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Ecology of Freshwater and Estuarine Wetlands 2nd
Edition Darold P. Batzer Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Darold P. Batzer, Rebecca R. Sharitz
ISBN(s): 9780520278585, 0520278585
Edition: 2
File Details: PDF, 142.68 MB
Year: 2014
Language: english
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 vit | Contest with Oinomaos 219 drive with her from Elis to
the altar of Poseidon at the Corinthian Isthmus’. Meanwhile the king
himself, who is armed with spear and helmet, stays behind to
sacrifice, before a column surmounted by a female divinity’, the ram
which an attendant is bringing up on the left. Then Oinomaos will
mount the chariot held in readiness by his charioteer Myrtilus, and
drive in pursuit of the flying pair. On overtaking them, he intends to
stab Pelops in the back with his bronze spear. He has already
disposed of thirteen suitors in this questionable way. But Pelops will
escape ; for Hippodameia has persuaded Myrtilus to remove the
linchpins of the king’s chariot. Oinomaos will be tumbled out and
killed by Pelops with his own spear. His grave—a mound of earth
enclosed by a retaining wall of stones—was shown on the far side of
the Kladeos. Above it stood the remains of buildings where he was
said to have stabled his mares’. It is obvious that this story does not
describe a primitive form of mere sport. It is made up of at least two
distinct factors. (a) There is, first, the contest between the young
and the old king, ending in the death of the elder and the succession
of the younger to the kingdom. (b) Second, there is the carrying off
(ἁρπαγή) of the bride; for Pelops and Hippodameia drive off in the
same chariot, with the chance of altogether escaping the pursuing
father. This is not a chariot-race, but a flight, such as often occurs in
marriage by capture’. These two factors must be briefly examined.
We shall see that both can be interpreted on the hypothesis that the
rites reflected in these myths are appropriate to a New Year's
festival. (a) The Contest between the Young and the Old King. This
feature of the story is taken by Mr A. B. Cook? as the basis of his
theory of the origin of the Great Games. The parallel story of 1
Weizsacker in Roscher’s Lez., s.v. Oinomaos, col. 768, holds that this
trait must belong to a Phliasian legend of Oinomaos, and that
Oinomaos was transferred from Phlius to Olympia. * The sacritice is
said to have been made to Zeus Areios (Paus. v. 14. 6) or to Ares
(Philostr. Imag. 10). Earlier vases show Oinomaos and Pelops taking
the oath before a pillar, in one case inscribed AIO, in another
surmounted by a male divinity. See A. B. Cook, Class. Rev. xv. p.
271. 3 Apollod. 1.4; Paus. v.17. 7; Diod. 1v. 73; Paus. vi. 21. 3. 4
See Weizsicker in Roscher’s Lex., s.v. Oinomaos. > Zeus, Jupiter, and
the Oak, Class. Rev, xvu. 268 ff., and The European SkyGod, Folk-
Lore 1904. To the learning and ingenuity displayed in these articles,
as well as to other help from Mr Cook, I am deeply indebted.
 220 The Origin of the Olympic Games [cH Phorbas, king of
the Phlegyae, shows that we are justified in regarding the contest
for the kingship as a separable factor; for — in that story we have
the contest alone, without either the chariot-driving or the flight with
the bride. Phorbas dwelt under an oak; called his ‘palace, on the
road to Delphi, and challenged the pilgrims to various athletic feats.
