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Reason in the World Hegel s Metaphysics and Its
Philosophical Appeal 1st Edition James Kreines Digital
Instant Download
Author(s): James Kreines
ISBN(s): 9780190204303, 0190204303
Edition: 1
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Year: 2015
Language: english
Reason in the World
 Reason in the World
Hegel’s Metaphysics and Its Philosophical Appeal

JA MES K R EINES

1
 1
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Kreines, James.
Reason in the world : Hegel’s metaphysics and its philosophical appeal / James Kreines.
pages cm
Includes index.
ISBN 978–0–19–020430–3 (cloth : alk. paper)
1. Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich, 1770–1831. 2. Metaphysics. I. Title.
B2949.M4K74 2015
193—dc23
2014035884

1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
Printed in the United States of America
on acid-free paper
 CONTENTS

Acknowledgments vii
Abbreviations ix

Introduction: The Fundamentality of the Metaphysics of Reason 1

PA RT IPR I M I T I V E A N D M EDI AT E
R E A SONS: I M M A N EN T CONCEP TS F ROM
M ECH A N ISM TO T EL EOLOG Y

1. The Dialectic of Mechanism 35

2. Against Empiricist Metaphysics and for the Concept Thesis

and the Metaphysics of Reason 57
3. Kant’s Challenge and Hegel’s Defense of Natural Teleology: The
Concept as the Substance of Life 77

T H E I N E SC A PA BL E PROBL E M
PA RT I I
OF COM PL ET E R E A SONS: K A N T ’S DI A L ECT IC
CR I T IQU E OF M ETA PH YSIC S

4. Kant’s Dialectic Argument and the Restriction of

Knowledge 113
5. The Opening for Hegel’s Response to Kant’s Dialectic 136
vi Contents

PA RT I I I COM PL ET E R E A SONS: F ROM T H E I DE A

TO T H E A BSOLU T E I DE A

6. Against the Metaphysics of the Understanding and the Final

Subject or Substratum 155
7. Insubstantial Holism and the Real Contradiction of the
Lawful: Chemism 181
8. The Idea: Complete Reason as Process 199

9. Free Kind for Itself: From the Metaphysics of the Absolute Idea
to Epistemological Monism and Idealism 219
10. Method and Conclusion of the Logic: Dialectic, Contradiction,
and Absolute Knowledge 240

Works Cited 273

Index 279
 ACK NOW L E DG M E N TS

A portion of ­chapter 3 appears as “Kant and Hegel on Teleology and Life from
the Perspective of Debates about Free Will” in The Freedom of Life: Hegelian
Perspectives; I thank Walther König for permission to reprint these parts. I also
thank the American Philosophical Society for a generous fellowship at the
beginning of this project, and Claremont McKenna College for support and
a research sabbatical.
I am tremendously indebted to those who read the whole of the manuscript
at various stages, and provided incredibly generous and insightful commen-
tary: Rolf-Peter Horstmann, Paul Hurley, Dean Moyar, Robert Pippin, Paul
Redding, Peter Thielke, and Christopher Yeomans. My colleagues in the phi-
losophy departments of Claremont have been a source of support and phil-
osophical stimulation throughout. And many others have helped me with
chapters or earlier work, or have otherwise been of great assistance; they
include: Mark Alznauer, Ivan Boldyrev, Luca Illetterati, Erick Jiménez, Franz
Knappik, Daniel Moerner, Terry Pinkard, Tobias Rosefeldt, and Robert Stern.
My heartfelt thanks to all those above; many of them have helped over many
years, and have taught me by example whatever I know about the virtues of the
collective practice of philosophy. Of course, any errors are my own. I thank
my parents, especially for their indefatigable love and encouragement over the
very long term. Finally, and yet before all, I thank Jen, Zack, and Cassandra for
their love and support; to them, my deepest love and gratitude.
J.K.

vii
 A BBR E V I AT IONS

In the body of this work and in footnotes, I provide page references, first to
the German and then to the English editions of primary texts, and I separate
pages of the two editions with a slash (/). Below, I indicate the abbreviations
I use for the works of Kant and Hegel. I list the translations I have used, which
are sparingly modified by removing capitalization of Hegel’s terminology in
the English, bringing the translations of key terms elsewhere into line with
the Cambridge translations of my main texts, and handling some terms (e.g.,
Gattung or kind) in a manner consistent with the interpretation of them
I defend in the text.

Hegel
References to Hegel’s works in German are to the Werke in zwanzig Bänden, ed.
Eva Moldenhauer and Karl Markus Michel (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp
Verlag, 1970). The Encyclopedia is cited by section (§) number, followed, where
relevant, by “R” to indicate a “remark” (Anmerkung) of Hegel’s, or “Z” to indi-
cate an “addition” (Zusatz) from Hegel’s lectures.

EG Hegel’s Philosophy of Mind. 1971. Translated by W. Wallace and A. V.

Miller. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Werke volume 10.
EL Encyclopaedia Logic. 2010. Translated by K. Binkmann and D. O.
Dahlstrom. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Werke
volume 8.
EN Hegel’s Philosophy of Nature. 1970. Translated by W. Wallace and
A. V. Miller. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Werke volume 9.

ix
x Abbreviations

PhG Phenomenology of Spirit. 1977. Translated by A. V. Miller.

