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Immanuel Ness
Zak Cope
Editors

The Palgrave
Encyclopedia of
Imperialism and
Anti-Imperialism
Second Edition
The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism
and Anti-Imperialism
Immanuel Ness • Zak Cope
Editors

The Palgrave
Encyclopedia of
Imperialism and
Anti-Imperialism
Second Edition

With 36 Figures and 33 Tables

Editors
Immanuel Ness Zak Cope
Brooklyn College Belfast, UK
New York, USA

ISBN 978-3-030-29900-2 ISBN 978-3-030-29901-9 (eBook)

ISBN 978-3-030-29902-6 (print and electronic bundle)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29901-9
1st edition: © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2016
2nd edition: © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or
part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of
illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way,
and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or
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The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
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This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Preface

The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism presents

prominent themes, epochal events, theoretical explanations, and historical
accounts of imperialism from the beginnings of modernity and the capitalist
world system in the sixteenth century to the present day. Important scientific
and scholarly interpretations of imperialism have in the last 20 years reshaped
the way intellectuals analyze and map human history. The present work takes
these innovations a step further, offering a body of comparative research that
both challenges and enhances our understanding of the world we live in.
Starting from a shared commitment to internationalism and social justice,
we have taken care to include entries that elucidate the historical and contem-
porary centrality of imperialism to all aspects of society. In doing so, we have
attempted to present imperialism from a range of perspectives. As such, we do
not agree with all of the interpretations or conclusions reached by all of the
authors whose work appears herein. Indeed, we differ profoundly with some of
the assertions made, the most questionable of which tend to reflect typical
ideological prejudices of imperialist society. Nonetheless, we believe that a
glaring inattention to the transfiguring effects of imperialism on the political
structures, economic institutions, cultures, and psychologies of both imperial-
ist and oppressed nations can be found across the political spectrum. We
consider this oversight a major obstacle to the understanding and progressive
transformation of society and hope that this encyclopedia contributes to its
overcoming.
While post-colonial studies have from the 1970s onward described the
perseverance of forms of cultural domination, clearly an important marker of
imperialist influence, critical geopolitical and economic analysis is absent in
much of the research. At the same time, whereas formal imperialism has
largely been abandoned (though not completely, as the examples of Afghan-
istan, Iraq, and Palestine show), free-market globalization has stimulated a
new era of neo-colonial imperialism, reinforcing divisions in wealth within
nations and across borders. Given a renewed popular and academic interest in
the subject, attendant to its increasingly obvious real-world import, a compre-
hensive collection on imperialism is an invaluable resource to scholars and
students of the humanities and the social sciences. Yet, whereas imperialism is
an indispensable element of contemporary political analysis and scholarly
investigation, a primary academic reference work on the subject has up to
now been sorely lacking. As well as its academic relevance, imperialism is of
profound concern to anyone interested in international history, politics,

v
vi Preface

sociology, and economics. The Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-

Imperialism was conceived and designed to fill this gap for scholars and
students across academic disciplines and beyond the confines of the university.
In its broadest definition, imperialism is the military, political, legal, and/or
economic control of one people’s territory by another so that the subject
territory is made to relinquish resources, labor, and produce for little or no
compensation. Almost all societies have been subject to various forms of
imperialism at one time or another, transforming their established political
order and socioeconomic activities, prohibiting old customs and imposing new
ones, dislocating inhabitants from their communities, and, in some instances,
settling and occupying territories afresh. In the process, imperialism has
imposed national, racial, ethnic, and class domination on disparate
populations. This work examines how imperialism has impacted societies in
the Third World, (i.e., the former colonies of Asia, Africa, Latin America, and
the Caribbean) as well as how it has shaped social relations and popular
perceptions in the First-World countries of Europe, North America, and
Japan. It describes imperialism’s shifting mechanisms of international wealth
transfer and reveals how super-profits derived from superexploitation, accu-
mulation by dispossession, and debt usury (none of which can treated in
isolation from the others) have come to form the very taproot of the global
profit system.
“Imperialism” is a term that is politically charged. For some, it signifies the
glory of empire, the march of progress, and the triumph of civilization. In
recent years, there has been a dramatic surge in pro-imperial discourse,
epitomized in Britain by the work of scholars and commentators such as
Niall Ferguson, Robert Kaplan, Andrew Roberts, William Dalrymple, Daniel
Kruger, Keith Windschuttle, and Dennis Prager. In the 1990s, US political
scientist Samuel Huntington famously decried the inherent barbarism of all
non-Western cultures in his The Clash of Civilizations and found an eager
mainstream audience in the context of the so-called War on Terror and the
discourse of “humanitarian interventionism.” Meanwhile, the state and corpo-
rate media monopolies dominating public discourse around the world present
phenomena associated with ongoing imperialist machinations and processes in
a consistently and universally benign light, except where a rival might be held
culpable.
This volume does not attempt any exhaustive account of the human toll of
imperialism, which would require dozens of thick volumes to cover the
spectrum in any detail. It is important to state, however, that the development
and maintenance of industrial capitalism was made possible, inter alia, by the
plunder of Indian gold and silver from the Americas; by the wholesale theft of
Indian land by force of arms and the resultant 50–100 million deaths from war,
overwork, overcrowding, economic ruin, starvation, malnourishment, and
related diseases; by the slave trade (1500–1869), which resulted in the deaths
of perhaps 20 million Africans; by the loss of up to 100 million Africans from
their homeland and hundreds of years of agonizing toil, wanton mistreatment,
and early death for them; by the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland between
1649 and 1650 that resulted in approximately 618,000 deaths as well as the
colonial exploitation that led to the Great Famine of 1845–52 resulting in
Preface vii

1 million deaths and 1 million emigrants; by Britain’s plunder of India that

resulted in about 29 million deaths from famine between 1877 and 1902; by
Belgium’s colonization of the Congo, which, between 1880 and 1920, resulted
in at least 10 million deaths through starvation and slaughter; by Japan’s
colonial wars leading to perhaps 30 million deaths; by the killing of half-a-
million Iraqi children under 5 years of age who died between 1991 and 1998
from sanctions imposed by the USA and UK; and by investors’ ongoing
dispossession of the land of the world’s poorest peoples, which results in
needless hunger, preventable disease, and curable disease leading to the
unnecessary deaths of 100 million children every decade.
Added to these figures must be those deaths occurred during the First World
War (37 million) and Second World War (at least 50 million), wars instigated
by imperialist rivals as a means of each securing preferential trade agreements,
tariff barriers, trade routes, protected markets for investments and manufac-
tures, and sources of raw materials. Leaving aside excess deaths caused by
economic dependence on foreign monopolies, we may also consider imperi-
alism as responsible for the deaths of tens of millions of people in interventions
by the major imperialist powers (the USA, especially) all over the Third World
since 1945.
In light of the above, we believe that it is impossible to properly understand
imperialism without reference to the struggle against it. Anti-imperialism took
shape in the West with mass opposition and national liberation struggle leading
to the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian, German, Ottoman, and Russian
Empires following the First World War. Its appeal grew considerably with the
impact of the Russian and Chinese revolutions and the subsequent erosion of
the British and French empires in the aftermath of the Second World War. In
the English-speaking metropoles, the struggles of Black Americans and Irish,
as well as the struggles of the Palestinians in the 1960s and 1970s, popularized
anti-imperialist resistance still further. With the disintegration of the Soviet
Bloc and the imposition of neoliberal regimes everywhere, the struggle
between East and West has shifted primarily to that between North and
South, exposing the abject divisions of income and opportunity within the
world system. We present here a range of biographies and movement studies
that exemplify the rich and ongoing tradition of national liberation theories and
practices.
By highlighting the centrality of imperialism to present and historical social
realities, this encyclopedia provides a multifaceted corrective to the myopic
(inter)nationalism espoused in the global North by both the political right and
its ostensible foes on the left. Undoubtedly, the class interests of the labor
aristocracy have been reflected in the analyses and propaganda of the
European and North American left for which imperialism is too often under-
stood either as a historical or cultural throwback or as benefiting only (some)
capitalists or a narrow upper stratum of workers in specific sectors of the
economy. Under capitalism, however, the privileges of the metropolitan work-
force relative to the proletariat proper (exploited, value-creating wage-earners)
are afforded only by imperialism and can, therefore, only be maintained or
extended by the same means. Ultimately, this ensures that the pursuit of short-
term economic advancement by what is thus constituted as a mass labor
viii Preface

aristocracy must entail open or tacit compromise with capital. Those within the
upper echelons of the global working class who aim to determine their destiny
free of capitalist diktat must advocate the abolition of global wage scaling, the
sine qua non of imperialism, even in the certain knowledge that this will mean
a lengthy and considerable reduction in their compatriots’ purchasing power.
The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism provides
a comprehensive examination and overview of its subject, covering many of
the most significant social, cultural, political, and economic aspects of the
imperialist project. Entries chronicle the ways in which imperialist domination
has unfolded, tracing its roots, goals, tactics, influence, and outcomes over
time and space. We have not, unfortunately, been able to include all of the
biographies that we would have liked to (e.g., of such anti-imperialists as Jose
Maria Sison, Bhagat Singh, George Habash, Hassan Nasrallah, Gerry Adams,
Michael Collins, Sitting Bull, Robert Mugabe, Daniel Ortega, Muammar
Gadaffi, Rajani Palme Dutt, Lin Biao, Enver Hoxha, Abimael Guzmán,
Charu Majumdar, and Subhas Chandra Bose, among others), or entries on all
subjects relating to imperialism. We encourage readers to use this resource as a
spur for further investigation. Nonetheless, we are confident that The Palgrave
Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism is the most comprehensive
scholarly examination of the subject to date.
We hope you enjoy reading it as much as we enjoyed editing it.