When he had defeated them, he cut off their heads and hung them
on his oak. Apollo came as a boxer and overthrew Phorbas, while his
oak was _ blasted by a thunderbolt from the sky. The sacred tree
and the thunderbolt reappear in the case of Oinomaos. Between the
Great Altar and the sanctuary of Zeus in the Altis stood a wooden
pillar or post, decayed by time and held together by metal bands. It
was further protected by a roof supported on four columns. This
pillar, it was said, alone escaped when the house of Oinomaos was
blasted by lightning’. Near it stood an altar of Zeus Keraunios, said to
have been erected when — Zeus smote the house». The place was,
in fact, sanctified by being struck by lightning. Oinomaos, whom
legend made both husband and son of Sterope, the ightning-flash,
was one of those weatherkings with whom we are already familiar
(p. 105), who claimed to — control the thunder and the rain, and
like Salmoneus who; as we © have seen (p. 81), migrated from
Thessaly to Elis, were liable to be blasted by the later thunder-god of
Olympus. _Omomaos with his bronze spear was éyyetxépavvos*. He
too, like Phorbas, hung up the heads of the defeated suitors on his
house. Again we encounter the same complex as we found in the
Erechtheion (pp. 92 and 171)—a sacred tree or pillar, and the token
of the thunderer. — The Pandroseion of the Athenian Acropolis has
its analogue in — the Pantheion—the all-holy or all-magical place—
which contained the sacred olive tree at Olympia‘. On the basis of
this conjunction of weather king and sacred tree, Mr Cook suggests
that ‘in mythical times the Olympic contest was a means of
determining who should be king of the ~ district and champion of
the local tree-Zeus. The holder of the office for the time being was
analogous to the Rex Nemorensis — of the Golden Bough—an
incarnation of the Tree and Sky God, 1 Paus. v. 20. 6. 2 Paus. v. 14.
6. . * An epithet applied by Pindar to Zeus (Pyth. 1v. 194; Ol. xm.
77). Athena is — ἐγχειβρόμος, Ol. vu. 43. 4 Supra, p. 171, note 1.
 vit | » The Victor as King 221 and, like his Italian parallel,
defended his office against all comers, until he was finally defeated
and superseded by the successful combatant. The Olympic victor, he
points out, was treated with honours both regal and divine; feasted
in the prytaneum; crowned with a spray of olive like the wreath of
Zeus himself; pelted, like a tree-spirit or Jack-in-the-Green, with
leaves’. As such he is represented in the vase-painting in Fig. 57”.
Finally, on his return to his native city, the victor was dressed in royal
purple and drawn by white horses through a breach in the walls. In
many cases he was worshipped after death, as a hero; not because
he was a successful athlete, but because he had once been an
incarnate god. This hypothesis of Mr Cook’s we believe to be
fundamentally correct. Plutarch in his Symposiac Questions*, after
remarking that the foot-race was the sole original contest at
Olympia, all the other competitions having been added later,
proceeds : 1 Porphyry, Vit. Pyth. 15, says that Pythagoras advised
men to compete, but not to win, at Olympia, συμβαίνει yap Kal
ἄλλως μηδ᾽ εὐαγεῖς εἶναι τοὺς νικῶντας Kal φυλλοβολουμένους. Why
had the φυλλοβολία this effect ? 2 A kylix from Vulci now in the Bibl.
Nat. Paris; Arch. Zeit. 1853, Taf. u11., Li1.; figured and discussed by
Mr Cook, C.R. xvu. p. 274. 3 y. 2, p. 675 ο τοῖς δ΄. ᾿Ολυμπίοις πάντα
προσθήκη πλὴν τοῦ δρόμου γέγονε... δέδια δ᾽ εἰπεῖν ὅτι πάλαι καὶ
μονομαχίας ἀγὼν περὶ Πίσαν ἤγετο μέχρι φόνου καὶ σφαγῆς τῶν
ἡττωμένων καὶ ὑποπιπτόντων.
 222 The Origin of the Olympic Games [ou I hesitate to
mention that in ancient times there was also held at Pisa a : contest
consisting of a single combat, which ended only with the slaughter
and — death of the vanquished. : Plutarch rightly feels that this was
not a form of athletic sport. — This single combat is again reflected
in myth as a wrestling match between Zeus and Kronos for the
kingdom, from which some dated — the institution of the games.
But although we accept the essence of Mr Cook’s theory of this
single combat, we prefer to avoid some of the terms in which he
describes its significance: The words ‘king, ‘ god,’ ‘ incarnation of the
tree-Zeus’ may all be somewhat misleading. In the light of the
preceding chapters, we see that a weather-magician like Oinomaos,
though a late theology may see in him the temporary incarnation of
a god, goes back to a time when there was no god to be incarnated:
on the contrary the sky god is only a projected reflex of this human
figure of the magician, who claims to com-_ mand the powers of the
sky and to call down its rain and thunder by virtue of his own mana.
