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The document discusses the book 'Chewing Gum, Candy Bars, and Beer: The Army PX in World War II' by James J. Cooke, which explores the history and significance of the Army Post Exchange (PX) during World War II. It highlights the role of the PX in providing comfort items to soldiers, contributing to their morale, and the cultural context of American soldiers during the war. The book includes various chapters detailing regulations, expansions, and the experiences of soldiers with PX supplies.

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100% found this document useful (13 votes)
63 views71 pages

Chewing Gum Candy Bars and Beer The Army PX in World War II 1st Edition James J. Cooke Instant Download

The document discusses the book 'Chewing Gum, Candy Bars, and Beer: The Army PX in World War II' by James J. Cooke, which explores the history and significance of the Army Post Exchange (PX) during World War II. It highlights the role of the PX in providing comfort items to soldiers, contributing to their morale, and the cultural context of American soldiers during the war. The book includes various chapters detailing regulations, expansions, and the experiences of soldiers with PX supplies.

Uploaded by

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© © All Rights Reserved
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´ Chewing Gum
´ Candy Bars

´ and Beer
´ Chewing Gum

´ C a n dy Ba r s

´ and Beer

The Army PX in World War II


James J. Cooke

´ ´ ´

Universit y of Mis so u ri P re s s
Columbia and Lon d o n
Copyright © 2009 by
The Curators of the University of Missouri
University of Missouri Press, Columbia, Missouri 65201
Printed and bound in the United States of America
All rights reserved
5╇ 4╇ 3╇ 2╇ 1╇╅ 13╇ 12╇ 11╇ 10╇ 09

Library of Congress Cataloging‑in‑Publication Data


Cooke, James J.
Chewing gum, candy bars, and beer : the Army PX in World War II /
James J. Cooke.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978‑0‑8262‑1867‑4 (hardcover : alk. paper)
1. United States. Army and Air Force Exchange Service—History. 2.
Military exchanges—United States—History—20th century. 3. World
War, 1939‑1945—United States. 4. United States. Army—Military
life—History—20th century. I. Title.
UC753.C665 2009
940.54’8373—dc22
2009031957

This paper meets the requirements of the


American National Standard for Permanence of Paper
for Printed Library Materials, Z39.48, 1984.

Designer and Typesetter: Kristie Lee


Printer and Binder: Thomson-Shore, Inc.
Typeface: Adobe Garamond
In 1960 I was a young GI in Europe. I walked into the Special
Service Club and met a new hostess. Forty-eight years later we are
still married and have the first piece of household furniture that
we bought in the Post Exchange. She has been an editorial queen
for many books, and for this book my adviser, having worked
with PXs and Special Service Clubs.
Contents

Acknowledgmentsâ•… ix
Introductionâ•… 1
1. From the Sutler’s Tentâ•… 10
2. Preparedness and Warâ•… 24
3. Regulations and Agreementsâ•… 42
4. Expansion and Shortages, 1943–1944â•… 60
5. No Beer!â•… 77
6. To Final Victoryâ•… 105
7. 1945 and V-Daysâ•… 123
8. Consequences and Aftermathâ•… 142
Notesâ•… 163
Selected Bibliographyâ•… 175
Indexâ•… 182
Acknowl edgments

No one person writes a book. There are many people involved, and
many need to be recognized. The staff and the historians at the Na‑
tional Archives at College Park, Maryland, made hundreds of cartons
of World War II documents available for research. They are public
servants at their best. Betty Bradbury of Bloomington, Indiana, took
very messy drafts and turned them into readable and comprehensible
chapters. Her thoughts and suggestions were invaluable. Tim Frank,
a professional historian and researcher in College Park, Maryland,
obtained the photographs from the National Archives. His selection
was invaluable for this book. My wife, as always, labored through
pages and chapters, correcting my constant errors—a comma here,
a semicolon there. I am indebted to Beverly Jarrett, Sara Davis, and
Annette Wenda of the University of Missouri Press, who contributed
their professional opinions and editorial expertise. Last of all were the
many veterans of World War II who gave comments and memories of
the PX, the Service Clubs, and many other military institutions. Their
ranks thin day by day. To these great men and women we owe a debt
that cannot be fully repaid.
´ Chewing Gum
´ Candy Bars