New York, USA Immanuel Ness

Belfast, UK Zak Cope
January 2021
About the Editors

Immanuel Ness is Professor of Political Science at the City University of

New York. He is the author of Organizing Insurgency: Workers in the Global
South and Southern Insurgency: The Coming of the Global Working Class,
among other forthcoming works, and editor of Journal of Labor and Society.

Zak Cope is an author and researcher. He is currently a visiting researcher at

Queen’s University Belfast, where he received his Ph.D. He is co-editor of The
Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism. His published
works include The Wealth of (Some) Nations, Dimensions of Prejudice, and
Divided World Divided Class.

ix
Contributors

Hakim Adi University of Chichester, Chichester, UK

Cenk Ağcabay International Politics, Zurich, Switzerland
Jose Miguel Ahumada Institute of International Studies, University of
Chile, Santiago, Chile
Ilias Alami Department of Society Studies, Maastricht University, Maas-
tricht, The Netherlands
Ivon Alcime Department of Communications, Alabama State University
(ASU), College of Arts and Sciences, Montgomery, AL, USA
Derek H. Aldcroft University of Leicester, Leicester, UK
Donatella Alessandrini Kent Law School, University of Kent, Canterbury,
UK
Zahra Ali Rutgers University-Newark, Newark, NJ, USA
Jan Otto Andersson Åbo Akademi University, Turku, Finland
Paul Arpaia Indiana University of Pennsylvania, Indiana, PA, USA
Rina Arya University of Wolverhampton, Wolverhampton, Staffordshire,
UK
Jeffrey Bachman School of International Service, American University,
Washington, DC, USA
Amiya Kumar Bagchi Institute of Development Studies, Kolkata, India
Elvira Basevich Queens College, City University of New York, New York,
NY, USA
Duccio Basosi Dipartimento di Studi Linguistici e Culturali Comparati, Ca’
Foscari University of Venice, Venezia, Italy
Pradip Basu Political science, Presidency University, Kolkata, India
Stefan Baumgarten German School of Modern Languages, Bangor Univer-
sity, Wales, UK

xi
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xii Contributors

Tim Beal Featherston, New Zealand

Simon Behrman Department of Law and Criminology, Royal Holloway,
University of London, Surrey, UK
Ahmet Bekmen Faculty of Political Sciences, Istanbul University, Istanbul,
Turkey
Walden Bello St Mary’s University, Halifax, NS, Canada
State University of New York, Binghamton, NY, USA
Peter H. Bent Department of Economics, American University of Paris,
Paris, France
Berch Berberoglu Department of Sociology, University of Nevada, Reno,
NV, USA
Mark Bergfeld School for Business and Management, Queen Mary Univer-
sity of London, London, UK
Robert Biel Political Ecology and Urban Agriculture, University College
London, London, UK
Eva Bischoff International History, University of Trier, Trier, Germany
Isa Blumi Department of Asian, Middle East and Turkish Studies, Stockholm
University, Stockholm, Sweden
Elena Borghi Max Weber Center for Advanced Cultural and Social Studies,
University of Erfurt, Erfurt, Germany
Amzat Boukari-Yabara Centre for African Studies, School of Advanced
Studies in Social Sciences (EHESS), Paris, France
Carole Boyce Davies Africana Studies and English, Cornell University,
Ithaca, NY, USA
Oliver Boyd-Barrett Bowling Green State University, Bowling Green, OH,
USA
Tiffany Boyle Mother Tongue, Stockholm, Sweden
Sérgio Dias Branco Film Studies, University of Coimbra, Coimbra, Portugal
Dhanveer Singh Brar Goldsmiths, University of London, London, UK
Adam Broinowski School of Culture, History and Language, ANU College
of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University, Canberra, ACT,
Australia
John Brolin Department of Economic History, Lund University, Lund,
Sweden
Dustin J. Byrd Philosophy and Religion, Olivet College, Olivet, MI, USA
Peter Cain Sheffield Hallam University, Sheffield, UK

Tim Beal has retired.

Contributors xiii

Horace Campbell Syracuse University, Syracuse, NY, USA

Jessica Carden University of the Arts London, Research Centre for Trans-
national Art, Identity and Nation, London, UK
Laurent Cesari Department of History and Geography, Université d’Artois,
Arras, France
Faisal I. Chaudhry University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA, USA
Simon Chilvers Economic Geography, University of the Fraser Valley,
Abbotsford, BC, Canada
Manase Kudzai Chiweshe Department of Sociology, University of Zimba-
bwe and Research Associate, Harare, Zimbabwe
Department of Sociology, Rhodes University, Grahamstown, South Africa
Aziz Choudry Canada Research Chair in Social Movement Learning and
Knowledge Production, Department of Integrated Studies in Education,
McGill University, QC, Canada
Centre for Education Rights and Transformation, University of Johannesburg,
Johannesburg, South Africa
Subhanil Chowdhury Institute of Development Studies Kolkata, Kolkata,
India
Nikos Christofis College of History and Civilization and Center for Turkish
Studies Shaanxi Normal University, Xi’an, China
Ward Churchill Atlanta, GA, USA
Donald A. Clelland Department of Sociology, University of Tennessee,
Knoxville, TN, USA
Maurice Coakley Griffith College, Dublin, Ireland
Zak Cope Belfast, UK
Drew Cottle Politics and History, School of Humanities and Communication
Arts, Western Sydney University, Sydney, Australia
Ronald W. Cox Department of Politics and International Relations, Florida
International University, Miami, FL, USA
Carlos Cruz Mosquera London, UK
Gibran Cruz-Martinez Department of Economics and Politics, Institute of
Public Goods and Policies (IPP), Spanish National Research Council (CSIC),
Madrid, Spain
James M. Cypher Doctoral Program in Development Studies, Universidad
Autonoma de Zacatecas, Zacatecas, Mexico
Bernard D’Mello Mumbai, India

Bernard D’Mello has retired.

xiv Contributors

Christopher M. Davidson European Centre for International Affairs, Brus-

sels, Belgium
Lawrence Davidson Department of History, West Chester University, Penn-
sylvania, PA, USA
Raúl Delgado Wise Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas, Zacatecas,
Mexico
Radhika Desai Department of Political Studies, Faculty of Arts, University
of Manitoba, Winnipeg, MB, Canada
Jürgen Dinkel University of Giesen, Gießen, Germany
Christopher Doran School of Public and Environmental Affairs, Indiana
University, Bloomington, IN, USA
Oleksa Drachewych Department of History, Western University, London,
ON, Canada
Holger Droessler American Studies at Harvard University, Cambridge, MA,
USA
Shiraz Durrani Vita Books, London, UK
Kevin Edmonds University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada
Costas Eleftheriou Political Science and Public Administration, National
and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Athens, Greece
Mevliyar Er Mevliyar Er is a Freelance Researcher, Birmingham, UK
Audrey Evrard Drew University, Madison, NJ, USA
Steve Fake Washington, DC, USA
Kaveh Farrokh Institute of Historical Iranian Studies, History,
Methodolgica Governance University, Paris, France
Maritza Felices-Luna Department of Criminology, University of Ottawa,
Ottawa, ON, Canada
Micha Fiedlschuster European Studies, Otto von Guericke University Mag-
deburg, Magdeburg, Germany
Erin Fitz-Henry Department of Anthropology and Development Studies,
University of Melbourne, Melbourne, VIC, Australia
Maximilian C. Forte Concordia University, Montreal, Canada
Mariko Frame Merrimack College, North Andover, MA, USA
Kyle Francis Dallas, TX, USA
Kate Frey University of Vermont, Burlington, VT, USA
Keene State College, Keene, NH, USA
Kevin Funk University of the District of Columbia, Washington, DC, USA
Contributors xv