We shall be on safer ground if we restrict ourselves to the simple
primitive group, consisting of the — weather-magician who wields
the fertilising influences of Heaven, — and the tree which embodies
the powers of the Earth—the vegetation which springs up when the
thunder shower has burst, — and Heaven and Earth are married in
the life-giving rain*. To this we must add the conception, with which
Dr Frazer — has made us familiar‘, of the limited period of office
enjoyed by — such a personage. The individual on whose vigour and
exceptional powers the fertility of earth depends, cannot be allowed
to — continue in office when his natural forces fall into decay. Hence
— the single combat, in which he has to make good his right to a
renewed period or else to die at the hands of his more vigorous
antagonist. Now, in some cases at least, this period of office was
ποῦ limited merely by the duration of its holders’ natural strength: 1
Paus, v. 7 Ala δὴ οἱ μὲν ἐνταῦθα παλαῖσαι καὶ αὐτῷ τῷ Κρόνῳ περὶ
τῆς ἀρχῆς, ol δὲ ἐπὶ κατειργασμένοις ἀγωνοθετῆσαί φασιν αὐτόν. 2
See supra, p. 149. Mr Cook kindly tells me that in his forthcoming
Zeus he has restated his view in terms not open to the above
objections. % See supra, p. 176. ἢ 4 Lectures on the Early History of
the Kingship, p. 264. See also for πθ΄ periodicity of the rule of Minos
(τ 179 évvéwpos βασίλευε) Prof. Murray, Rise of — the Greek Epic*,
127 note.
 vii] The King as Year-God 223 it bore some fixed relation to
the year, and to the seasonal cycle of vegetable life in nature. In
other words the term of office was a ‘year’—a term which, as we
have seen (p. 189), may denote a lunar or solar year or a longer
period of two, four, or eight solar years—a trieteris, penteteris, or
ennaeteris. During this period, long or short as it might be, the
tenant of the office represented, or rather was, the power which
governed the rains of heaven and the fruits of earth; at the end of it
he was either continued for a new entautos, or violently
dispossessed by a successor. Further, since the eniautos itself could
be concretely conceived as a daimon carrying the horn of plenty!—
the contents and fruits of the ‘ year’ in the more abstract sense—we
may think of the temporary ‘king’ as actually being the eniawtos-
daimon or fertility spirit of his ‘year. When the year is fixed by the
solar period, we get festivals of the type of the Roman Saturnalia or
the Greek Kpova (with which the Saturnalia were regularly equated
in ancient times), and the single combat appears as the driving out
of winter or of the dying year by the vigorous young spirit of the
New Year that is to come. It is as eniautos-daimon, not at first as
‘incarnate god’ or as king in the later political sense, that the
representative of the fertility powers of nature dies at the hands of
the New Year. In this combat we may see, in a word, the essential
feature of a Saturnalian or Kronian festival. This view is supported by
a curious feature, to which Mr Cook _ calls attention, in the vase-
painting of Salmoneus figured above on Ῥ. 80. Salmoneus, the
weather-king, arrayed, as we have seen, with the attributes of the
Olympic victor, wears on his left ankle an unmistakable fetter. We
may suspect, as Mr Cook remarks, that this is part of his disguise as
a would-be god, and it shows that the god imitated is not Zeus, but
the fettered Kronos, Κρόνος πεδήτης. Once a year, at the Saturnalia,
the statue of Saturn slipped the woollen fetter with which it was
bound throughout the rest of the year’. Hesiod? tells us that, after
Kronos had vomited forth the stone which he swallowed instead of
his son, Zeus entering on his 1 See supra, p. 186, and infra, p. 285.
2 Macrob. Sat. 1. vu. 5, Saturnum Apollodorus alligari ait per annum
laneo vineulo et solvi ad diem sibi festum, id est mense hoc
Decembri. For the fettered Kronos see Roscher, Lez., s.v. Kronos, col.
1467. 3 Theog. 501. The lines are regarded by some editors as
interpolated. For the release of Kronos see Hesiod, Erga, 169" (ed.
Rz. 1902).
 224 The Origin of thé Olympic Games [cH. reign, released
from their bonds the brothers of Kronos, the Titans, — who then
gave Zeus the thunder and lightning. The unfettermg of Kronos or
Saturn appears to be a reflection of the custom at Saturnalian
festivals of releasing prisoners and slaves—the mock subjects of the
mock king of the feast, himself a prisoner or a slave. It may have
symbolised a brief return of the older reign of Kronos, or the Golden
Age, lasting over the interealary days between two years of the
reign of Zeus. At any rate in this design are united the attributes of
the old Thunderer and Vegetation Spirit, of the Olympic victor, and of
the unfettered Kronos—a combination which strongly confirms our
suggestion that the Games were connected with a Saturnalian feast.