´ and Beer
Introducti on

For Warrant Officer Paul E. Wesely of the 334th Harbor Craft Com‑
pany stationed at Rouen, France, it was a fine day. In early May 1945,
two weeks earlier, he had gone to Paris for a few days, and while there
visited the Post Exchange (PX) and bought a new hat and a pair of GI
shoes. He went to the Paris Officers’ Club and then to eat at the Red
Cross, “which wasn’t too bad for what they had. The only trouble was
they did not give you enough. I was hungry all the time I was there.”
Wesely and some friends went to a real French “restaurant which was a
small place so I didn’t expect any fancy prices. But did we get fooled.”
He paid forty-nine dollars, a very large sum, but did allow that the
food was very good. Today, though, said Wesely, who was from Wash‑
ington, D.C., was a better day because the war in Europe was over.
French cuisine was very fine, but this day he got from PX supplies one
bottle of Coca-Cola and one can of American beer. All Warrant Of‑
ficer Wesely could say was, “It sure tasted good.”1 Brigadier General
Joseph W. Byron, once chief of the Army Exchange Service (AES) and
by war’s end chief of the Special Services Division, would have been
gratified if he had read Wesely’s letters sent back to Washington. This
was what Byron worked for since World War II broke out and he was
called from civilian life to serve his country. He strove to make the Post
Exchanges, which now spread over the entire globe, the best possible
source of what the Army called “comfort items” for the American GI.
In 1945 Byron could boast that the Army Exchange Service, which he
commanded from 1941 to 1943, operated the world’s largest depart‑
ment store chain, serving the grandest Army the United States had
ever put in the field.


˘ Chewing Gum, C a n dy Ba rs, and Beer

The cornerstone on which the AES operated was simple: the GI would
get “his fair share” of what he enjoyed in civilian life. There would be an
exchange operating somewhere close to where GIs were fighting, but close
to the lines of battle the same products would be sent forward, free of
charge, to the troops. The American soldier and airman could expect that
there would be a supply of chewing gum (and that fixed in the minds of
Europeans that GIs and chewing gum went hand in hand), candy bars,
beer, cigarettes, razor blades, shaving cream, soap, and other items. Once
overseas, prices were low. A pack of twenty cigarettes cost five cents, and so
did an American chocolate Hershey bar or a pack of Juicy Fruit gum. His
beer had an alcoholic content of 3.2 percent, but it was cheap, and unlike
the British beer, it was served cold, thanks to PX coolers. Even General
Eisenhower would fret over the availability of candy bars for his troops,
training for that “Day of Days,” the cross-Channel invasion of France. GIs
looked rich, and they had a swagger and a mouth full of gum.
By American standards he was not rich, but by the lights of other peo‑
ples, especially the British, he was. There was an air of generosity about the
GI, and it was not lost on the soldier that a constant supply of candy bars,
cigarettes, and chewing gum gave him an advantage when flirting with the
local girls, many of whom would go to the United States as “war brides.”
It went beyond just courting and flirting. Sergeant Kenneth Lummer of
the 482nd Tank Battalion recalled that as his battalion moved deeper into
Germany, they encountered many of the wretches who had been in Nazi
slave-labor camps. He wrote to his wife in York, Pennsylvania, “They
were nearly starved to death and when we stopped on the road and gave
them cigarettes they could not thank us enough even if it was only a small
amount.”2
The United States had been “over there” in 1917 and 1918, but these
soldiers were not the same as the doughboys of the Great War. This gen‑
eration was a product of a massive cultural revolution, and it formed the
life experiences that they carried to the battlefields of Europe and Asia.
These young men and women were familiar with the automobile. The
Ford and Chevrolet companies had mass-produced vehicles that allowed a
vast number of civilians to own cars. There were also sleek roadsters with
names like the Stutz Bearcat, and roads between major cities were paved.
The country was mobile. Fine American trains went from coast to coast
at a reasonable price. In art and in building, lines represented speed and
i n t ro d u c t i o n ˘