Oxford: Oxford University Press. Werke volume 3.
PP The Philosophical Propaedeutic. 1986. Translated by A. V. Miller.
Edited by M. George and A. Vincent. Oxford: Blackwell. Werke
volume 4.
PR Elements of the Philosophy of Right. 1991. Edited by Allen W. Wood,
translated by H. B. Nisbet. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Werke volume 7.
VGP Lectures on the History of Philosophy. 1995. 3 vols. Translated by
E. S. Haldane and Frances H. Simson. Lincoln: University of
Nebraska Press. Werke volumes 18–20.
VPG Lectures on the Philosophy of World History; Introduction: Reason in
History. 1975. Translated by H. B. Nisbet. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press. Werke volume 12.
VL Lectures on Logic, Berlin, 1831. 2008. Translated by C. Butler.
Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Vorlesungen über die Logik,
Berlin 1831. 2001. Transcribed by K. Hegel. Edited by U. Rameil and
H. C. Lucas. Hamburg: Meiner.
VPA Aesthetics: Lectures on Fine Art. 1975. 3 vols. Translated by
T. M. Knox. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Werke volumes 13–15.
VPN Vorlesungen über die Philosophie der Natur: Berlin
1819/20: Nachgeschrieben von Johann Rudolf Ringier. 2002. Edited by
M. Bondeli and H. N. Seelmann. Hamburg: Meiner.
VPR Lectures on the Philosophy of Religion. 1962. 3 vols. Translated by
E. B. Speirs and J. Burdon Sanderson. New York: Humanities Press.
Werke volumes 16–17.
WL Hegel’s Science of Logic. 2010. Translated by G. di Giovanni.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Werke volumes 5–6.

Kant
I use the translations of Kant’s works in the Cambridge Edition of the Works
of Immanuel Kant, citing volume and page number to the Akademie edition
(Ak) of Kant’s works in German, except with the standard A/B references to
the first Critique.

A/B Critique of Pure Reason. 1998. Translated by P. Guyer and A. Wood.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ak volumes 3–4.
Ak Kants gesammelte Schriften. 1902– . Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.
 Abbreviations xi

C Correspondence. 1999. Edited and translated A. Zweig.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ak volumes 10–13.
EE Posthumously published first introduction to Critique of the Power
of Judgment, by Immanuel Kant. 2000. Translated by P. Guyer
and E. Matthews. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. In Ak
volume 20.
KpV Critique of Practical Reason. In: 1996. Practical Philosophy.
Ed. and trans. M. J. Gregor with introduction by A. W. Wood.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.In Ak volume 5.
KU Critique of the Power of Judgment. 2000. Translated by P. Guyer and
E. Matthews. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
In Ak volume 5.
P Prolegomena to Any Future Metaphysics That Will Be Able to
Come Forward as a Science. In: Theoretical Philosophy after 1781,
edited by H. Allison, 29–170. 2010. Translated by G. Hatfield.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.In Ak volume 4.
TP “On a Recently Prominent Tone of Superiority in Philosophy.” In
Theoretical Philosophy after 1781, edited by H. Allison, 425–446.
2010. Translated by P. Heath. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press. In Ak volume 8.
UE “On a Discovery Whereby Any New Critique of Pure Reason Is to Be
Made Superfluous by an Older One.” In Theoretical Philosophy after
1781, edited by H. Allison, 271–336. 2010. Translated by H. Allison.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. In Ak volume 8.

Other
E Spinoza, Ethics. In A Spinoza Reader. Translated and edited by
Curley, E. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994. References
to the Ethics by part (I-V), proposition (P), definition (D), scholium
(S) and corollary (C).
Reason in the World
 Introduction
The Fundamentality of the Metaphysics of Reason

A story should have a beginning, a middle, and an end—but not nec-

essarily in that order.
—Jean-Luc Godard

What is the aim or point of metaphysics? What are metaphysicians trying to do

when arguing about platonic forms, for example, or materialism? Reflection
on the question of aim can seem to encourage skepticism about the enter-
prise, if it needs any encouragement. For the aim of metaphysics can either
seem so hopeless as to make the pursuit incoherent, or else seem to involve
dressing up as deep or insightful something that is simplistic, ­u nscientific,
and obsolete.
The first worry, about impossibility, will tend to be encouraged when
we think of the final aim or point of metaphysics as a special sort of
knowledge—transcending the ordinary sort, or superior in kind. We might
think here of Aristophanes’ depiction of Socrates, suspended in a basket and
explaining:

Never could I make correct celestial discoveries except by thus sus-

pending my mind, and mixing my subtle head with the air … for the
earth by natural force draws unto itself the quickening moisture of
thought. (1993, 30)

Metaphysics can seem to seek, as it were, a kind of knowledge that is entirely

freed from the influence of gravity. There can be different ways of spelling this
out. Perhaps the idea will be that, while ordinary knowledge might be more
or less abstract, the knowledge sought by metaphysics is somehow absolutely

1
2 Introduction

abstract. Or, while ordinary knowledge might need to be free of perspectival

distortions in many respects, the knowledge sought by metaphysics would be
somehow absolutely perspective-free, akin to seeing but from absolutely no
point of view. Or perhaps the special knowledge would be supposed to possess
features required for a foundational, ultimate justification of all other knowl-
edge: perhaps this will require infallibility, timelessness, immediate certainty,
etc. Any such conception would seem to render the pursuit vulnerable to the
simple epistemological worry that the unique sort of knowledge at stake is
impossible for us. And if the whole and final point is knowledge distinct not
just in degree but in kind from anything we can have, then the pursuit can
seem pointless.
One could alternatively try to deny that metaphysics can be understood
in terms of a pursuit of a special kind of knowledge, but this can encourage
the second kind of worry above: metaphysics will seem to be in more or less
the same business as the natural sciences, and by comparison comically inept.
Here we might think of the famous joke in Molière:

I am asked by the learned doctor for the cause and reason that opium
makesone sleep. To this I reply that there is a dormitive virtue in it,
whose nature it is to make the senses drowsy.1