Against the view here suggested an objection might be urged on the
score of the date of the Olympic Festival. Saturnalian feasts fall
usually in the neighbourhood of Christmas (the winter solstice) or of
Easter (the vernal equinox) or at some season of carnival between
these two dates. The Olympic Games, on the other hand, were held
in the late summer. The earliest date on which they could fall was
August 6; the latest, September 29. Moreover they were not annual,
but penteteric; that is to say they were celebrated once in every four
years. How then can they be connected with Saturnalian rites ? The
answer to this objection will throw light on the second factor in the
myth of Pelops and Oinomaos—the capture of the bride,
Hippodameia. (Ὁ) The Marriage of Pelops and Hippodameia. The
date at which a celebration of the Games fell due was reckoned by a
singularly complicated process, comparable with the mysterious
method laid down by the Christian churches for the calculation of
Easter; for, like Easter, the Games were a moveable feast,
determined by astronomical considerations. The Scholiast on Pindar?
quotes from Comarchos what appears to be the official prescription
for fixing the dates, copied possibly from some inscription in the
Prytaneum at Olympia. 1 Ad Ol. τι. 33 restored as follows by
Weniger, Das Hochfest des Zeus in Olympia, Klio, 1905, p. 1 ff.:
Κώμαρχος ὁ τὰ περὶ ᾿Ηλείων συντάξας φησὶν οὕτως" πρῶτον μὲν
οὖν παντὸς περίοδον συνέθηκε πεντετηρίδα" ἄρχειν (note the official
jussive
 ««ἘπῈ γπ] Date of Olympic Festival 225 The Games were
held alternately in the Elean months Apollonios and Parthenios—
probably the second and third months of the Elean year, if we may
suppose that this, like the Delphic and Attic years, began about
midsummer. The interval between two celebrations was alternately
49 and 50 months. This fact shows that the festival cycle is really an
octennial period (ennaeteris) divided into two halves—a period which
reconciles the Hellenic moon year of 354 days with the solar year of
3654. According to the document preserved by Comarchos, the
reckoning is made in a peculiar way, which seenis to call for
explanation. It starts from the winter solstice. Take the first full
moon after the solstice—this will fall on January (Thosuthias) 13*—
and count 8 months. This will give the full moon (Aug. 22, 776 = OL.
1.) of Apollonios (Aug. 8—Sept. 5) as the central day for the first
celebration. The next will fall four years later, after fifty months, at
the full moon (Sept. 6, 772 = OL. 11.) of the month Parthenios (Aug.
23—Sept. 21). Forty-nine months later we shall be again at the full
moon of Apollonios (Aug. 23, 768=OL. 111.}, and so the cycle
recurs. The singular plan of starting the whole reckoning from the
winter solstice seems to indicate that the year at Elis, as at Delos
and in Boeotia and probably also at Delphi and Athens, formerly
began in winter; and this circumstance at once suggests that the
single combat of the young and old eniautos-daimons may have
originally belonged to the season of midwinter—the season at which
the Roman Saturnalia were ultimately fixed®. infinitive) νουμηνίαν
μηνὸς ὃς Θωσυθιὰς (?) ἐν Ἤλιδι ὀνομάζεται, περὶ ὃν τροπαὶ ἡλίου
γίνονται χειμεριναί" καὶ πρῶτα ᾿Ολύμπια ἄγεται 7’ μηνί" ἑνὸς δέοντος
διαφερόντων τῇ ὥρᾳ, τὰ μὲν ἀρχομένης τῆς ὀπώρας, τὰ δὲ ὑπ’
αὐτὸν τὸν ἀρκτοῦρον. ὅτι δὲ κατὰ πεντετηρίδα ἄγεται ὁ ἀγών, καὶ
αὐτὸς ὁ Πίνδαρος μαρτυρεῖ. Schol. ad Ol. v. 35 γίνεται δὲ ὁ ἀγὼν
ποτὲ μὲν διὰ μθ΄ μηνῶν, ποτὲ δὲ διὰ ν΄, ὅθεν καὶ ποτὲ μὲν τῷ
᾿Απολλωνίῳ μηνί, ποτὲ δὲ τῷ Παρθενίῳ ἐπιτελεῖται. The account in
the text is based on Weniger’s admirable analysis in the above-
mentioned article. 1 The 11} days by which the lunar falls short of
the solar year amount in 8 years to 90 days, which were distributed
over the period in 3 months intercalated in winter. The 8-year period
thus=96+3 months=99=49 + 50. 2 The dates given exempli gratia