Patti Gaal-Holmes Arts University Bournemouth, Poole, Dorset, UK

Mobo Gao Asian Studies, University of Adelaide, Adelaide, SA, Australia
Gustavo A. García López Graduate School of Planning, University of
Puerto Rico-Rio Piedras, San Juan, Puerto Rico
C. Garland Queen Mary, University of London, London, UK
Jeffrey Geiger University of Essex, Essex, London, UK
Edward George London, UK
Kyle Geraghty University of Bristol, Bristol, UK
Brenda I. Gill Alabama State University (ASU), Montgomery, AL, USA
Hans Goldenbaum Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology, Halle,
Germany
Bülent Gökay Keele University, Keele, UK
Marilyn Grell-Brisk Institute for Research on World-Systems, University of
California, Riverside, Riverside, CA, USA
Juan Grigera Department of International Development, King’s College
London, London, UK
Anthony Gronowicz Borough of Manhattan Community College, City Uni-
versity of New York, New York, NY, USA
Alex Guilherme Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul,
PUCRS, Porto Alegre, Brazil
Efe Can Gürcan Istinye University, Istanbul, Turkey
Ali Hammoudi National University of Singapore, Faculty of Law, Singa-
pore, Singapore
Hamza Hamouchene Transnational Institute, Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Joseph Hanlon Department of International Development, London School
of Economics and Political Science, London, UK
Open University, Milton Keynes, UK
Fatmir Haska San Francisco State University, San Francisco, CA, USA
Abdalla F. Hassan Cairo, Egypt
Michael J. Haynes International Political Economy, University of Wolver-
hampton, Wolverhampton, Staffordshire, UK
Henry Heller Department of History, Faculty of Arts, University of Mani-
toba, Winnipeg, MB, Canada
Rémy Herrera CNRS (National Centre for Scientific Research), Centre
d’Économie de la Sorbonne, Paris, France
xvi Contributors

Jacques Hersh Research Center on Development and International Rela-

tions, Aalborg University, Aalborg, Denmark
Gillian Hewitson Department of Political Economy, University of Sydney,
Camperdown, NSW, Australia
Andrew Higginbottom University of Kingston, London, UK
Christian Høgsbjerg School of Humanities, University of Brighton, Brigh-
ton, UK
Ian Scott Horst Brooklyn, NY, USA
Mark Omorovie Ikeke Delta State University, Abraka, Nigeria
Fidèle Ingiyimbere Arrupe Jesuit University, Harare, Zimbabwe
Volodymyr Ishchenko Technical University Dresden, Dresden, Germany
Feyzi Ismail SOAS, University of London, London, UK
Leslie James University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK
Joe B. Jimmeh Tuskegee University, Tuskegee, AL, USA
E. San Juan Washington, DC, USA
Ali Kadri London School of Economics (LSE), London, UK
Ryan M. Katz-Rosene School of Political Studies, University of Ottawa,
Ottawa, ON, Canada
Hassan Omari Kaya Department of Science and Technology, National
Research Foundation Centre of Excellence in Indigenous Knowledge Sys-
tems, Pretoria, South Africa
Timothy Kerswell Department of Government and Public Administration,
University of Macau, Macau, China
Angela Keys Sydney, Australia
Angéla Kóczé Central European University, Budapest, Hungary
Cheehyung Harrison Kim University of Missouri, Columbia, MO, USA
Valentinos Kontoyiannis University of Sussex, Nicosia, Cyprus
Emre Eren Korkmaz Department of International Relations, Altınbaş Uni-
versity, Istanbul, Turkey
Kostis Kornetis Department of History, University of Sheffield, Sheffield,
UK
Kawal Deep Kour Institute for Narcotics Studies and Analysis (INSA), New
Delhi, India
Richard Krooth Social Sciences Division, University of California, Santa
Cruz, CA, USA
Contributors xvii

Rinna Elina Kullaa Department of History and Ethnology, University of

Jyvaskyla, Jyväskylän, Finland
Arup Kumar Sen Department of Commerce, Serampore College,
Serampore, West Bengal, India
Amanda Latimer Department of Politics, Kingston University, Kingston
upon Thames, UK
Kin Chi Lau Department of Cultural Studies, Lingnan University, Hong
Kong, People’s Republic of China
Torkil Lauesen Copenhagen, Denmark
Jacob Levich Administration, Stony Brook University, Stony Brook, NY,
USA
Dustin Lewis Denver, CO, USA
Xing Li Department of Culture and Global Studies, Aalborg University,
Aalborg, Denmark
Björn Lingner Department of Communication and Arts (DCA), Roskilde
University, Roskilde, Denmark
Laura Lomas Rutgers University, Newark, NJ, USA
Jane Lydon Wesfarmers Chair of Australian History, The University of
Western Australia, Western Australia, Australia
Francesco Macheda, Department of Social Sciences and Law, Bifröst
University, Borgarnes, Iceland
John M. MacKenzie University of Lancaster, Lancaster, UK
Colin Mackerras Department of Business and Social Innovation, Griffith
University, Nathan, QLD, Australia
Stacy Warner Maddern Urban and Community Studies, University of
Connecticut, Storrs, CT, USA
Christos Mais Universiteit Leiden, Leiden, The Netherlands
Aldo Marchesi Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación,
Universidad de la Republica (Uruguay), Montevideo, Uruguay
John Marciano SUNY Cortland, Cortland, NY, USA
Norman Markowitz Rutgers University, Newark, NJ, USA
Linda Matar College of Alice and Peter Tan, National University of Singa-
pore, Singapore, Singapore
Christopher May Department of Politics, Philosophy and Religion, Lancas-
ter University, Lancaster, UK
Carlos Maya Ambìa Universidad de Guadalajara, Jalisco, Mexico
xviii Contributors

Adam Mayer Department of Politics and International Relations, University

of Kurdistan Hewler, Erbil, Iraq
Conor McCarthy Maynooth University, Maynooth, Ireland
Nils McCune School of Environment and Sustainability, University of Mich-
igan, Ann Arbor, MI, USA
Charles McKelvey Professor Emeritus, Presbyterian College, Clinton, South
Carolina, USA
Peter McLaren Chapman University, Orange, CA, USA
Lucie Mercier Centre for Research in Modern European Philosophy, Kings-
ton University, London, UK
Marcelo Milan Economics and International Relations, Federal University
of Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS), Porto Alegre, RS, Brazil
Tanner Mirrlees Communication and Digital Media Studies, University of
Ontario Institute of Technology, Oshawa, ON, Canada
Shahrzad Mojab LHAE, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada
Lilia D. Monzó College of Educational Studies, Chapman University,
Orange, CA, USA
David Murphy University of Stirling, Stirling, Scotland, UK
Amber Murrey-Ndewa University of Oxford, Oxford, England
Anthony Mustacich Department of Political Science, University of Wash-
ington, Seattle, WA, USA
Patience Mutopo Chinhoyi University of Technology, Chinhoyi, Zimbabwe
Sirisha C. Naidu Economics, University of Missouri – Kansas City, Kansas
City, MO, USA
Stella Nasirumbi Shelter Afrique, Nairobi, Kenya
Grettel Navas Institute of Environmental Science and Technology, Autono-
mous University of Barcelona, Barcelona, Spain
Emmanuel Mbégane NDOUR SLLM – French Department, University of
the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa
Immanuel Ness Department of Political Science, City University of New
York, Brooklyn College, New York, NY, USA
Howard Nicholas International Institute of Social Studies in the Hague,
Hague, The Netherlands
Shawn Nichols Department of Politics, UC Santa Cruz, Santa Cruz, CA,
USA
Alf Gunvald Nilsen University of Bergen, Bergen, Norway
Contributors xix