The threat is that metaphysics will seem like this pronouncement, and just
a kind of pretentious rattling on about a question, until the natural sciences
actually establish knowledge of a real answer.
Prospects for theoretical philosophy, more generally, might then seem to
require that we effect a shift, reorientation, or revolution. This might seem
to require that we come to view everything through the lens of different and
more reflective questions, such as: How, if at all, can we have knowledge? How
can our thoughts be about anything at all? How can any claims or theories be
meaningful for us? What are the conditions of the possibility of the normative
character of our concept use? Some might see such a reoriented theoretical phi-
losophy as replacing metaphysics; others as saving a descendent of metaphys-
ics, placing this on newly secure footing.
But attention to Hegel, I argue, gives us reason to think that these ini-
tial grounds for skepticism are insufficient, and the suggested remedy
unnecessary and distortive. Metaphysics, at its best, has always had a
point or aim of compelling philosophical interest. Further, it may be more
philosophically promising to reorient ourselves by looking at philosophy

1
From Le Malade Imaginaire, translation from Hutchison (1991).
 Introduc tion 3

generally—including the more reflective questions about knowledge, mean-

ing, and so on—rather through the lens of a more basic concern with meta-
physics, once we have a better understanding of this.
What then is the aim or point of this metaphysics? Hegel’s view is that meta-
physics, at its best, addresses the most general and direct questions about why
or because of things; it concerns what Hegel calls “reason” (Vernunft) or “the
rational” (das Vernünftige) “in the world.”2 The topic is not at base epistemo-
logical; it is not, for example, about our practices of giving and asking for rea-
sons in the sense of justifications for beliefs or actions. It is the metaphysical
topic of the explanatory reasons why things do what they do, or are as they are.
This is what I call the metaphysics of reason. The basic aim or point here is not
perspective-free knowledge, a priori knowledge, or the like. We cannot under-
stand metaphysics by thinking first in terms of a special kind of knowledge. We
must begin with the specific topic: reason in the world. Only then might we
be able to go on to consider what distinctive methods or forms of knowledge
might be required by this. So the first worry, above, goes awry from the start.
Arguments about materialism, for example, would then be arguments about
whether matter must be the ultimate form of reason in the world, or the rea-
son for everything that has a reason, so that all legitimate explanation must
­u ltimately appeal to matter.
Granted, the idea of the metaphysics of reason seems to bring us right back
into the teeth of the worry about obsolescence. After all, modern natural sci-
ence has met incredible success at discovering the why of things. For example,
it has produced much insight into the laws of nature. But here Hegel has a
powerful case. He argues that we tend to allow the great successes of natural
science to blind us to further metaphysical questions. Take discoveries about
the laws of nature, for example. Hegel praises such discoveries for their role
in dispelling superstitions like astrology. 3 And he holds that these discover-
ies help us to pose more determinate or less abstract metaphysical questions
about reason in the world.4 But these discoveries still raise questions which
they cannot answer, and which require a different method or approach than
that of the natural sciences. They raise questions like these: What is it to be a
law of nature? And, more generally, what is it to be a reason or why for things,
such that the laws of nature should qualify as one form of this? And does the

2
See (e.g., EL §24), and similar at (WL 5:45); (VPG 12:23 and 422); (VGP 18:369, 19:262).
On the importance of reason in the world, I am especially influenced by Horstmann (e.g., 1991,
175ff.) and Beiser (e.g., 2003). In some respects I interpret this point differently. And I follow it to
conclusions both would reject.
3
E.g., VGP 19:319/2:297.
4
E.g., EL §9R and §12R.
4 Introduction

general theory of reason tell us anything more about the status of laws, such
as whether they can serve as an ideal paradigm case, against which the com-
pleteness of other forms of reason in the world might be measured? Could laws
of nature even possibly serve as such a standard of completeness? Or is there
some sense in which there must necessarily be a yet more complete form of
reason in the world? Metaphysics, then, is more precisely distinguished at base
by the generality and directness with which its questions address the topic of
reason, and especially the completeness of reason in the world.
Hegel’s project in the famously difficult Science of Logic5 is then easy to
explain, if we simplify a little: He aims to take the metaphysics of reason as
seriously as possible, distinguish it from other pursuits with which it is eas-
ily confused, and carry it through as absolutely as possible. Hegel will argue
that this road leads to surprising conclusions. For example, the laws of nature
(Hegel argues) cannot possibly be anything but an extremely incomplete form
of reason in the world; teleology sets the standard or measure of completeness
of reason in the world, and has in this sense metaphysical priority.
But that story is too simple to provide a complete point of departure. For
it suggests that, on Hegel’s view, the development of philosophy has never
uncovered any good reasons to be critical of such metaphysics. And it suggests
that older metaphysical projects—Aristotle’s, for example—face no threat
from any such criticism. But Hegel holds a different position. And we can find
Hegel difficult to understand not only because we not only worry too much,
in the above ways, about metaphysics; there is also a sense in which we can
worry too little about metaphysics. For Hegel takes Kant’s critique of meta-
physics as seriously as it could be taken. In particular, there is an important
respect in which Kant’s critique of metaphysics differs from the purely epis-
temological worry, with which I began above: Kant supports his worries with
the argument of the Transcendental Dialectic of the first Critique. This is not
merely an attack on metaphysics from a foreign territory, such as the domain of
epistemology. Rather, Kant here brings the fight to the opponent’s turf, show-
ing that metaphysics—characterized charitably as a pursuit of necessary and
rational interest—nonetheless generates contradictions insofar as it is inevi-
tably guided by a concern of “reason” (Vernunft) with completeness, or “the
unconditioned,” calling itself into question. The result is supposed to force
the conclusion that our knowledge is severely limited, and that metaphysics
is impossible for us. Those who would understand Hegel must not only move
out of consideration the less forceful worries about metaphysics, with which