mobility. The World War I doughboy had no such visual experience of


a country in motion. In the mid-1920s letters could be sent by air, and
telephone was available to most of America’s citizens. During this period
women’s skirts went above the knee, while only a few years earlier the
soldiers in France had been taken with the style of French women who
displayed a well-turned ankle. Women could now vote, and despite dire
warnings from observers of American elections, their doing so did not
plunge politics into chaos nor did it seem to clean up American politics, as
some had hoped.
The movies opened up the world to Americans. They could see people in
motion displaying emotions on the screen. What had been the pre–World
War I “magic lantern show,” one slide at a time, was replaced by actors and
actresses in such movies as cowboy westerns or the less-than-wholesome
Our Dancing Daughters. By the start of World War II many movies were in
color. By the mid-1930s the radio became the family source of news and
entertainment. Orson Welles’s brilliant presentation of War of the Worlds
on the radio produced near panic, as people actually believed that there
had been an invasion by sinister and hostile forces from outer space.
There was no illusion about war, either. The veterans of the Great War
made no secret of what the western front had been like. When the United
States finally joined the war in 1917, there was an explosion of patriot‑
ic emotions and music that at times could reach heights of silliness. In
the 1920s movies such as Wings and The Big Parade depicted the horrors
of the battlefield as never before. In 1930 All Quiet on the Western Front
showed the futility of war and the terrific cost in human life that only
a modern war could bring. The Great War had left a sour taste in the
mouths of Americans because it appeared that nothing was really gained as
far as peace and order were concerned. The United States had rejected the
League of Nations and was content to hide behind the two great defensive
barriers—the Atlantic and the Pacific oceans. When the GI went to war
his songs were free of the exaggerated patriotic bombast that characterized
the music of World War I.3
In October 1929 the good life of the 1920s came to an end with the
onset of the Great Depression. The 1920s was a decade of excess, and it
molded the young men and women who would enlist or the men who
were conscripted in the military branches of World War II. The decade had
its share of fanatics who outlawed the manufacture and sale of alcoholic
˘ Chewing Gum, C a n dy Ba rs, and Beer

beverages, which brought very little improvement to the fabric of Ameri‑


can life. Bootlegger, speakeasy, and bathtub gin were words known across
the country, as were the names Dutch Schultz, John Dillinger, Bonnie
Parker, Clyde Barrow, and Al “Scarface” Capone. The GIs entering service
had every reason to be suspicious of bombastic piety and overenthusiastic
promises. Post Exchanges of World War II found beer and cigarette sales to
be the foundation of their profits. The national memory of the privations
of the Depression set in motion the grudging acceptance of rationing.
Unlike World War I, the United States became directly involved when
the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor in 1941. The Army, however, was not
caught totally unawares, because in 1940 the National Guard was called
into service for a year’s duration and peacetime conscription was institut‑
ed. In 1918 many divisions had been committed to the Meuse-Argonne
campaign with almost no training and suffered high casualties, and some
divisions simply ceased to be combat effective. With the coming of World
War II, leaders like General George C. Marshall were determined that mis‑
takes made in 1917 and 1918 would not be repeated in 1940 and 1941.
Marshall had observed on the battlefields of France the morale-reducing
effects of not having a system to provide the doughboys with those small
items that would lift some of the burdens of combat from their shoulders.
While Marshall went about the business of building a modern Army, he
was determined that the morale of the troops would be of great concern.
Out of this the Army Exchange Service and the Special Services Division
were born.
One of the great problems of World War I was that there was no cen‑
tralized direction for those good-works organizations, such as the Young
Men’s Christian Association (YMCA), the Jewish Welfare Board, the
Catholic Knights of Columbus, and the Salvation Army, that tried, with
great difficulty, to provide some comfort for the troops. Well-meaning
volunteers tried their best to serve the fighting men with such things as
coffee and doughnuts, cigarettes and candy bars. To correct what had been
a confused volunteer effort, President Roosevelt brought together these
groups with some others to form the United Service Organizations, or
USO.
It is impossible to comprehend the workings, failures, and successes
of the AES without seeing that all of these groups—the Special Services
and the USO—were interrelated. To omit any group would be an error in
i n t ro d u c t i o n ˘