Paolo Novak Development Studies at the School of Oriental and African

Studies, University of London, London, UK
Pádraigín M. O’Flynn SOAS University of London, London, UK
Féilim Ó hAdhmaill School of Applied Social Studies, University College
Cork, Cork, Ireland
Fletcher O’Leary University of Adelaide, Adelaide, SA, Australia
Franklin Obeng-Odoom Development Studies, University of Helsinki, Hel-
sinki, Finland
Glen Olson The Graduate Center, The City University of New York,
New York, NY, USA
Ayokunle Olumuyiwa Omobowale Department of Sociology, University of
Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria
Özgür Orhangazi Department of Economics, Kadir Has University, Istan-
bul, Turkey
Ekin Oyan-Altuntaş Abant Izzet Baysal Universtity, Ankara, Turkey
David Scott Palmer American Studies Boston University, Boston, MA,
USA
Panikos Panayi History, De Montfort University, Leicester, UK
Matthew Paterson Politics, School of Social Sciences, University of Man-
chester, Manchester, UK
Prabhat Patnaik Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India
Jacques R. Pauwels Toronto, ON, Canada
Rafael Pedemonte Universiteit Gent, Ghent, Belgium
Sheila Pelizzon Middle East Technical University, Ankara, Turkey
Camilo Pérez-Bustillo Autonomous University of Mexico City, Mexico
City, Mexico
Fredrik Petersson History, Åbo Akademi University, Turku, Finland
Bruno Antonio Picoli Federal University of Fronteira Sul, UFFS, Chapecó,
Brazil
Anna Piva London, UK
Lucia Pradella King’s College London, London, UK
Michael Pröbsting Vienna, Austria
Rakesh Ramamoorthy Department of English, St. John’s College, Anchal,
Kerala, India
Neil Redfern Modern European History and Politics, Manchester, UK
Thomas Reifer University of San Diego, San Diego, CA, USA
xx Contributors

Brian Richardson London, UK

John Michael Roberts Brunel University, London, UK
Clyde C. Robertson Center for African and African American Studies,
Southern University at New Orleans, New Orleans, LA, USA
Paige Elizabeth Rooney California Polytechnic State University, San Luis
Obispo, CA, USA
Ivan Rubinić Faculty of Law, University of Rijeka, Rijeka, Croatia
Marie Ruiz Université de Picardie Jules Verne, Amiens, France
Viviane Saglier Concordia University, Montreal, QC, Canada
Imad Salamey Social Sciences, Lebanese American University, Beirut,
Lebanon
Chelsea Schields University of California, Irvine, CA, USA
Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt Aalborg University, Copenhagen, Denmark
Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, Copenhagen University, Copenhagen,
Denmark
Kim Scipes Department of Sociology, Purdue University, West Lafayette, IN,
USA
Shirley V. Scott School of Humanities and Social Sciences, UNSW Canberra
at the Australian Defence Force Academy, Canberra, ACT, Australia
Anwesha Sengupta Department of History, Institute of Development Studies
Kolkata (IDSK), Kolkata, West Bengal, India
Claude Serfati Cemotev (University of Saint-quentin-en-yvelines) and
IRES, Saint-quentin-en-yvelines, Noisy-le-Grand, France
Saeb Sha’ath Belfast, Ireland
Amrita Shodhan SOAS, University of London, London, UK
Francis Shor Wayne State University, Detroit, MI, USA
Laurence H. Shoup Oakland, CA, USA
Vipan Pal Singh Department of English, School of Languages, Literature
and Culture Central University of Punjab, Bathinda, Punjab, India
Yannis Skalidakis University of Crete, Rethymnon, Greece
Michael Skinner York Centre for International and Security Studies, York
University, Toronto, ON, Canada
John Smith Kingston University, London, UK

Laurence H. Shoup has retired.

Contributors xxi

Gregory R. Smulewicz-Zucker Department of History and Philosophy at

Baruch College, The City University of New York, New York, NY, USA
Ali Somel The Department of Political Science and Public Administration,
Ondokuz Mayıs University, Samsun, Turkey
Cem Somel Abant Izzet Baysal University, Bolu, Turkey
Steve Striffler University of Massachusetts, Boston, MA, USA
Alex Sutton Department of Politics and International Studies, University of
Warwick, Warwick, UK
Maks Tajnikar School of Economics and Business, University of Ljubljana,
Ljubljana, Slovenia
Ulaş Taştekin Ufuk University, Ankara, Turkey
Sally Tomlinson Department of Education, University of Oxford, Oxford,
UK
Miguel Torres Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean
(ECLAC), Santiago, Chile
Lin-chin Tsai University of California, Los Angeles, Los Angeles, CA, USA
Rodanthi Tzanelli School of Sociology and Social Policy, University of
Leeds, Yorkshire, Leeds, UK
Erol Ülker Department of International Relations, Işık University, Istanbul,
Turkey
Akinyele O. Umoja Department of African-American Studies, Georgia State
University, Atlanta, GA, USA
Ozgur Usenmez Department of International Relations, Marmara University,
Istanbul, Turkey
Karel Van Nieuwenhuyse Educational Master in History, Faculty of Arts,
KU Leuven, Leuven, Belgium
Ramaa Vasudevan Department of Economics, Colorado State University,
Fort Collins, CO, USA
Henry Veltmeyer Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas, Zacatecas, Mexico
Lorenzo Veracini Department of Social Sciences, Swinburne University of
Technology, Melbourne, VIC, Australia
Françoise Vergès Goldsmiths University, London, UK
Collège d’études mondiales, Paris, France
Tom Vickers Department of Sociology, Nottingham Trent University, Not-
tingham, UK
Ricardo Villanueva Intituto de Estudios Internacionales, Universidad del
Mar, Bahias de Huatulco, Oaxaca, Mexico
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Exploring the Variety of Random
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States, led the way in these developments, and gave to our inquiries
the direction they have since observed. Many sound and valuable
principles established by them, have received the sanction of general
approbation. Some, as in the infancy of a science might be
expected, have been brought into question, and have furnished
occasion for much discussion. Their opinions on production, and on
the proper subjects of taxation, have been particularly controverted;
and whatever may be the merit of their principles of taxation, it is
not wonderful they have not prevailed; not on the questioned score
of correctness, but because not acceptable to the people, whose will
must be the supreme law. Taxation is in fact the most difficult
function of government—and that against which their citizens are
most apt to be refractory. The general aim is therefore to adopt the
mode most consonant with the circumstances and sentiments of the
country.
Adam Smith, first in England, published a rational and systematic
work on Political Economy, adopting generally the ground of the
Economists, but differing on the subjects before specified. The
system being novel, much argument and detail seemed then
necessary to establish principles which now are assented to as soon
as proposed. Hence his book, admitted to be able, and of the first
degree of merit, has yet been considered as prolix and tedious.
In France, John Baptist Say has the merit of producing a very
superior work on the subject of political economy. His arrangement
is luminous, ideas clear, style perspicuous, and the whole subject
brought within half the volume of Smith's work. Add to this
considerable advances in correctness and extension of principles.
The work of Senator Tracy, now announced, comes forward with all
the lights of his predecessors in the science, and with the
advantages of further experience, more discussion, and greater
maturity of subjects. It is certainly distinguished by important traits;
a cogency of logic which has never been exceeded in any work, a
rigorous enchainment of ideas, and constant recurrence to it to keep
it in the reader's view, a fearless pursuit of truth whithersoever it
leads, and a diction so correct that not a word can be changed but
for the worse; and, as happens in other cases, that the more a
subject is understood, the more briefly it may be explained, he has
reduced, not indeed all the details, but all the elements and the
system of principles within the compass of an 8vo, of about 400
pages. Indeed we might say within two-thirds of that space, the
one-third being taken up with some preliminary pieces now to be
noticed.
Mr. Tracy is the author of a treatise on the Elements of Ideology,
justly considered as a production of the first order in the science of
our thinking faculty, or of the understanding. Considering the
present work but as a second section to those Elements under the
titles of Analytical Table, Supplement, and Introduction, he gives in
these preliminary pieces a supplement to the Elements, shows how
the present work stands on that as its basis, presents a summary
view of it, and, before entering on the formation, distribution, and
employment of property and personality, a question not new indeed,
yet one which has not hitherto been satisfactorily settled. These
investigations are very metaphysical, profound, and demonstrative,
and will give satisfaction to minds in the habit of abstract
speculation. Readers, however, not disposed to enter into them,
after reading the summary view, entitled, "on our actions," will
probably pass on at once to the commencement of the main subject
of the work, which is treated of under the following heads:

Of Society.
Of Production, or the formation of our riches.
Of Value, or the measure of utility.
Of change of form, or fabrication.
Of change of place, or commerce.
Of money.
Of the distribution of our riches.
Of population.
Of the employment of our riches, or consumption.
Of public revenue, expenses and debts.
Although the work now offered is but a translation, it may be
considered in some degree as the original, that having never been
published in the country in which it was written. The author would
there have been submitted to the unpleasant alternative either of
mutilating his sentiments, where they were either free or doubtful,
or of risking himself under the unsettled regimen of the press. A
manuscript copy communicated to a friend here has enabled him to
give it to a country which is afraid to read nothing, and which may
be trusted with anything, so long as its reason remains unfettered by
law.
In the translation, fidelity has been chiefly consulted. A more correct
style would sometimes have given a shade of sentiment which was
not the author's, and which, in a work standing in the place of the
original, would have been unjust towards him. Some gallicisms have,
therefore, been admitted, where a single word gives an idea which
would require a whole phrase of dictionary-English. Indeed, the
horrors of Neologism, which startle the purist, have given no alarm
to the translator. Where brevity, perspicuity, and even euphony can
be promoted by the introduction of a new word, it is an
improvement to the language. It is thus the English language has
been brought to what it is; one half of it having been innovations,
made at different times, from the Greek, Latin, French, and other
languages. And is it the worse for these? Had the preposterous idea
of fixing the language been adopted by our Saxon ancestors, of
Pierce Plowman, of Chaucer, of Spenser, the progress of ideas must
have stopped with that of the language. On the contrary, nothing is
more evident than that as we advance in the knowledge of new
things, and of new combinations of old ones, we must have new
words to express them. Were Van Helmont, Stane, Scheele, to rise
from the dead at this time, they would scarcely understand one
word of their own science. Would it have been better, then, to have
abandoned the science of Chemistry, rather than admit innovations
in its terms? What a wonderful accession of copiousness and force
has the French language attained, by the innovations of the last
thirty years! And what do we not owe to Shakspeare for the
enrichment of the language, by his free and magical creation of
words? In giving a loose to neologism, indeed, uncouth words will
sometimes be offered; but the public will judge them, and receive or
reject, as sense or sound shall suggest, and authors will be approved
or condemned according to the use they make of this license, as
they now are from their use of the present vocabulary. The claim of
the present translation, however, is limited to its duties of fidelity
and justice to the sense of its original; adopting the author's own
word only where no term of our own language would convey his
meaning.

(A Note communicated to the Editor.)

Our author's classification of taxes being taken from those practised

in France, will scarcely be intelligible to an American reader, to whom
the nature as well as names of some of them must be unknown. The
taxes with which we are familiar, class themselves readily according
to the basis on which they rest. 1. Capital. 2. Income. 3.
Consumption. These may be considered as commensurate;
Consumption being generally equal to Income, and Income the
annual profit of Capital. A government may select either of these
bases for the establishment of its system of taxation, and so frame it
as to reach the faculties of every member of the society, and to draw
from him his equal proportion of the public contributions; and, if this
be correctly obtained, it is the perfection of the function of taxation.
But when once a government has assumed its basis, to select and
tax special articles from either of the other classes, is double
taxation. For example, if the system be established on the basis of
Income, and his just proportion on that scale has been already
drawn from every one, to step into the field of Consumption, and tax
special articles in that, as broadcloth or homespun, wine or whiskey,
a coach or a wagon, is doubly taxing the same article. For that
portion of Income with which these articles are purchased, having
already paid its tax as Income, to pay another tax on the thing it
purchased, is paying twice for the same thing, it is an aggrievance
on the citizens who use these articles in exoneration of those who do
not, contrary to the most sacred of the duties of a government, to
do equal and impartial justice to all its citizens.
How far it may be the interest and the duty of all to submit to this
sacrifice on other grounds, for instance, to pay for a time an impost
on the importation of certain articles, in order to encourage their
manufacture at home, or an excise on others injurious to the morals
or health of the citizens, will depend on a series of considerations of
another order, and beyond the proper limits of this note. The reader,
in deciding which basis of taxation is most eligible for the local
circumstances of his country, will, of course, avail himself of the
weighty observations of our author.
To this a single observation shall yet be added. Whether property
alone, and the whole of what each citizen possesses, shall be
subject to contribution, or only its surplus after satisfying his first
wants, or whether the faculties of body and mind shall contribute
also from their annual earnings, is a question to be decided. But,
when decided, and the principle settled, it is to be equally and fairly
applied to all. To take from one, because it is thought that his own
industry and that of his fathers has acquired too much, in order to
spare to others, who, or whose fathers have not exercised equal
industry and skill, is to violate arbitrarily the first principle of
association, "the guarantee to every one of a free exercise of his
industry, and the fruits acquired by it." If the overgrown wealth of an
individual be deemed dangerous to the State, the best corrective is
the law of equal inheritance to all in equal degree; and the better, as
this enforces a law of nature, while extra-taxation violates it.

TO JOHN ADAMS.
 Monticello, April 8, 1816.

Dear Sir,—I have to acknowledge your two favors of February the

16th and March the 2d, and to join sincerely in the sentiment of Mrs.
Adams, and regret that distance separates us so widely. An hour of
conversation would be worth a volume of letters. But we must take
things as they come.
You ask, if I would agree to live my seventy or rather seventy-three
years over again? To which I say, yea. I think with you, that it is a
good world on the whole; that it has been framed on a principle of
benevolence, and more pleasure than pain dealt out to us. There
are, indeed, (who might say nay) gloomy and hypochondriac minds,
inhabitants of diseased bodies, disgusted with the present, and
despairing of the future; always counting that the worst will happen,
because it may happen. To these I say, how much pain have cost us
the evils which have never happened! My temperament is sanguine.
I steer my bark with Hope in the head, leaving Fear astern. My
hopes, indeed, sometimes fail; but not oftener than the forebodings
of the gloomy. There are, I acknowledge, even in the happiest life,
some terrible convulsions, heavy set-offs against the opposite page
of the account. I have often wondered for what good end the
sensations of grief could be intended. All our other passions, within
proper bounds, have an useful object. And the perfection of the
moral character is, not in a stoical apathy, so hypocritically vaunted,
and so untruly too, because impossible, but in a just equilibrium of
all the passions. I wish the pathologists then would tell us what is
the use of grief in the economy, and of what good it is the cause,
proximate or remote.
Did I know Baron Grimm while at Paris? Yes, most intimately. He was
the pleasantest and most conversable member of the diplomatic
corps while I was there; a man of good fancy, acuteness, irony,
cunning and egoism. No heart, not much of any science, yet enough
of every one to speak its language; his forte was Belles-lettres,
painting and sculpture. In these he was the oracle of society, and as
such, was the Empress Catharine's private correspondent and factor,
in all things not diplomatic. It was through him I got her permission
for poor Ledyard to go to Kamschatka, and cross over thence to the
western coast of America, in order to penetrate across our continent
in the opposite direction to that afterwards adopted for Lewis and
Clarke; which permission she withdrew after he had got within two
hundred miles of Kamschatka, had him seized, brought back, and set
down in Poland. Although I never heard Grimm express the opinion
directly, yet I always supposed him to be of the school of Diderot,
D'Alembert, D'Holbach; the first of whom committed his system of
atheism to writing in "Le bon sens," and the last in his "Systeme de
la Nature." It was a numerous school in the Catholic countries, while
the infidelity of the Protestant took generally the form of theism. The
former always insisted that it was a mere question of definition
between them, the hypostasis of which, on both sides, was "Nature,"
or "the Universe;" that both agreed in the order of the existing
system, but the one supposed it from eternity, the other as having
begun in time. And when the atheist descanted on the unceasing
motion and circulation of matter through the animal, vegetable and
mineral kingdoms, never resting, never annihilated, always changing
form, and under all forms gifted with the power of reproduction; the
theist pointing "to the heavens above, and to the earth beneath, and
to the waters under the earth," asked, if these did not proclaim a
first cause, possessing intelligence and power; power in the
production, and intelligence in the design and constant preservation
of the system; urged the palpable existence of final causes; that the
eye was made to see, and the ear to hear, and not that we see
because we have eyes, and hear because we have ears; an answer
obvious to the senses, as that of walking across the room, was to
the philosopher demonstrating the non-existence of motion. It was
in D'Holbach's conventicles that Rousseau imagined all the
machinations against him were contrived; and he left, in his
Confessions, the most biting anecdotes of Grimm. These appeared
after I left France; but I have heard that poor Grimm was so much
afflicted by them, that he kept his bed several weeks. I have never
seen the Memoirs of Grimm. Their volume has kept them out of our
market.
I have lately been amusing myself with Levi's book, in answer to Dr.
Priestley. It is a curious and tough work. His style is inelegant and
incorrect, harsh and petulant to his adversary, and his reasoning
flimsy enough. Some of his doctrines were new to me, particularly
that of his two resurrections; the first, a particular one of all the
dead, in body as well as soul, who are to live over again, the Jews in
a state of perfect obedience to God, the other nations in a state of
corporeal punishment for the sufferings they have inflicted on the
Jews. And he explains this resurrection of the bodies to be only of
the original stamen of Leibnitz, or the human calus in semine
masculino, considering that as a mathematical point, insusceptible of
separation or division. The second resurrection, a general one of
souls and bodies, eternally to enjoy divine glory in the presence of
the Supreme Being. He alleges that the Jews alone preserve the
doctrine of the unity of God. Yet their God would be deemed a very
indifferent man with us; and it was to correct their anamorphosis of
the Deity, that Jesus preached, as well as to establish the doctrine of
a future state. However, Levi insists, that that was taught in the Old
Testament, and even by Moses himself and the prophets. He agrees
that an annointed prince was prophesied and promised; but denies
that the character and history of Jesus had any analogy with that of
the person promised. He must be fearfully embarrassing to the
Hierophants of fabricated Christianity; because it is their own armor
in which he clothes himself for the attack. For example, he takes
passages of scripture from their context, (which would give them a
very different meaning,) strings them together, and makes them
point towards what object he pleases; he interprets them
figuratively, typically, analogically, hyperbolically; he calls in the aid
of emendation, transposition, ellipse, metonymy, and every other
figure of rhetoric; the name of one man is taken for another, one
place for another, days and weeks for months and years; and finally,
he avails himself all his advantage over his adversaries by his
superior knowledge of the Hebrew, speaking in the very language of
the divine communication, while they can only fumble on with
conflicting and disputed translations. Such is this war of giants. And
how can such pigmies as you and I decide between them? For
myself, I confess that my head is not formed tantas componere lites.
And as you began yours of March the 2d, with a declaration that you
were about to write me the most frivolous letter I had ever read, so
I will close mine by saying, I have written you a full match for it, and
by adding my affectionate respects to Mrs. Adams, and the
assurance of my constant attachment and consideration for yourself.