5
My main focus throughout is the Logic; see §1.6.
 Introduc tion 5

I began; they must also appreciate why this Kantian attack is so much more
serious.
So it is the Transcendental Dialectic critique of metaphysics, I will argue,
that Hegel makes so central to his project. He takes this to have shown that pre-
vious forms of metaphysics, however helpful they might be on specific points,
are unacceptably naïve with respect to the threatened internal conflicts. This
is what Hegel is referring to when he says that an “elevation of reason to the
loftier spirit of modern philosophy in fact rests” on “the insight into the neces-
sary conflict” (WL 5:38–39/25–26). Hegel means to go so far in remedying the
naïveté, or in following Kant’s insight, as to hold that “the dialectic makes up
the very nature of thinking,” and “a cardinal aspect of logic” (EL §11R). But
Hegel will also argue that Kant’s Dialectic argument justifies neither Kant’s
epistemic limit, nor the impossibility of metaphysics. Rather, the conflicts
Kant uncovers can and should be harnessed in the systematic reconstruc-
tion of a new form of the metaphysics of reason. And this is the more complete
and distinctive organizing focus, which will send Hegel in such unusual and
difficult directions: he seeks to systematically rebuild the best of metaphys-
ics on the basis of considerations drawn from the most powerful criticism of
metaphysics.
We can then understand in these terms why Hegel’s end or goal should
require a distinctive, “dialectical” method—one which involves uncovering
and learning the right lessons from contradictions, which aims to demonstrate
via these contradictions a systematic unity of knowledge, and which turns out
to be independent of experience in a specific respect.6 And we can understand
in these same terms the substance of Hegel’s conclusions, including an espe-
cially unusual combination of two features. The first is Hegel’s metaphysical
ambitiousness: he does not aim for modesty by proceeding only via reflective
questions about knowledge, intentionality, or meaning; nor does he limit him-
self to ontology or what there is; he aims to discern what is metaphysically
prior to what, and ultimately to show that there is something metaphysically
“absolute.” But the second feature is Hegel’s wholesale rejection of metaphysi-
cal foundationalism, whether scientistic, theistic, or any other form. By founda-
tionalism, I mean views on which there is something—whether transcendent
or immanent—that depends on nothing while being the reason for itself and
for everything real.7 Hegel, by contrast, seeks a metaphysical absolute that is
not a foundation.