are those for the first Olympiad, starting from Decr. 25, 777. See
Weniger, loc. cit. 3 This may also throw light on an unexplained
obscurity in Pindar, who, describing the institution of the Games by
Herakles, says (Ol. x. 49) that Herakles first gave its name to the Hill
of Kronos, ‘which before was nameless, while Oinomaos ruled, and
was wetted with much snow’—mpbabe yap νώνυμνος, Gs Οἰνόμαος
ἄρχε, Bpéxero πολλᾷ νιφάδι. What can this possibly mean, if not that
a tradition survived connecting the hill with some mid-winter
festival? It suggests that the defeat of ‘Oinomaos’ and the
termination of his ‘rule’ coincided with the introduction of the new
octennial eniawtos and the shift to August. H. 15
 220 The Origin of the Olympic Games [ CH. A cycle such as
this is obviously a late and very artificial invention, implying fairly
exact astronomical knowledge. It is independent of the seasons and
concerned solely with the motions of the sun and moon. There is no
reason why it should begin at the same season as the pastoral or
the agricultural year. The most propitious moment would be the
summer, as near as can conveniently be managed? to the summer
solstice, when the sun is at the height of his power. The moon too is
taken at the full. The union of the full moon and the full-grown Sun
is one form—the astronomical—of that sacred marriage which in
many parts of the ancient world was celebrated at midsummer. This
union, we suggest, is symbolised by the marriage of Pelops and
Hippodameia. The suggestion has the support of Dr Frazer’s high
authority. He gives reason for holding that ‘under the names of Zeus
and Hera the pair of Olympic victors’ (that 15, the victor in the
chariotrace and the girl who won the virgin’s race at the Heraea,
which we shall discuss later) ‘would seem to have really personated
the sun and moon, who were the true heavenly bridegroom and
bride of the ancient octennial festival?’ Thus the second factor under
consideration—the marriage of Pelops and Hippodameia—is
explained. It was symbolised, as we saw, by the flight of bride and
bridegroom in the same chariot. As such it appears in the design
(Fig. 58) of a red-figured amphora’ with twisted handles.
Hippodameia stands erect, 1 Some mention will be made later (p.
230) of the difficulties which seem to have forced the founders of
the cycle to choose just this part of the summer. The month
Apollonios corresponded with the Delphic Bukatios (Pythian Games)
and the Laconian Karneios (festival of the Karneia). It was clearly
convenient to fix these greater festivals at a time when the labours
of harvest were well over and agricultural work was at a standstill.
Earlier writers, for instance Boeckh and Ideler, believed that the
Games were held at the first full moon after the summer solstice. 2
See Part 1. of the Golden Bough, ed. 3, p. 91. Dr Frazer arrived at
this conclusion some years ago, and, after hearing that I had
reached it also, kindly allowed me to see the proofs from which the
above sentence is quoted. I believe the explanation was first
suggested to me by one of Mr A. B. Cook’s articles on The European
Sky-God in Folk-Lore xv. p. 377 ff. : 3 Now in the Museo Pubblico at
Arezzo. First published in the Monimenti (vu. 3) of the German
Archaeological Institute. I am glad to find that Prof. Furtwingler in
commenting on this vase has pointed out that the scene here and on
the other Oinomaos vases is a rape rather than a race. He writes
(Griechische Vasenmalerei, Serie τι. Taf. 67, Text p. 34) ‘Dass die
Fahrten der Freier der Hippodameia und damit die des Pelops
urspriinglich nicht als Wettrennen sondern als— Entfiihrung, als
Brautraub gemeint und Oinomaos der Verfolger war, dies ist in den
verschiedenen Sagenvarianten, und in den Kunstdenkmilern immer
deutlich geblieben.’ Prof. Furtwiingler makes the interesting
suggestion that this vase 1 from the hand of the same master as the
famous Talos vase in Ruvo.
