students’ experiences of sharing indigenous knowledge 309

3. A phenomenological approach was desirable for this study for three primary reasons. First, the
phenomenological approach attempts to understand an empirical matter or phenomenon (e.g.
students’ classroom experiences) from the perspective of those who experienced them. Second,
the approach aims to explore the subjective meaning of the lived experiences. Third, the
approach provides an approach to examining experience in a way not constrained by researcher
preconceptions. Understanding the lived experiences of knowledge sharing of Chinese students
is expected to increase an understanding of the processes that impede open exchanges and may
guide the selection of strategies to foster inclusive knowledge sharing. For more information
about phenomenology, see Boyd (1993), Bruyn (1966), Creswell (1998), Moustakas (1994)
and Van Manen (1997).
4. In the present study, ‘participation’ is conceptualized as voluntarily sharing within the context
of the class. Participation may include voluntarily responding to questions posed to the class,
asking questions in class, initiating or contributing to class discussion.

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