6
I thank Robert Stern for pressing me on this point.
7
Some argue that Hegel is not a metaphysical foundationalist in a different, narrower
sense—that he rejects transcendent or separate grounds or foundations. See, e.g., Houlgate
(1999).
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or board of industrial art education should reach out into all parts of
the nation, and especially into all manufacturing centers, \vith its
inspection force of experts, its advice, and its funds, so as to assist
local schools in their efforts in the development of instruction in
industrial art, but it should also spend a considerable proportion of
its effort and, at first, quite a substantial sum of money, in the
development of a national center of industrial art instruction. This
center should consist of a combination of productive factories,
school, and museum in order to help elevate the standard of artistic
manufacture, and to train teachers who are to w^ork in the various
centers where local or state industrial art schools may be
established. This center of instruction would be to the other schools
and to the industries themselves what a graduate school now is to a
college. It would be a place of research and of advanced instruction
in special branches of art and art manufacture. It would give artists
a higher type of special traininii' than can be obtained at the present
time. Like the typical higher schools of industrial art in Europe, it
would give advanced training to the artist of demonstrated ability,
but unlike these institutions, it would do this in a school that is also
a productive factory. This one difference should be the chief
distinguishing characteristic of the National School of Industrial Art in
the United States, and this one is believed to be essential. The
instruction must be given in connection with practical production,
because without this contact the instruction is sure to become either
too academic or too unmindful of the material limitations of good
design ; with this contact kept vital through actual experience in
productive work that is up-to-date, the further the student is pushed
in sound theory and pure emotional or artistic expression the better.
The productive factory keeps the instruction within the ran^e of the
practical; it controls the student's tech 
 The Art Bulletin. 87 nique to that extent, but it should not
and need not restrict his imagination. On the contrary, experience
has shown that practical contact with production helps in sound
creative designing. The factories of such a school might consist of
one for each of the following groups of art industries: (1) furniture
making and interior decorating, (2) textile manufacture, (3) pottery
and tile making, (4) metal working, (5) printing and the manufacture
of books. Each of these should be a real factory turning out a
product by the best known methods with up-to-date machinery and
by the best hand-skill methods. The things manufactured should be
of very superior quality ; no inferior thing should be allowed to bear
the stamp of the school. The volume of output would be very small,
because the primary purpose of the school should be instruction —
not manufacture; the goods turned out would be the by-product of
the school, but should always be kept up to the highest standard in
design and manufacture. Prerequisites for admission to any given
line of productive work would insure that only workers with
considerable training or j^ractical experience would be allowed to
participate in the more important processes of the production work.
With such factories within its control, the school would train not only
designers and teachers, but also foremen, superintendents, and
expert workmen. The instruction therefore in this school would have
to be given by the best experts that could be found anywhere. Only
by employing such experts could the standard of factory production
in the nation be elevated by the school. To supplement the regular
staff of the school it ought to be possible, especially in the dull
season, if there be such, to obtain, through cooperation with
manufacturers, a few selected men from the factories to render
special service for brief periods. If the school is kept up to the
highest standard this temporary loaning of experts w^ould benefit
the manufacturers as well as the school, because they would carry
home ideas from the school as well as bring ideas to the school. To
such
 88 The College Aet Bulletin of America. a school a
manufacturer might profitably send his designers or his foremen to
get the latest and soundest ideas, and to come in contact with
leaders in his craft. To such a school the young, ambitious worker
would go on his owm account in order to prepare for a job higher
up. To such a school would go teachers in technical high schools,
industrial schools, normal schools, and universities. They would
gladly devote a few months, or a year, or even more, to intensive
work in one special field of art industry in order to go back to their
schools and give a higher type of instruction. There is today a. very
great need of just such a kind of teacher-training. There are now
many places to get advanced instruction in pedagogy, but it is
impossible to obtain in any school in this country the higher
industrial art instruction that is needed and is being sought by
progressive teachers. But the instruction must be practical or it will
not meet the demand. It must give the student skill and power to
apply art to industrial production, not merely to design in general, or
to draw well, or to paint well, or to model well from the academic
standpoint. Making use of a productive factory^ as part of a school
equipment is not a new idea, though it has not yet been widely
applied, and in some cases in the past not wisely applied ; but for
certain phases of industrial training there is nothing to take its place.
One of the oldest and best examples of a productive shop in a
school — but in the field of machine construction — is the Washburn
Shops of the Worcester Polytechnic Institute, Worcester,
Massachusetts. During the past few years these shops have done a
business of $125,000 a year. Professor A¥illiam W. Bird, director of
these shops, has given testimony to the effectiveness of the shops in
giving greater value to the training of the engineers who go out from
this school. As proof of this he referred to the fact that students go
directly from the Institute to commercial positions without shock. An
outstanding example of the application of this principle to an art
craft is the pottery connected A\'ith the II. Sophie Newcomb College
of New Orleans, where
 The Art Bul^letin. 89 a business of about $10,000 a year is
carried on, and this has given rise to production in jewelry,
bookbinding, embroidery, and other minor crafts amounting to
several thousand dollars more. Professor Ellsworth Woodward, the
director, stated some time ago that the enterprise had "passed
through the experimental stage successfully, and established a
reputation throughout the coimtry. ' ' He believed the scheme to be
capable of much further development. It is not claimed that
productive factories as part of school equipments should be entirely
self-supporting, though under favorable conditions this has
sometimes been true, as in the case of the Wjashbum Shops during
favorable years : but it is conservatively claimed that the products of
such factories may easily fetch more than the cost of materials used,
thus bring-ing the cost of instruction down to the point where it is
lower than instruction in science laboratory subjects. It would seem
to be evident, then, that aside from cost of buildings, equipment,
and salaries of instructors, the factories in the proposed National
School of Industrial Art would readily maintain themselves; yet this
is comparatively unimportant, because the value of such a school to
the nation would be in the large results in the superior knowledge,
skill, and efficiency of the men and women it turned out, not in the
money value of the small material output of its factories. The
amount received from these products should be looked upon merely
as salvage on material used for a higher purpose. While the
distinctive feature of a National School of Industrial Art should be its
productive factories, it should be provided with a museum of
industrial art products from all the industrial art centers of the world,
and a very comprehensive working library of industrial art books,
prints, original drawings, photographs, etc. Ample provision should
be made for studios and lecture rooms, also classrooms convenient
to all the shops and workrooms of the factories. Laboratories and
private studios should be provided for special research and
experimental work. In fact, the school should have
 90 The College Art Bulletin of America. all the facilities of a
modern institution of higiier learning in addition to its special feature
— the factories. The curricula of the school should be so organized
as completely to unify theoiy and practice — not merely to balance
them. In like manner the buildings should be so planned as to
facilitate in the highest degree possible this unification, and it should
be kept constantly in mind that the great aim of the school is the
training of efficient, practical experts for the industries and for the
schools in order that the art standard of the industries of the nation
may be raised in harmony with the developing taste and ideals of
the American people. This may appear to be a large program
compared with what we now have in the United States, but it is not
over-large in com}3arison with what some European nations have
done; and if it were once accomplished and the results were to
become evident the wonder would be that it had not been done
before. The great war has taught us that we can do things on a
large scale if we uill, and that we must if we are to maintain our
place industrially among the nations. Fortunately, too, the war seems
to have brought to us a new appreciation of the value of education
— not only the general education of our elementary schools, our
high schools, and colleges, but also of the special education that fits
a man or a woman for adequate self-support, and provides the
nation with experts on whom it can call in time of need. We have
come to see as never before that a man educated for productive
industry is a national asset and that the number of such men must
be increased. While we are going forward in the training of men to
maintain the mechanical side of industry, let us not forget to train
men for the artistic side also. More and more it is becoming clear
that the appearance of a product of manufacture is a large factor in
its sale. Merchants realize that it is very often the attractive
container that sells the goods. Little by little our schools are
educating in taste, and each generation of consumers demands
more artistic goods to purchase. If, from the standpoint of our
manufacturers and of the nation as a whole, it is undesirable to see
foreign-made goods pre 
 The Art Bulletin. 91 ferred above American in our own
markets, we must see to it that our industrial art education leads
instead of follows that of foreign nations. Just now is America'a
opportunity in this field. After all knowai science has been made
available to every industry throug'h our technical and vocational
schools, after the best knowledge of economics and administrative
science has been diffused through the schools and utilized in the
industries, after the most efficient macliines in the world have been
installed in our industrial plants, after all these have been
accomplished, we shall still lack the highest, the most vital element
in industrial production if we omit art. It is essential, then, that to
our system of mechanical training there be added effective practical
training in industrial art, and the capstone of the entire system
should be a great National School of Industrial Art.
 A Portrait Of The Princesse De Lamballe by JoHX Shapley
Among engraved portraits of eighteenth century women those of the
Princesse de Lamballe nearly equal in popularity those of her
unfortunate queen, MarieAntoinette. Although there are engi-avings
of her during her later more stirring years, it is especially a j^outhful
portrait which has captivated the imaginations of men (PI. VIII, fig.
1). This it is which with the slight variations due to reengraving
appears over and over again in the books dealing with the life of the
princess — and such books are legion. No other portrait has seemed
so well to express the charming personality of her who for loyalty to
the cjueen suffered martyrdom in the revolution of 1792. In France
the revolution put an end to the abundance of paintings which
should have immortalized the fairness of this flower of the court,
Marie-ThereseLouise de Savoie-Carigiian, Princesse de Lamballe, and
when the French press began once more to idolize the heroines of
the ancien regime it was to the engravings that they must turn for
illustration of the beauty that had been. Indeed, the great loss in the
matter of painted portraits is but emphasized by the poor few that
remain. The Musee Conde at Chantilly possesses a certain
unattractive sketch of a callow girl (PL VIII, fig. 2) without anv of the
fascination of the engraved ])ortrait. At Versailles, where the bright
career of the princess reached its apogee, there are three pictures to
be seen — or rather found, for two do not merit exhibition and are
not hung. (For access to the pictures in storage and for help and
guidance in this complicated problem of eighteenth century
iconography, M. Pierre de Nolhac, the master of the subject, must be
thanked.) The one portrait which is exhibited at Versailles is
anonymous (92)
The text on this page is estimated to be only 10.87%
accurate