 Vit | Marriage of Sun and Moon 227 looking much more like
a goddess than a ravished bride. The olive trees and the two doves
flying close together to perch on one of them seem to take us back
to the trees and birds of the marriage of Sky and Earth on the Hagia
Triada sarcophagos’. The chariot of Pelops is the four-horsed chariot
of the sun, which Erichthonios the mythical founder of the
Panathenaea also imitated. That the Sun and Moon should drive in
the same chariot may seem strange, since of course they never rise
together in the same quarter of the sky. But we have already seen
them WMO Fia. 58. so represented on the Louvre krater (Fig. 51)";
and the same conjunction appears in literature. At the marriage of
Kapaneus, Helios and Selene drove their chariot together over the
sky*. At the two ends of the pedestal of the great statue of Zeus at
1 Supra, p. 176. 2 Verg. Georg. ut. 113 Primus Erichthonius currus et
quatuor ausus | iungere equos. Eratosth. catast. 13 τῇ τοῦ ᾿ Ἡλίου
ἀντίμιμον ἐποιήσατο διφρείαν. Hyg. Astr. m. 13 Heniochus,
Erichthonium...quem Jupiter, cum vidisset primum inter homines
equos quadrigis iunxisse, admiratus est ingenium hominis ad Solis
inventa accessisse, quod is princeps quadrigis inter deos est usus.
Others identified the celestial Charioteer with Myrtilus, Hyg. ibid. 3
Compare also the coin of Gellia, figured in Roscher, Lex., s.v. Mars,
col. 2410, which shows Mars as a warrior and Nerine—the Roman
Sun or Year God with his bride—standing in a quadriga. 4 Kur. Suppl.
990 τί φέγγος, τίν᾽ αἴγλαν ἐδιφρεύετον “Αλιος Σελάνα τε κατ᾽ αἰθέρα
ἜἘλαμπάδ᾽ ἵν᾿ ὠκυθόαι viudact... My attention was drawn to this
passage by Prof. Murray.
 7 228 The Origin of the Olympic Games [απ Ὁ Olympia, the
sun drove in his chariot and the moon rode her horse: she is
Hippodameia, the horse-rider’. The chariot-drive of Pelops and
Hippodameia, itself a flight rather than a race, was however
connected by tradition with the historic chariot-races at Olympia. We
have evidence too that the chariot-races of the Roman circus were
associated with the courses of the heavenly bodies. Cassiodorus?, a
sixth century writer, tells us that the Roman Circus represented the
change of seasons, and the courses of the Sun and Moon. The two-
horse chariot-race represented the course of the moon, the four-
horse chariot-race that of the sun. Lydus* mentions that the Circus
Maximus at Rome contained altars of the planet gods. Below the
pyramid of the Sun stood altars of the Moon, Mercury and Venus;
above it, altars of Saturn, Jupiter, and Mars. Tertullian* says that the
whole circus was dedicated to the Sun. . So, at Olympia itself, the
twelve rounds of the chariot-race -- δωδεκάγναμπτος as Pindar’ calls
it—may well have represented the course of the Sun through the
twelve signs. In the hippodrome the pillar which marked the
starting-point had beside it an altar of the Heavenly Twins®. At the
starting-point of the footraces in the Stadium stood the tomb of
Endymion, the sinking Sun who married Selene the Moon’. The most
cautious scholars accept Boeckh’s view that the fifty daughters of
this marriage are the fifty moon months of the Olympiad. We have
thus disentangled two elements in the complex story of Pelops and
Oinomaos, as told by Pindar. The marriage of the sun and moon
must clearly be coeval with the reconstitution of the Games ‘on a
grander scale’ associated with ‘Pelops’; and presumably this
reconstitution meant the reform of the calendar by i Paus, v.11. 8.