understanding morale in World War II. All of the volunteers offered the
soldier sandwiches, sweets, cigarettes (except the Salvation Army), coffee,
and soft drinks. All of them drew on the same production of industries
in the United States. The two Army institutions—the PX and the Service
Club—served the Army in an official capacity. In World War I training
camps were alcohol free, and there were no official places to go on post
to just relax and have coffee or a Coca-Cola and a sandwich. The various
volunteer groups during World War I had huts where soldiers could go,
but their offerings were at best spotty. With the institution of the Service
Clubs there would be uniformity, with civilian women acting as hostesses.
The goals for both the PX and the Service Clubs were the same: to have
a place on post for the GIs to keep soldiers away from the dens and dives
in the towns around the post. Despite the great outpourings of patriotic
support for the troops and the war effort after 1941, there were those who
would prey on the GIs with cheap liquor, prostitutes, and other vices.
When the Special Services were created there was a moral and spiritual
component to its beginnings. Of course, there were those who willingly
went off post to seek diversions. The USO set up canteens in towns for
troops to have a place off post to congregate, dance with carefully screened
young ladies, have refreshments (many homemade by willing helpers), or
just sit and write a letter home. Generals Frederick Osborn of the Spe‑
cial Services Division and Joseph W. Byron of the Army Exchange Service
were drawn from civilian life to make their organizations function for the
welfare of the troops, and they did it well.
The AES, the USO, and the Special Services Division all drew from
the same base of support for the troops. What these groups could not
control was the mass of well-meaning, patriotic, and concerned citizens
and groups that sought to raise money for gifts for the troops. This usually
took the form of solicitation for cigarettes for the soldiers, which became
a huge nuisance. The AES was disturbed by the hundreds of committees,
veterans’ associations, and individuals who had schemes to raise funds.
How to stop these plans without insulting those who simply wanted to
show their patriotic concern for the fighting forces was the proverbial hard
nut to crack. The AES and Special Services had to rely on another gov‑
ernmental wartime agency to help remedy this situation. The President’s
War Relief Control Board was created to oversee the efforts of groups who
wanted to do something for their soldiers and sailors, as well as provide for
˘ Chewing Gum, C a n dy Ba rs, and Beer