Pr.ATE vri Peovidexce. Bkowx Uxiveksity: Portrait of the

Pkixcesse de LajeBALLE. BY AXGEI.ICA KavFFIMAX.
The text on this page is estimated to be only 8.84%
accurate

Pl.ATi: VIII tig. 1 — Dk BoiRKox CoxTi, Les Bourbons

Martyrs: ExGRAVKD POKTKAIT. BY B. ROCER. Fig. 2 — CiiAXTii.i.Y,
^h'sEi' Conde: Poktrait Sketch v.r Car:\ioxtei.le. Fig. 3 — Versailles.
MrsEic Xatioxal: Portrait, by ax UxKXciwx Artist.
 The Art Bulletin. 93 but is held to be certainly a
representation of the princess (PL VIII, fig. 3). For some reason,
however, it has not struck the fancy of the wielders of the burin, and
it is, therefore, not so popularly known, in spite of its location, as is
the ubiquitous engraving, which it resembles sufficiently in
physiognomy and carriage thougli the pose and costume differ. The
two portraits in storage at Versailles are insignificant works of the
nineteenth century. One was fabricated, using the youthful engraved
portrait as a basis, by L. E. Rioult (born 1780') in the days of Louis
Philippe; it deserves no attention w^hatever. The other is a family
group entitled La Tasse de Chocolat (PI. VIII, fig. 4). The painting is
but a wooden copy after a picture by Carl Vanloo belonging to the
Orleans family and it presents the likenesses of five members of the
family of the Due de Penthie\a'e : the duke himself, his son,
daughter-in-law, daughter, and mother. The mother was dead before
the daughter-in-law, the Princesse de Lamballe, came to France to
enter the family circle, but though her portrait is posthumous she
seems scarcely more lifeless than her companions in the picture.
Even the princess, despite a feigned physical animation as she holds
up the cup of chocolate with one hand and reaches down to the dog
with the other, is as lacking in spirit as the rest. Little evidence can
be drawn from such a feeble attempt at portraiture, but, as far as it
goes, there is a general resemblance to the engraved portrait,
without, however, the slightest possibility that the latter goes back to
Vanloo 's picture. Outside of France it is ob^^ously more difficult to
know what portraits may be preserved. There is one in the royal
palace at Turin. Since it still belongs to the family of Savoie-Carignan
— Mme. de Lamballe 's own family has now become the reigning
house of Italy — it has a straight pedigree; but it is not of the pose
and costume of the engraving. There is yet another painting of the
princess, the one which has provoked this paper, in the Bro\vn
University collection, to which it came with the Harris bequest. It
agrees with the engraving. The picture is small
 94 The College Aet Bulletin of America. (8 X 5% inches), in
oil, on panel. The artist's signature, executed with the same dash
and color as the feathery dress, is unobtrusively written vertically
along the edge of the dress toward the lower left hand corner: '^A
Kauffman" (PI. VII). The bust of the princess is turned in three-
quarters view to the left ; the head is turned sUghtly to the right.
Her blonde hair is dressed in the high fashion of the day with curls
at the sides. She wears a small hat decorated with foliage and pink
roses. Her yello^vish dress, cut low at the neck, which displays a
string of pearls, is trimmed with rufSes of lace and a blue bow of
ribbon. Mme. de Lamballe sat to other artists, among them
Fragonard and Mme. Vigee LeBrun. But it is the type found in this
painting and in the corresponding engraving that accords best with
what we know of her gentle devoted character. The oval face,
narrow and rounded forehead, long nose, small eyes, sensitively half
open lips, cylindrical neck, and sloping shoulders are like the
corresponding features in the Turin portrait and not very unlike those
in the Chantilly and Versailles pictures. The pictures agree in giving
the princess light eyes while in the particular engraving which I am
reproducing (PL VIII, fig. 1) they appear to be dark. In this respect
as weU as in some details of costume closer correspondence could
be found in other editions of the engraving. In view of such an
infinitesimal variation between the painting and the engraving it
seems impossible that the tw^o should not be connected. Yet there
is a doubt on this point raised by the legend that accompanies two
editions of the engraved portrait. The engraving in De Bourbon
Conti's Les Bourhons Martyrs (Paris, 1821) has the signature,
Drouais pere pinxit — Bt/ Roger scidpsit (PI. VIII, fig. 1). The one,
reversed, used as the second frontispiece in an 1826 publication of
Mme. de Lamballe 's memoirs of the royal family of France bears the
legend Pla Dantel sc. d'apres Drouais — By Roger Direxit. No such
picture by Drouais is recorded and we may assume that Roger is in
both cases responsible for the ascription to Drouais. The second
volume of
 The Aet Bulletin. 95 the same memoirs has another
engraving of our por^ trait, not reversed, with only the legend
Bosselman sc; and with the omission of Roger's name goes that ot
the artist by whom he had supposed the portrait to be. But that the
ascription to Drouais was not made by transcribing an artist's
signature is shown by the differing versions of the name on the two
engravings and further by the fact that not one of the three painter
members of the Drouais family signed himself Drouais pere. The
three generations of the family were Hubert Drouais (1699-1767),
Fran^-ois-Hubert Drouais (17271775), and Jean-Geraiain Drouais
(1763-1788). The second signed himself during; his father's lifetime
Drouais fils. One would expect it to be to distinguish the first that
Roger added the designation pere. But this elder Drouais could not
have painted the princess, since he died less than a week after her
arrival in Paris, to which she came from Turin to become the bride of
the Freiich prince. (The princess reached Paris February 3, 1767. It
was not until four days later that she was presented at court.
Meanwhile, February 6, Hubert Drouais suffered a final stroke of
paralysis, and Februaiy 9 he died.) That the second Drouais may
have painted her is much more likely, in fact the portrait exhibited at
Versailles might be by him, for he was the popular court painter
during the early years of her prominence at court. Even so, that
would not justify the engraver's ascription, for the third Drouais
(whose career was too short to achieve court distinction or to reflect
lustre on father and grandfather and of whom Roger may very easily
have been ignorant) was but twelve when his father, Drouais fils,
died, without, therefore, ever becoming known in turn as a second
Drouais pere. Further, the Brown University panel bears no
resemblance to the smooth, academic style of Drouais. And to
suppose that Kautfman signed as if original her copy of another
artist's work is impossible, considering her independent popularity
precisely as a portrait painter. It is not likely that any of the
engravings we knoAV of the portrait were made directly from the
original
 &6 The College Aet Bulletin of America. paintinji: by
Kauffman; since the earlier Roger engraving mentioned above is not
reversed, as an engraving from a painting normally was at that time,
it had presumably another engraving that was reversed as its basis;
and it may be added that the later (1826) engraving which was
directed by Roger and doubtless recopied from his earlier engraving
is, as would be expected, reversed again. Neither is it necessary that
the engraved portrait originated from the particular panel at Brown
University, for the "divine" Angelica, like other artists, sometimes had
to make replicas of her portraits, and the modest dimensions of this
panel suggest that it may be either a reduced replica of, or a small
study for, a large portrait, which may yet turn up in some British
collection. In the memoirs of the Princesse de Lamballe, which,
although strictly speaking apocryphal, are based on authentic
material, and are, therefore, a fundamental historical source, we find