TO GOVERNOR NICHOLAS.

Poplar Forest, April 19, 1816.

Dear Sir,—In my letter of the 2d instant, I stated, according to your

request, what occurred to me on the subjects of Defence and
Education; and I will now proceed to do the same on the remaining
subject of yours of March 22d, the construction of a general map of
the State. For this the legislature directs there shall be,
I. A topographical survey of each county.
II. A general survey of the outlines of the State, and its leading
features of rivers and mountains.
III. An astronomical survey for the correction and collection of the
others, and
IV. A mineralogical survey.
I. Although the topographical survey of each county is referred to its
court in the first instance, yet such a control is given to the
Executive as places it effectively under his direction; that this control
must be freely and generally exercised, I have no doubt. Nobody
expects that the justices of the peace in every county are so familiar
with the astronomical and geometrical principles to be employed in
the execution of this work, as to be competent to decide what
candidate possesses them in the highest degree, or in any degree;
and indeed I think it would be reasonable, considering how much
the other affairs of the State must engross of the time of the
Governor and Council, for them to make it a pre-requisite for every
candidate to undergo an examination by the mathematical professor
of William and Mary College, or some other professional character,
and to ask for a special and confidential report of the grade of
qualification of each candidate examined. If one, completely
qualified, can be found for every half dozen counties, it will be as
much, perhaps, as can be expected.
Their office will be to survey the Rivers, Roads, and Mountains.
1. A proper division of the surveys of the Rivers between them and
the general surveyor, might be to ascribe to the latter so much as is
navigable, and to the former the parts not navigable, but yet
sufficient for working machinery, which the law requires. On these
they should note confluences, other natural and remarkable objects,
towns, mills or other machines, ferries, bridges, crossings of roads,
passages through mountains, mines, quarries, &c.
2. In surveying the Roads, the same objects should be noted, and
every permanent stream crossing them, and these streams should
be laid down according to the best information they can obtain, to
their confluence with the main stream.
3. The Mountains, others than those ascribed to the general
surveyor, should be laid down by their names and bases, which last
will be generally designated by the circumscription of water courses
and roads on both sides, without a special survey around them.
Their gaps are also required to be noted.
4. On the Boundaries, the same objects should be noted. Where a
boundary falls within the operations of the general surveyor, its
survey by them should be dispensed with, and where it is common
to two counties, it might be ascribed wholly to one, or divided
between the surveyors respectively. All these surveys should be
delineated on the same scale, which the law directs, I believe, (for I
have omitted to bring the copy of it with me to this place,) if it has
not fixed the scale. I think about half an inch to the mile would be a
convenient one, because it would generally bring the map of a
county within the compass of a sheet of paper. And here I would
suggest what would be a great desideratum for the public, to wit,
that a single sheet map of each county separately, on a scale of half
an inch to the mile, be engraved and struck off. There are few
housekeepers who would not wish to possess a map of their own
county, many would purchase those of their circumjacent counties,
and many would take one of every county, and form them into an
atlas, so that I question if as many copies of each particular map
would not be sold as of the general one. But these should not be
made until they receive the astronomical corrections, without which
they can never be brought together and joined into larger maps, at
the will of the purchaser.
Their instrument should be a Circumferentor, with cross spirit levels
on its face, a graduated rim, and a double index, the one fixed, the
other movable, with a nonius on it. The needle should never be
depended on for an angle.
II. The General Survey divides itself into two distinct operations; the
one on the tide waters, the other above them.
On the tide waters the State will have little to do. Some time before
the war, Congress authorized the Executive to have an accurate
survey made of the whole sea-coast of the United States,
comprehending, as well as I remember, the principal bays and
harbors. A Mr. Hassler, a mathematician of the first order from
Geneva, was engaged in the execution, and was sent to England to
procure proper instruments. He has lately returned with such a set
as never before crossed the Atlantic, and is scarcely possessed by
any nation on the continent of Europe. We shall be furnished, then,
by the General Government, with a better survey than we can make,
of our sea-coast, Chesapeake Bay, probably the Potomac, to the
Navy Yard at Washington, and possibly of James' River to Norfolk,
and York River to Yorktown. I am not, however, able to say that
these, or what other, are the precise limits of their intentions. The
Secretary of the Treasury would probably inform us. Above these
limits, whatever they are, the surveys and soundings will belong to
the present undertaking of the State; and if Mr. Hassler has time,
before he commences his general work, to execute this for us, with
the use of the instruments of the United States, it is impossible we
can put it into any train of execution equally good; and any
compensation he may require, will be less than it would cost to
purchase instruments of our own, and have the work imperfectly
done by a less able hand. If we are to do it ourselves, I acknowledge
myself too little familiar with the methods of surveying a coast and
taking soundings, to offer anything on the subject approved by
practice. I will pass on, therefore, to the general survey of the Rivers
above the tide waters, the Mountains, and the external Boundaries.
I. Rivers.—I have already proposed that the general survey shall
comprehend these from the tide waters as far as they are navigable
only, and here we shall find one-half of the work already done, and
as ably as we may expect to do it. In the great controversy between
the Lords Baltimore and Fairfax, between whose territories the
Potomac, from its mouth to its source, was the chartered boundary,
the question was which branch, from Harper's ferry upwards, was to
be considered as the Potomac? Two able mathematicians, therefore,
were brought over from England at the expense of the parties, and
under the sanction of the sentence pronounced between them, to
survey the two branches, and ascertain which was to be considered
as the main stream. Lord Fairfax took advantage of their being here
to get a correct survey by them of his whole territory, which was
bounded by the Potomac, the Rappahanoc, as was believed, in the
most accurate manner. Their survey was doubtless filed and
recorded in Lord Fairfax's office, and I presume it still exists among
his land papers. He furnished a copy of that survey to Colonel Fry
and my father, who entered it, on a reduced scale, into their map, as
far as latitudes and admeasurements accurately horizontal could
produce exactness. I expect this survey is to be relied on. But it is
lawful to doubt whether its longitudes may not need verification;
because at that day the corrections had not been made in the lunar
tables, which have since introduced the method of ascertaining the
longitude by the lunar distances; and that by Jupiter's satellites was
impracticable in ambulatory survey. The most we can count on is,
that they may have employed some sufficient means to ascertain the
longitude of the first source of the Potomac, the meridian of which
was to be Lord Baltimore's boundary. The longitudes, therefore,
should be verified and corrected, if necessary, and this will belong to
the Astronomical survey.
The other rivers only, then, from their tide waters up as far as
navigable, remain for this operator, and on them the same objects
should be noted as proposed in the county surveys; and, in addition,
their breadth at remarkable parts, such as the confluence of other
streams, falls, and ferries, the soundings of their main channels,
bars, rapids, and principal sluices through their falls, their current at
various places, and, if it can be done without more cost than
advantage, their fall between certain stations.
II. Mountains.—I suppose the law contemplates, in the general
survey, only the principal continued ridges, and such insulated
mountains as being correctly ascertained in their position, and visible
from many and distant places, may, by their bearings, be useful
correctives for all the surveys, and especially for those of the
counties. Of the continued ridges, the Alleghany, North Mountain,
and Blue Ridge, are principal; ridges of partial lengths may be left to
designation in the county surveys. Of insulated mountains, there are
the Peaks of Otter, in Bedford, which I believe may be seen from
about twenty counties; Willis' Mountains, in Buckingham, which from
their detached situation, and so far below all other mountains, may
be seen over a great space of country; Peters' Mountain, in
Albemarle, which, from its eminence above all others of the south-
west ridge, may be seen to a great distance, probably to Willis'
Mountain, and with that and the Peaks of Otter, furnishes a very
extensive triangle; and doubtless there are many unknown to me,
which, being truly located, offer valuable indications and correctives
for the county surveys. For example, the sharp peak of Otter being
precisely fixed in position by its longitude and latitude, a simple
observation of latitude taken at any place from which that peak is
visible, and an observation of the angle it makes with the meridian
of the place, furnish a right-angled spherical triangle, of which the
portion of meridian intercepted between the latitudes of the place
and peak, will be on one side. With this and the given angles, the
other side, constituting the difference of longitude, may be
calculated, and thus by a correct position of these commanding
points, that of every place from which any one of them is visible,
may, by observations of latitude and bearing, be ascertained in
longitude also. If two such objects be visible from the same place, it
will afford, by another triangle, a double correction.
The gaps in the continued ridges, ascribed to the general surveyor,
are required by the law to be noted; and so also are their heights.
This must certainly be understood with some limitation, as the
height of every knob in these ridges could never be desired.
Probably the law contemplated only the eminent mountains in each
ridge, such as would be conspicuous objects of observation to the
country at great distances, and would offer the same advantages as
the insulated mountains. Such eminences in the Blue Ridge will be
more extensively useful than those of the more western ridges. The
height of gaps also, over which roads pass, were probably in view.