causes such as Polish, French, Chinese, or Russian relief. The Board, as it


was known, had the power to deny authorization to solicit funds, but it
could do so only when a campaign went beyond a state border. Those who
operated in one city or one state could pretty well continue raising funds.
By the end of 1943 the ardor of solicitation campaigns waned due in great
part to President Roosevelt’s public support for the National War Fund.
On October 5, 1943, the president made a radio address asking citizens to
contribute directly to the War Fund, which would determine what were
the needs to support the overall war effort.
While the fund did indeed centralize most efforts, it was based on a
very serious need to bring some order out of chaos. By 1943 there were
mountains of complaints about the AES and their policies in supplying
the troops. Many came from candy, gum, cigarette, and beer manufactur‑
ers and distributors who did not get a contract or a large order for their
wares. While this was going on, General Byron continued to open new
exchanges and expand AES offerings.
By 1944 the exchange service operated within a complex series of re‑
lationships in the government. Since combat, medical, and ammunition
supplies for the troops in all theaters of operation became the first priority
for the quartermaster general and the Army Service Forces, Byron and his
AES had almost a free hand in providing comfort items for the troops.
Little or no time by combat commanders could be spent on candy bars,
chewing gum, beer, soft drinks, and cigarettes for those bearing the bur‑
dens of battle and those working at a fever pitch to build up for the battles
in the Pacific, the fighting in Italy, and the invasion of France.
One organization that is on the periphery of our wartime discussions
about providing for the troops was the American Red Cross (ARC), which
operated with its own procurement system, volunteers, and rules. The Red
Cross had a good reputation for service and was the best-organized group
prior to December 1941. The Red Cross had been a fixture in Ameri‑
can life for a long time, and it had in place the rules and regulations that
made the transition from peacetime to wartime smooth. For example, in
December 1941 (prior to Pearl Harbor) the Red Cross printed and dis‑
seminated a booklet titled Canteen Corps: Volunteer Special Services, which
outlined in a comprehensive manner what a person could do to help in
times of disaster or war. It called on women over the age of eighteen who
could donate a minimum eighteen hours of service per year to volunteer,
i n t ro d u c t i o n ˘

buy their own uniform, and be trained at the volunteer’s personal expense.
There were courses offered to train women in running a canteen with an
eye toward good nutrition. The booklet also pointed out that there was
an agreement between the Office of Civilian Defense and the Red Cross
that designated the Red Cross as “the agency responsible for furnishing the
basic necessities for relief of suffering caused by disaster, both in peacetime
and in war.”4
During the war the Red Cross did not get involved in unseemly solicita‑
tions for cigarettes because it had its own sources for buying large quanti‑
ties of cigarettes at a reduced price. As a standing policy, the Red Cross did
not serve alcoholic beverages. Just as important was the Red Cross’s abil‑
ity to get the best possible publicity, often to the irritation of the Army’s
Special Services and the AES. The activities of the Red Cross during the
Second World War deserve extensive and impartial research far beyond the
scope of this work on the Army PX system.
In establishing the modern Post Exchange system the Army correct‑
ed what had been a system that did not serve the soldier very well. The
doughboy of the Great War did not have a PX, nor did the quartermaster
general see the need for supplying what were termed “comfort items.” The
experience of 1917–1918 convinced thoughtful officers such as George C.
Marshall that there had to be some centralized system that would serve the
morale needs of the men in combat. Peacetime conscription such as the
one instituted in 1940 made it imperative that the transition from civilian
to military life be as painless as possible. National Guard units that were
called to the colors in 1940 found the transition a little easier, since the
men already knew one another, had basic soldier skills, and knew what the
rank structure, the chain of command, was. Much to the distress of Regu‑
lar Army noncommissioned officers and officers, the National Guardsmen
had a little different discipline. One could very well be a bank president
one day and the next day be a sergeant, commanded by a bank-teller
lieutenant. The Post Exchange and the Service Clubs became a gathering
spot where new conscripts could get to know each other and the National
Guardsmen could gather as they did back home. Total immersion into the
military life was needed, and many units would find this over a low-cost
PX pitcher of 3.2 beer or over a ham sandwich in the Service Clubs.
If there is a universal truth about combat, it is that after all of the lec‑
tures on why we fight, the patriotic movies, and the “support the troops”
˘ Chewing Gum, C a n dy Ba rs, and Beer