neither mention of Angelica Kautfman nor definite reference to any
visit in England during the artist's residence there (1766-1781). But
only two years later, in 1783, in connection with the influx of English
into France, we read (page 223 in the J 895 edition ) : " Among the
queen 's favorites . . . was the good Lady Spencer, with whom I
became most intimately acquainted when I first went to England;
and from whom, as well as from her two charming daughters, the
Duchess of Devonshire and Lady Duncannon, since Lady Besborough
[Sic: Frederick Ponsonby, Viscount Duncannon, did not become third
Earl of Bessborough till 1793.], I received the greatest marks of
cordial ho,spitality. Li consequence, when her ladyship came to
France, I hastened to present her to the queen.'' The expression,
"when I first went," indicates long or repeated sojourning across the
channel. In all probability, then, the princess visited England while
Kauffman was there. Lady Spencer and her daughters were, as is
well kno^vn, among the most enthusiastic patronesses of the artist.
Further, the age of the sitter agrees with this period. Born in 3 749,
she was thirty-two before the artist left England. Later portraits
show her stout,
 The Aet Bulletin. 97 almost coarse. In the Bro^vn
University picture the technique is precisely that of Kauffman's
English period, and closest counterparts are found in the portraits of
the daughters of Lady Spencer just mentioned. Our painting reveals
the familiar stamp of Kauffman's pecuHarities of brushwork and
color. The quite modern manner of painting with separate dashes of
almost pure colors, the courtly pose, the soft treatment of drapery,
and the suggestive indication of details are the characteristics that
have made her sliglit portrait sketches, though turned off hastily as
pot-boilers, more to the modern taste than her bloodless ambitious
undertakings.
 REVIEWS The Lewes House Collection of Anciewt Gems. By
J. D. Beazlby. Pp. xii, 124. 6 figs., 12 pis. Oxford, Clarendon Press,
1920. This sumptuous catalogue is in every respect worthy of the
remarkable collection which it enumerates. W"ie have not for a long
time had in our hands such a handsome piece of book-making. The
print is large and clear, the paper of the liighest quality, and the
margins broad and generous. The plates, taken from photographs,
are, as a rule, excellent. The bulk of the collection is published in the
first eight plates, while the next two are devoted to enlargements of
the more important specimens. The last two plates, numbered A and
B, give ]ihotographs of gems in other collections, or in museums, to
which reference is made in the text. It is doubtful if the owner of the
collection, Mr. E. P. Warren, could have secured a better man to
make this catalogue than Mr. Beazley. This brilliant yomig scholar,
who has made for himself an international reputation as an expert
on Attic red-figured vases, brings to this task the same acute
perception that he shows in the field in which he is best known. The
text is well written, and makes interesting reading. For the
Mesopotamian gems, of which there are two, he enjoyed the
collaboration of the late Dr. L. W. King, and Dr. Stephen Langdon,
the latter of whom is well known in America as the former curator of
the Babylonian Section of the University Museum in Philadelphia.
The collaboration of these two men ensures the scholarly treatment
of that part of the catalogue. Mr. Beazley divides the collection into
the following groups, with which no fault can be found : Cretan and
Mycenaean (nos. 1-5), Mesopotamian (nos. 6, 7), Persian (no. 8),
Phoenician and Graeco-Phoenician (nos. 9-13bis), Greek Archaic
(nos. 14-35bis), Etruscan Archaic (nos. (98)
 The Art Bulletin. 99 35ter-46), Greek Free Style (nos. 47-
85^), Etruscan Free Style and Italiote (nos. 86-92), Greek Hellenistic
(nos. 93-104), Graeco-Eoman (nos. 105-125), Renaissance (no.
126), Cameos (nos. 127-133), and a Supplement (nos. 134, 135).
This grouping is admirable, and tlie specimens are correctly
assigned. The importance of this collection is revealed by the fact
that no less than fifty-four of them, or over one third of the Avhole
number, were published in the monumental work of Furtwangler, "
Antike Gemmen, " either before being acquired by Mr. Warren, or as
in his collection. Mr. Warren also exhibited, as the catalogue reveals,
no less than sixty-seven, or not quite one-half of the whole, at the
famous exhibition of ancient art at the Burlington Fine Arts Club in
1904. Many gems, whose location was unknowm, and which had
been considered ''lost" have turned up in this collection. These
indications show that we are dealing with an assemblage of ancient
gems of the first importance. In addition, nine examples bear the
signature of their artists, the hst of signatures including
representatives of the work of the most celebrated of the ancient
gemcutters known to us. The list includes no. 24, signed by
Onesimos; no. 28, by Epimenes ; no. 50, by Dexamenos ; no. 95, by
Lycomedes; no. 102, by Gelon ; no. 114, by Gains ; no. 115, by
Hyperechios ; no. 128, by Protarchos ; and no. 135, by Dioscourides.
It is in his discussion of the signed gems that Mr. Beazley is at his
best. Here we find him, from a knowledge of the collections of gems
in museums and in private bauds, which is shoAvn to be almost as
wide as his knowledge of the collections of vases, at work attributing
unsigned examples to their artists. But one has the feeling that Mr.
Beazley is not treading on ground quite so familiar to him as that of
the vases. He discovers no new ''masters" but confines his
attributions to workers whose names are known, and even then
proceeds along, very- conser\-ative lines. A good example of this is
his treatment of the artist Dexamenos, under no. 50. He does,
however, cite illuminating parallels of designs on
 100 The College Art Bulletin of America. gems with those
on coins or vases, and here his unequalled knowledge of the
museums is shown, as far as vases are concerned. The important
examples are described with a gratifying abundance of detail, and no
specimen is neglected ; in each case an adequate account is given.
Nearly all of them are reproduced in the plates at the back, there
being only a few which for verj'- good reasons are excluded. The
Ifinal impression given by this workmanlike catalogue is of the
tremendous excellence and value of the collection as a whole. It is
not too much to say that Mr. Warren has brought together the finest
private collection of ancient gems ever assembled by one man.
There are few, if any, museums than can boast such a splendid
collection. It is to be hoped that it will never be dispersed, but will
pass in its entirety into the hands of a museum. In that case, would
that that museum might be in this country! Such an acquisition
would put it on the map, as having an exhibition of gems, the only
possible rival of which would be the British Museum — and it is
doubtful if even that has as good a showing. Stephen Bleecker Luce.
 NOTES THE TENTH ANNUAL MEETING OF THE COLLEGE
ART ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA At the invitation of the Corcoran
Gallery of Art the committee on time and place has decided to hold
the tenth annual meeting of the College Art Association of America
at the Corcoran Gallery of Art, Washington, D. C, Thursday, Friday,
and Saturday, March 24, 25, and 26, 1921. Preparations for a large
attendance are already under way. A number of interesting speakers
are assured, and provision is being made for the entertainment of
members and guests of the Association. The local committee on
arrangements is at work on its part of the program, and it is
expected that access to important art collections in Washington and
vicinity will be secured. The Corcoran Gallery of Art has generously
placed all its resources at the disposal of the Association. (101)
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Vol. Ill No. 3 The Art Bulletin AN ILLUSTRATED QUARTERLY