Stone images of the Sun with rays and the Moon with horns stood in
the market-place of Elis, Paus. v1. 24. 6. 2 Var. Ep. ii. 51 Biga quasi
lunae, quadriga solis imitatione reperta est... Obeliscorum quoque
prolixitates ad caeli altitudinem sublevantur; sed potior soli, inferior
lunae dicatus est. 3 De mensibus 1, pp. 4 and 12. 4 De spect. 8
Circus Soli principaliter consecratur, cuius aedes in medio spatio et
effigies de fastigio aedis emicat...quadrigas Soli, bigas Lunae
sanxerunt. See Roscher, Lexz., s.v. Mondgéttin, col. 3182. 2" Ol, τι.
00! 6 Pind. Ol. τῆ 36. Paus. vy. 15. 7 Paus. vi. 20, 9.
 vit | The Heraea 229 the introduction of the octennial
period which is symbolised by this particular form of the sacred
marriage. The case of the Panathenaea, deliberately modelled on the
Olympic Festival, is precisely similar. The Great Panathenaea of
Peisistratos were penteteric; but they were only an enlargement of
the ancient Lesser Panathenaea, founded by Erichthonios, which
were annual. In the same way at Olympia itself, as we shall see (p.
231), the Heraea were probably at first annual, and later came to be
celebrated with especial grandeur and additional rites in every fourth
year. We may be fairly sure that the Olympic Games themselves had
similarly been at first an annual feast; and there is no reason to
suppose that this annual feast was held in the late summer, since
that date is due solely to the conjunction of sun and moon. Before
we pass on to the Elean tradition of the origin of the Games, we
must discuss the, probably older, Women’s Games, which seem to
date from the earlier system of time-reckoning by the moon. THE
HERAEA. We have seen that the Olympic festival was a moveable
feast, and occurred alternately in Apollonios and Parthenios, which
were probably the second and third months of the Elean year. This
variation of the month is a strange and inconvenient arrangement’.
Moreover it is unique. The Pythia also were held at intervals of 50
and 49 months, but the incidence of the intercalated months of the
octennial period was so arranged that the festival itself always fell in
the same month (Bukatios) of the Delphic year. In the same way the
Panathenaea, though penteteric, always fell in Hekatombaion. There
must have been some very strong reason for the troublesome
variation of months in the sole case of the most important of
panhellenic gatherings. Weniger finds the reason in the existence of
an older immovable festival at the very season at which the
reconstituted Games were to be fixed. Every fourth year a college
called the Sixteen Women wove a robe for Hera and held games
called the 1 The following argument as to the month of the festival
and its relation to the Heraea is taken from the penetrating analysis
of Weniger, loc. cit., supra, p. 224.
 q 230 The Origin of the Olympic Games [CH. Heraea*. The
games consisted of a race between virgins’, who ran in order of age,
the youngest first, and the eldest last. The course was the Olympic
stadium, less about one-sixth of its length (ae. 500 instead of 600
Olympic feet). The winners received crowns of olive and a share of
the cow sacrificed to Hera. ‘They trace the origin of the games of the
virgins, like those of the men, to antiquity, saying that Hippodameia,
out of gratitude to Hera for her marriage with Pelops, assembled the
Sixteen Women, and along with them arranged the Heraean games
for the first time.’ It is highly probable that these games of virgins
(Parthenia) gave its name to the month Parthenios, and were in
honour of Hera Parthenos—Hera, whose virginity was perpetually
renewed after her sacred marriage with Zeus. It is also probable that
they were held at the new moon, that is, on the first day of
Parthenios*. Further, if these games gave the month its name, © in
that month they must always have fallen. Thus the octennial period
of the Heraea is of the usual straightforward type, which keeps
always to the same month. The natural inference is that the Heraea
were first in the field, and that, when the men’s games were fixed at
the same season, it was necessary to avoid this older fixed festival.
At the same time, if the games of Zeus were allowed to be
established regularly in the middle of the previous month Apollonios,
it was obvious that the Heraea would sink into a mere appendage.
Zeus, on the other hand, was not inclined to yield permanent
precedence to Hera. The deadlock was solved by a characteristic
compromise. The octennial period for the Games of Zeus was so
arranged that in alternate Olympiads they should fall fourteen days
before, and fourteen days after, the Heraea (on Apollonios 14/15 and
Parthenios 14/15). By this device of priestly ingenuity the honour of
both divinities was satisfied, and so the inconvenient variation of
months for the Olympic festival is explained. 1 Paus..v. 16. 2. 2 The
winners were allowed to dedicate statues of themselves (Paus. v. 16.