banners, the soldier fights for his comrades-in-arms. The platoon became
a new family, and after combat, after all of the miseries of war, the buddies
remain that forever. It is hard for a civilian who never, as the Civil War
soldier termed it, “saw the elephant” to explain this state of mind. The PX
and the Service Clubs, and the two go hand in hand, were theirs, a little
space of exclusivity.
It did not hurt that General Byron put a soda fountain in the PX sys‑
tem. There the GI could buy a soft drink, a hamburger, a beer, or a slice of
pie. The price was kept low because of low soldiers’ pay, but this was a part
of home, making certain that the GI “got his fair share.” In fact, he got
more because the exchange system operated at about a 10 percent profit,
which was distributed to units for recreation and morale purposes or was
withheld by the AES so that new items could be offered to the soldier. The
AES grew so large that it could offer a sales catalog to the soldiers that was
especially important for the GI overseas. “Mom and Apple Pie”—send her
flowers for Mother’s Day.
As the researcher works in the letters of GIs it becomes apparent that
the Post Exchange was a matter of special interest for them. Soldiers’ mail
is full of references to the PX and to USO shows. Sergeant William E.
George of the 415th Night Fighter Squadron operating out of airfields in
Sicily wrote to his parents:

I really went strong on the PX yesterday—but they had quite a few


things that I wanted so I just got them, they had been short of ciga‑
rettes and had given us some tobacco, and of course you know me
(unlucky) I had no pipe. But they had some yesterday and I got one
of them, so now I smoke a pipe. I don’t need any cigarettes tho, as
Larry doesn’t smoke and I have been getting his so that makes my
stock complete now. We got five boxes of cookies, but they don’t last
long as they are only the nickel size and we eat them as fast as we get
them.5

It comes then as no surprise that GIs were viewed as being rich, well
supplied with goods that most Europeans and Asians had not seen since
the outbreak of war. The American public demanded no less for their sol‑
diers; it was their sacrifice of war in order for the fighting men to have a
little slice (or bottle) of home.
i n t ro d u c t i o n ˘

When discussing the possibility of the United States entering the war,
Hitler and Hermann Göring dismissed the Americans, saying that they
could produce good razor blades but could never field an army that could
stand up to the Germans in combat. How wrong they were was quite evi‑
dent in 1945 with VE Day ending Hitler’s thousand-year Reich. A small
part of the victory was due to the Army Exchange Service, which had
achieved the goal of supplying troops with those little items like Sergeant
George’s small cookies or Warrant Officer Wesely’s bottle of Coca-Cola.
This is the thesis of this work. One aspect of the Army’s overall experience
was the PX, and the system that General Joseph W. Byron built worked
and worked well.
The key to understanding the work of the Army Exchange Service in
World War II is morale. The exchange system worked with the Special
Services and USO to provide for the GIs, especially in the overseas the‑
aters of operation. American troops arrived in Europe in the fall of 1917,
and by November 1918 the fighting was over. World War II, however, was
a war that would last for many years with intensive combat.
Some American military units spent three years or more overseas, away
from family, friends, and the comforts that they had enjoyed before volun‑
teering or being drafted into the Army. Maintaining individual and unit
morale became a critical factor for the Army. The Post Exchanges stocked
goods from home: candy, chewing gum, cigarettes, beer, and other items
that the GIs remembered from home. The Special Services provided base‑
balls and bats, and footballs, and opened field houses where they could.
The Special Services organized dances for the GIs where they could meet
local girls. The USO provided shows, often using big-name stars of movies
and the radio, and provided a constant flow of current American movies.
The Army Exchange Service, Special Services, and USO were tied together
in an effort to keep up the GIs’ morale while they trained for or were com‑
mitted to combat. It was fortunate that General Byron first commanded
the exchange system and then the Special Services Division because there
would be continuity of goals and policies.
T-Sergeant Charles B. Linzy of the 459th Mobile Anti-Aircraft Battal‑
ion had been at Omaha Beach in Normandy, and his unit moved inland
to liberate France. He summed up the effects of the PX system when he
wrote to his wife: “The kids [in France] already know what candy and
gum are over here as well as in England.”6
1 ´ F ro m t h e
S u t l e r ’ s
T e n t