But how are these heights to be taken, and from what base? I
suppose from the plain on which they stand. But it is difficult to
ascertain the precise horizontal line of that plain, or to say where the
ascent above the general face of the country begins. Where there is
a river or other considerable stream, or extensive meadow plains
near the foot of a mountain, which is much the case in the valleys
dividing the western ridges, I suppose that may be fairly considered
in the level of its base, in the intendment of the law. Where there is
no such term of commencement, the surveyor must judge, as well
as he can from his view, what point is in the general level of the
adjacent country. How are these heights to be taken, and with what
instrument? Where a good base can be found, the geometrical
admeasurement is the most satisfactory. For this, a theodolite must
be provided of the most perfect construction, by Ramsden,
Troughton if possible; and for horizontal angles it will be the better
of two telescopes. But such bases are rarely to be found. When none
such, the height may still be measured geometrically, by ascending
or descending the mountain with the theodolite, measuring its face
from station to station, noting its inclination between these stations,
and the hypothenusal difference of that inclination, as indicated on
the vertical arc of the theodolite. The sum of the perpendiculars
corresponding with the hypothenusal measures, is the height of the
mountain. But a barometrical admeasurement is preferable to this;
since the late improvements in the theory, they are to be depended
on nearly as much as the geometrical, and are much more
convenient and expeditious. The barometer should have a sliding
nonius, and a thermometer annexed, with a screw at the bottom to
force up the column of mercury solidly. Without this precaution they
cannot be transported at all; and even with it they are in danger
from every severe jolt. They go more safely on a baggage-horse
than in a carriage. The heights should be measured on both sides, to
show the rise of the country at every ridge.
Observations of longitude and latitude should be taken by the
surveyor at all confluences of considerable streams, and on all
mountains of which he measures the heights, whether insulated or
in ridges; for this purpose, he should be furnished with a good
Hadley's circle of Borda's construction, with three limbs of nonius
indexes; if not to be had, a sextant of brass, and of the best
construction, may do, and a chronometer; to these is to be added a
Gunter's chain, with some appendix for plumbing the chain.
III. The External Boundaries of the State, to-wit: Northern, Eastern,
Southern and Western. The Northern boundary consists of, 1st, the
Potomac; 2d, a meridian from its source to Mason & Dixon's line; 3d,
a continuation of that line to the meridian of the north-western
corner of Pennsylvania, and 4th, of that meridian to its intersection
with the Ohio. 1st. The Potomac is supposed, as before mentioned,
to be surveyed to our hand. 2d, The meridian, from its source to
Mason & Dixon's line, was, I believe, surveyed by them when they
run the dividing line between Lord Baltimore and Penn. I presume it
can be had from either Annapolis or Philadelphia, and I think there is
a copy of it, which I got from Dr. Smith, in an atlas of the library of
Congress. Nothing better can be done by us. 3d. The continuation of
Mason & Dixon's line and the meridian from its termination to the
Ohio, was done by Mr. Rittenhouse and others, and copies of their
work are doubtless in our offices as well as in those of Pennsylvania.
What has been done by Rittenhouse can be better done by no one.
The Eastern boundary being the sea-coast, we have before
presumed will be surveyed by the general government.
The Southern boundary. This has been extended and marked in
different parts in the chartered latitude of 36° 31´ by three different
sets of Commissioners. The eastern part by Dr. Byrd and other
commissioners from Virginia and North Carolina: the middle by Fry
and Jefferson from Virginia, and Churton and others from North
Carolina; and the western by Dr. Walker and Daniel Smith, now of
Tennessee. Whether Byrd's survey now exists, I do not know. His
journal is still in possession of some one of the Westover family, and
it would be well to seek for it, in order to judge of that portion of the
line. Fry and Jefferson's journal was burnt in the Shadwell house
about fifty years ago, with all the materials of their map. Walker and
Smith's survey is probably in our offices; there is a copy of it in the
atlas before mentioned; but that survey was made on the spur of a
particular occasion, and with a view to a particular object only.
During the revolutionary war, we were informed that a treaty of
peace was on the carpet in Europe, on the principle of uti possidetis;
and we despatched those gentlemen immediately to ascertain the
intersection of our Southern boundary with the Mississippi, and
ordered Colonel Clarke to erect a hasty fort on the first bluff above
the line, which was done as an act of possession. The intermediate
line, between that and the termination of Fry and Jefferson's line,
was provisionary only, and not made with any particular care. That,
then, requires to be re-surveyed as far as the Cumberland mountain.
But the eastern and middle surveys will only need, I suppose, to
have their longitudes rectified by the astronomical surveyor.
The Western boundary, consisting of the Ohio, Big Sandy and
Cumberland mountain, having been established while I was out of
the country, I have never had occasion to inquire whether they were
actually surveyed, and with what degree of accuracy. But this fact
being well known to yourself particularly, and to others who have
been constantly present in the State, you will be more competent to
decide what is to be done in that quarter. I presume, indeed, that
this boundary will constitute the principal and most difficult part of
the operations of the General Surveyor.
The injunctions of the act to note the magnetic variations merit
diligent attention. The law of those variations is not yet sufficiently
known to satisfy us that sensible changes do not sometimes take
place at small intervals of time and place. To render these
observations of the variations easy, and to encourage their
frequency, a copy of a table of amplitudes should be furnished to
every surveyor, by which, wherever he has a good Eastern horizon,
he may, in a few seconds, at sunrise, ascertain the variation. This
table is to be found in the book called the "Mariner's Compass
Rectified;" but more exactly in the "Connaissance des Tems" for
1778 and 1788, all of which are in the library of Congress. It may
perhaps be found in other books more easily procured, and will need
to be extracted only from 36½° to 40° degrees of latitude.
III. The Astronomical Survey. This is the most important of all the
operations; it is from this alone we are to expect real truth.
Measures and rhumbs taken on the special surface of the earth,
cannot be represented on a plain surface of paper without
astronomical corrections; and, paradoxical as it may seem, it is
nevertheless true, that we cannot know the relative position of two
places on the earth, but by interrogating the sun, moon, and stars.
The observer must, therefore, correctly fix, in longitude and latitude,
all remarkable points from distance to distance. Those to be selected
of preference are the confluences, rapids, falls and ferries of water
courses, summits of mountains, towns, court-houses, and angles of
counties, and where these points are more than a third or half a
degree distant, they should be supplied by observations of other
points, such as mills, bridges, passes through mountains, &c., for in
our latitudes, half a degree makes a difference of three-eighths of a
mile in the length of the degree of longitude. These points first laid
down, the intermediate delineations to be transferred from the
particular surveys to the general map, are adapted to them by
contractions or dilatations. The observer will need a best Hadley's
circle of Broda's construction, by Troughton, if possible, (for they are
since Ramsden's time,) and a best chronometer.
Very possibly an equatorial may be needed. This instrument set to
the observed latitude, gives the meridian of the place. In the lunar
observations at sea this element cannot be had, and in Europe by
land, these observations are not resorted to for longitudes, because
at their numerous fixed observations they are prepared for the
better method of Jupiter's satellites. But here, where our geography
is still to be fixed by a portable apparatus only, we are obliged to
resort, as at sea, to the lunar observations, with the advantage,
however, of a fixed meridian. And although the use of a meridian in
these observations is a novelty, yet, placed under new
circumstances, we must countervail their advantages by whatever
new resources they offer. It is obvious that the observed distance of
the moon from the meridian of the place, and her calculated
distance from that of Greenwich at the same instant, give the
difference of meridians, without dependence on any measure of
time; by addition of the observations, if the moon be between the
two meridians, by subtraction if east or west of both; the
association, therefore, of this instrument with the circular one, by
introducing another element, another process and another
instrument, furnishes a test of the observations with the Hadley,
adds to their certainty, and, by its corroborations, dispenses with
that multiplication of observations which is necessary with the
Hadley when used alone. This idea, however, is suggested by theory
only; and it must be left to the judgment of the observer who will be
employed, whether it would be practicable and useful. To him, when
known, I shall be glad to give further explanations. The cost of the
equatorial is about the same with that of the circle, when of equal
workmanship.
Both the surveyor and astronomer should journalize their
proceedings daily, and send copies of their journals monthly to the
Executive, as well to prevent loss by accident, as to make known
their progress.
IV. Mineralogical Survey.—I have never known in the United States
but one eminent mineralogist, who could have been engaged on
hire. This was a Mr. Goudon from France, who came over to
Philadelphia six or seven years ago. Being zealously devoted to the
science, he proposed to explore the new field which this country
offered; but being scanty in means, as I understood, he meant to
give lectures in the winter which might enable him to pass the
summer in mineralogical rambles. It is long since I have heard his
name mentioned, and therefore do not know whether he is still at
Philadelphia, or even among the living. The literary gentlemen of
that place can give the information, or perhaps point out some other
equal to the undertaking.
I believe I have now, Sir, gone over all the subjects of your letter,—
which I have done with less reserve to multiply the chances of
offering here and there something which might be useful. Its
greatest merit, however, will be that of evidencing my respect for
your commands, and of adding to the proofs of my great
consideration and esteem.

TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS.

Poplar Forest, April 24, 1816.

I received, my dear friend, your letter covering the constitution for
your Equinoctial republics, just as I was setting out for this place. I
brought it with me, and have read it with great satisfaction. I
suppose it well formed for those for whom it was intended, and the
excellence of every government is its adaptation to the state of
those to be governed by it. For us it would not do. Distinguishing
between the structure of the government and the moral principles
on which you prescribe its administration, with the latter we concur
cordially, with the former we should not. We of the United States,
you know, are constitutionally and conscientiously democrats. We
consider society as one of the natural wants with which man has
been created; that he has been endowed with faculties and qualities
to effect its satisfaction by concurrence of others having the same
want; that when, by the exercise of these faculties, he has procured
a state of society, it is one of his acquisitions which he has a right to
regulate and control, jointly indeed with all those who have
concurred in the procurement, whom he cannot exclude from its use
or direction more than they him. We think experience has proved it
safer, for the mass of individuals composing the society, to reserve to
themselves personally the exercise of all rightful powers to which
they are competent, and to delegate those to which they are not
competent to deputies named, and removable for unfaithful conduct,
by themselves immediately. Hence, with us, the people (by which is
meant the mass of individuals composing the society) being
competent to judge of the facts occurring in ordinary life, they have
retained the functions of judges of facts, under the name of jurors;
but being unqualified for the management of affairs requiring
intelligence above the common level, yet competent judges of
human character, they chose, for their management,
representatives, some by themselves immediately, others by electors
chosen by themselves. Thus our President is chosen by ourselves,
directly in practice, for we vote for A as elector only on the condition
he will vote for B, our representatives by ourselves immediately, our
Senate and judges of law through electors chosen by ourselves. And
we believe that this proximate choice and power of removal is the
best security which experience has sanctioned for ensuring an
honest conduct in the functionaries of society. Your three or four
alembications have indeed a seducing appearance. We should
conceive, primá facie, that the last extract would be the pure alcohol
of the substance, three or four times rectified. But in proportion as
they are more and more sublimated, they are also farther and
farther removed from the control of the society; and the human
character, we believe, requires in general constant and immediate
control, to prevent its being biased from right by the seductions of
self-love. Your process produces therefore a structure of government
from which the fundamental principle of ours is excluded. You first
set down as zeros all individuals not having lands, which are the
greater number in every society of long standing. Those holding
lands are permitted to manage in person the small affairs of their
commune or corporation, and to elect a deputy for the canton; in
which election, too, every one's vote is to be an unit, a plurality, or a
fraction, in proportion to his landed possessions. The assemblies of
cantons, then, elect for the districts; those of districts for circles; and
those of circles for the national assemblies. Some of these highest
councils, too, are in a considerable degree self-elected, the regency
partially, the judiciary entirely, and some are for life. Whenever,
therefore, an esprit de corps, or of party, gets possession of them,
which experience shows to be inevitable, there are no means of
breaking it up, for they will never elect but those of their own spirit.
Juries are allowed in criminal cases only. I acknowledge myself
strong in affection to our own form, yet both of us act and think
from the same motive, we both consider the people as our children,
and love them with parental affection. But you love them as infants
whom you are afraid to trust without nurses; and I as adults whom I
freely leave to self-government. And you are right in the case
referred to you; my criticism being built on a state of society not
under your contemplation. It is, in fact, like a critic on Homer by the
laws of the Drama.
But when we come to the moral principles on which the government
is to be administered, we come to what is proper for all conditions of
society. I meet you there in all the benevolence and rectitude of your
native character; and I love myself always most where I concur most
with you. Liberty, truth, probity, honor, are declared to be the four
cardinal principles of your society. I believe with you that morality,
compassion, generosity, are innate elements of the human
constitution; that there exists a right independent of force; that a
right to property is founded in our natural wants, in the means with
which we are endowed to satisfy these wants, and the right to what
we acquire by those means without violating the similar rights of
other sensible beings; that no one has a right to obstruct another,
exercising his faculties innocently for the relief of sensibilities made a
part of his nature; that justice is the fundamental law of society; that
the majority, oppressing an individual, is guilty of a crime, abuses its
strength, and by acting on the law of the strongest breaks up the
foundations of society; that action by the citizens in person, in affairs
within their reach and competence, and in all others by
representatives, chosen immediately, and removable by themselves,
constitutes the essence of a republic; that all governments are more
or less republican in proportion as this principle enters more or less
into their composition; and that a government by representation is
capable of extension over a greater surface of country than one of
any other form. These, my friend, are the essentials in which you
and I agree; however, in our zeal for their maintenance, we may be
perplexed and divaricate, as to the structure of society most likely to
secure them.
In the constitution of Spain, as proposed by the late Cortes, there
was a principle entirely new to me, and not noticed in yours, that no
person, born after that day, should ever acquire the rights of
citizenship until he could read and write. It is impossible sufficiently
to estimate the wisdom of this provision. Of all those which have
been thought of for securing fidelity in the administration of the
government, constant ralliance to the principles of the constitution,
and progressive amendments with the progressive advances of the
human mind, or changes in human affairs, it is the most effectual.
Enlighten the people generally, and tyranny and oppressions of body
and mind will vanish like evil spirits at the dawn of day. Although I
do not, with some enthusiasts, believe that the human condition will
ever advance to such a state of perfection as that there shall no
longer be pain or vice in the world, yet I believe it susceptible of
much improvement, and most of all, in matters of government and
religion; and that the diffusion of knowledge among the people is to
be the instrument by which it is to be effected. The constitution of
the Cortes had defects enough; but when I saw in it this amendatory
provision, I was satisfied all would come right in time, under its
salutary operation. No people have more need of a similar provision
than those for whom you have felt so much interest. No mortal
wishes them more success than I do. But if what I have heard of the
ignorance and bigotry of the mass be true, I doubt their capacity to
understand and to support a free government; and fear that their
emancipation from the foreign tyranny of Spain, will result in a
military despotism at home. Palacios may be great; others may be
great; but it is the multitude which possesses force; and wisdom
must yield to that. For such a condition of society, the constitution
you have devised is probably the best imaginable. It is certainly
calculated to elicit the best talents; although perhaps not well
guarded against the egoism of its functionaries. But that egoism will
be light in comparison with the pressure of a military despot, and his
army of Janissaries. Like Solon to the Athenians, you have given to
your Columbians, not the best possible government, but the best
they can bear. By-the-bye, I wish you had called them the Columbian
republics, to distinguish them from our American republics. Theirs
would be the most honorable name, and they best entitled to it; for
Columbus discovered their continent, but never saw ours.
To them liberty and happiness; to you the meed of wisdom and
goodness in teaching them how to attain them, with the affectionate
respect and friendship of,

TO MR. FR. ADR. VANDERKEMP.

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