PUBLISHED BY THE College Art Association of America Editor-in-
cMef David M. Robinsox Managing Editor Joiix Sh.\pley Associate
Editors Alfred M. Brooks Johx Pickabd ABTHUE W. Dow ARTHrR K.
PORTER Frank J. Mather Paul J. Sachs MARCH NINETEEN HUNDRED
TWENTY-ONE One dollar 3 copy Three dollars a volume BkOWN
UXIVERSITY, PROVlDEXf E
 The Art Bulletin An iUustratcd gicarterly imblished by the
COLLEGE ART ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA. Members of the College
Art Association receive the Art Bulletin. Life membership is open to
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subscription to the Art Bulletin, is open to all; the annual fee is three
dollars. Active membership is open to those engaged in art
educalon: the annual fee is three dollars. The College Art Association
year extends from May to May. All subscriptions to the Art Bulletin
begin with the first number of the current volume. Address all
communications to Joiix Shapley, Secretary. College Art Association
of Ametuca. Browx Unut^rsity. Providence. STATEMENT OF THE
OWNERSHIP, MANAGEMENT, CIRCULATION, ETC.. REQUIRED BY
THE ACT OP CONGRESS OF AUGUST 24, 1912, Of The Art Bulletin,
published quarterly, at Providence. Rhode Island, for October 1,
1920. State of Illinois. Comity of Cook. Before me, a notary public in
and for the State and county aforesaid, personally appeared John
Shapley. who. having been duly sworn according to law, deposes
and says that he is the Managing Editor of The Art Bulletin, and that
the following is. to the best of his knowledge and belief, a true
statement of the ownership, nianagement, etc., of the aforesaid
publication for the date shown in the above caption, required by the
Act of August 24, 1912, embodied in section 443, Postal Laws and
Regulations, to wit : 1. That the names and addresses of the
publisher, editor, managing editor, and business managers are :
Publisher, College Art Association of America, Brown University,
Providence ; Editor-in-chief, David M. Robinson, The Johns Hopkins
University, Baltimore; Managing Editor, John Shapley. Brown
LTniversity, Providence; Business Managers, None. 2. That the
owners are : College Art Association of America, Brown LTniversity,
Providence. 3. That the known bondholders, mortgagees, and other
security holders owning or holding 1 per cent or more of total
amount of bonds, mortgages, or other securities are : None. 4. That
the two paragraphs next above, giving the names of the owners,
stockholders, and security holders, if any, contain not only the list of
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