Today every Army, Air Force, and Naval base has a PX, a Post Ex‑
change, or Base Exchange. It is the soldier’s department store, selling
everything from clothes to cleaning supplies and television sets. By the
end of the twentieth century most Army and Air Force installations
had a PX that resembled fashionable civilian shopping malls. The his‑
tory of the PX, however, had its roots in war and was far different from
what the soldier sees today. The modern PX was born just before the
Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941, and by the end of the war in
1945 it was the world’s largest department store, serving soldiers from
Aruba in the Caribbean to Iceland in the North Atlantic, from France
and England to India and Australia. Run by civilians in uniform, the
system promised that wherever the GI went, the PX was certain to
follow. The rule was that whatever the GI enjoyed in civilian life, he
would get “his fair share” while wearing the uniform of the United
States. The Army of World War II was a citizens’ army made up of vol‑
unteers and draftees. These citizen soldiers had grown up in a world
that had the automobile, the radio, and the movies, a far cry from their
fathers’ world of the Great War or their great-grandfathers’ experiences
in the Civil War. The generation of the Second World War was not an
indulged or pampered group; they had experienced the hardships of
the Great Depression. But they were very different from their prede‑
cessors. General George C. Marshall understood what raw material he

10
F ro m t h e S u t l e r ’ s Tent 11

had with which to build and wondered if indeed the Army and Army Air
Force could match a battle-hardened enemy. At times he had doubts.1
The Army, however, would make sure these citizen soldiers were supplied
with everything from rifles and artillery to sodas, cigarettes, chewing gum,
beer, and candy bars.
The Army had not done well in supplying what would become known
as comfort items, those small items that made a soldier’s life endurable.
There was little need as long as the Regular Army remained small and far
from the civilian populations. Only when citizen soldiers became involved
did the question of supplying items such as razors, soap, and, most im‑
portant, tobacco become a critical issue. In the years before the Civil War,
merchants known as sutlers were allowed to peddle goods to the troops. A
system was in place in 1861 that invited abuse and dishonesty. Every regi‑
ment was allowed to have a sutler, who followed the troops and set up shop
near the camps. In makeshift shops and tents the sutler sold everything
from fried pies (often moldy or rancid) to tinned oysters and the “soldier’s
comfort,” tobacco. Although hard-liquor sales were prohibited, the sutler
did a brisk business in brandied peaches, usually consisting of one or two
peaches of doubtful quality and cheap, almost undrinkable, hard liquor.
Sutlers were one of the most disliked groups of individuals in the Union
army. The Confederate armies allowed for sutlers, but the dire conditions
in the South dictated that there were very few comfort items for sale. Sol‑
diers in Union blue called the sutlers such names as “dog robbers,” or just
plain thieves. Officers who had the well-being of their soldiers in mind
constantly complained about the sutlers who sold shoddy goods, charged
five cents for a three-cent postage stamp, and filled their men with rotgut
whiskey. Generals such as U.S. Grant and William T. Sherman disliked the
system and tried to ban the sutlers from the camps.
Once the war was over, the question of supplying massive numbers
of troops ended. The Regular Army was reduced in size as the number
of missions increased. Part of the Army served on the East Coast (once
Reconstruction was over), in Washington, and in installations designed to
protect the harbors and cities. The remainder of the Army served in the
West, along the frontier in isolated posts far from cities. There the canteen
replaced the sutler, selling tobacco and other small comfort items. Pay was
very low for both officers and enlisted men, and opportunities to spend
money for comfort items were limited.
12 Chewing Gum, C a n dy Ba rs, and Beer