3). The girl-runner in the Vatican is probably one of these votive
statues. Beside the girl, in this marble copy of the bronze original, is
a palm branch on a stump as symbol of victory. ’ Cf. Lydus, de mens.
111. 10 ai Καλένδαι Ἥρας ἑορτὴ ἐτύγχανον, τουτέστι Σελήνης. The
Heraea cannot in any case have fallen between the 10th and 16th of
Parthenios, — when the men’s games were held in alternate
Olympiads.
 Vir The Foot-race for the Bride 231 The Heraea, then, were
probably older than the reconstituted Olympia; and if they gave its
name to the month Parthenios, they must have been annual before
they were octennial or penteteric. They carry us back to the old
lunar year, which preceded the combined sun-and-moon penteteris.
Here again, as at Athens (p. 191), we find the moon associated with
the olive tree ; she has also her horned cow, a portion of whose
flesh fell to the victor in the virgin’s race. The eating of this portion
and the wearing of the olive crown symbolised that the victorious
virgin was, In an especial sense, identified with the moon. She
became the Hippodameia of her year’, and the chosen bride of the
sacred marriage. It was not, at first, that she impersonated Hera
Parthenos?: on the contrary, Hera Parthenos is the divinised
projection and reflex of the Moon-maiden, the queen of the virgins
that bore her company and, in all probability, went down _ to the
river Parthenias, a tributary of the Alpheus, to draw the water for her
nuptial bath’*. THE FOOT-RACE FOR THE BRIDE. If the moon-bride
was chosen by a foot-race, so also, it would seem, was the sun-
bridegroom. We have already seen that the fifty daughters whom
the moon bore to Endymion were the fifty 1 The accusation against
Oinomaos of incest with his daughter Hippodameia simply means
that Hippodameia was the title of his ‘wife’ and also of her successor,
the wife of his successor, represented in myth as his ‘daughter.’ The
Sixteen Women ‘ get up two choruses’ (χόρους δύο ἱστᾶσι), one for
Physcoa, and one for Hippodameia. Weniger, loc. cit., holds that this
marks the union of two colleges—the Thyiads of Elis who honoured
Physcoa and Dionysus, and a college in Pisatis who worshipped Hera
and Hippodameia. It looks as if Oinomaos and Hippodameia were
the Olympian doubles of Dionysus and Physcoa. For the equation
Oinomaos = Dionysus cf. Athenaeus x. 426 F who cites Nicochares,
Amymone (Kock τ. 770) Οἰνόμαος οὗτος χαῖρε πέντε καὶ δύο (the
mixture of two parts wine with five water) and Eupolis, dix (Kock 1.
260), Διόνυσε χαῖρε: μή τι πέντε καὶ δύο. Gruppe, Gr. Myth. u. Rel.
1. 150, notes that Physcoa and Dionysus were worshipped at Oinoe
(north of Olympia) and connects the name Oinomaos with Oince. 2
Dr Frazer, G. B.*, Part mr. p. 91, writes: ‘If the olive-crowned victor
in the men’s race at Olympia represented Zeus, it becomes probable
that the olive-crowned victor in the girls’ race, which was held every
fourth year in honour of Hera represented in like manner the god’s
wife....But under the names of Zeus and Hera the pair of Olympic
victors would seem to have really personated the Sun and Moon,
who were the true heavenly bridegroom and bride of the ancient
octennial festival.’ 3 Parthenias (Strabo vii. 357) or Parthenia, beside
which was the grave of the mares (Parthenia and Eripha) of Marmax,
first of Hippodameia’s suitors (Paus. vr. 21. 7). Hesych. Ἢρεσίδες:
κόραι ai λουτρὰ κομίζουσαι τῇ Ἥρᾳ. Etym. Mag. p. 436 Ἤρεσίδες ai
ἱέρειαι τῆς ἐν "Ἄργει Ἥρας: ἀπὸ τῆς “Ἥρας: ἢ παρὰ τὸν ἀρύσω
μέλλοντα, ἀρυσίτιδες, αἱ ἀρυόμεναι τὰ λουτρά. Cf. Paus. ττ. 17.1;
Weniger, loc. cit.
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