The Army recognized that morale is an essential component of any


military organization, and on July 1895 the chief of staff issued a Gen‑
eral Order that gave authority to subordinate commands to maintain Post
Exchanges that would provide nonissue items to the troops at a very low
price. The concept of the exchange had been in operation for a few years,
and by the mid-1890s there was a contest within the War Department for
control of the exchanges.
The Subsistence Department in the Office of the Quartermaster Gen‑
eral did not like the idea of the exchanges because as Washington saw it,
the exchanges provided many of the same items they did. Proponents of
the exchange system argued that it was much better to have decentraliza‑
tion depending on local demands. Also, the Post Exchange was seen as
a place where enlisted soldiers could go to relax, read, smoke, and play
games such as checkers and cards without the oversight of their officers.
Sergeants would oversee the good order and discipline in the exchange.
Profits would be reinvested or could be divided among the patrons of the
exchange. There were other forces that opposed the PX system because
beer or other “light drinks” would be served. The temperance movement
argued that soldiers should not be exposed to alcohol while on post, or in
towns near the training camps. Some town merchants argued that the PX
would draw patrons away from their establishments, denying profits from
sales to soldiers wanting what were termed “luxuries.” The temperance
movement and town merchants would continue to complain up to and
beyond the early days of World War II.
By the turn of the century the Post Exchange was an accepted fact of life
on Army posts. The Army Regulations recognized the PX as the creation
of a special order and stipulated various roles for the maintenance of the
exchange. The indebtedness of soldiers was a critical item, and the regula‑
tions stated that debts owed the exchange would be deducted from the
next month’s pay. Alcohol of any sort—beer, wine, or hard liquors—was
strictly prohibited.
The relationship of the exchange to Commissary Sales was defined, as
was the disbursement of funds generated by PX sales. These regulations
were printed in 1913 and then amended and corrected in 1917, just prior
to the entry of the United States into World War I.2 The test of the Post
Exchange and the regulations would come when the Army grew at a tre‑
F ro m t h e S u t l e r ’ s Tent 13

mendous rate when National Guard units and draftees entered the service
in April 1917.
There were changes in technology, however, that would affect what sol‑
diers would want. Machines were invented that would make such things
as candy and cigarettes available on a large scale. The Civil War soldier
smoked his tobacco in a pipe or as a cigar. Plug, or chewing, tobacco was
also popular. When soldiers in blue and gray met between the lines they
traded such Northern items as coffee for the Southern-produced tobacco.
For the soldier in rank, the cigar was too expensive and the pipe required
a pouch for holding tobacco and could be broken. The cigarette was inex‑
pensive and fitted the soldiers’ needs. The new technologies would bring
about a major change in the supply of comfort items, and the situation
came to the forefront in World War I.
The Great War saw an unprecedented mobilization of manpower for
service outside the United States. The Army in 1917 was made up of three
parts, the Regulars, the National Guard, and the National, or conscript,
Army. The vast majority of soldiers came from civilian life, and despite Na‑
tional Guard mobilization or conscription, they were still at heart civilians
rather than Regular or career soldiers. The Army was overwhelmed with
the multiplicity of tasks in training and supplying millions of troops for
the battlefields of France and preparing combat divisions to join General
John J. Pershing’s American Expeditionary Force (AEF) “over there.” There
was little thought given to comfort items for the troops. National Guard
divisions such as the 42nd Rainbow Division training at Camp Mills,
New York, had access to large towns, and ladies’ groups provided candies,
cakes, and cigarettes to the troops. Other troops were draftees and were
sent to camps that were hard-pressed to provide rifles and bayonets, shoes,
uniforms, and three meals a day. Private Eustace Fielder, a conscript from
Vicksburg, Mississippi, wrote to his mother from Camp Joseph E. John‑
ston, near Jacksonville, Florida, for help obtaining socks, handkerchiefs,
and candy. He could not get to town, nor were the items available in camp.
Later Fielder wrote to his father to send him cigarettes, as none were avail‑
able.3 Fielder noted that after several weeks at Camp Johnston the Army
opened a Commissary Sales store, but with very limited supplies.
In France, with the AEF training for the trenches, the situation was
equally bad. There were few large towns near training areas, and since the
14 Chewing Gum, C a n dy Ba rs, and Beer

French had been at war since 1914, supplies and comfort items were hard
to come by. There was no lack of support for the troops, and many fund-
raisers were held in the United States to help the doughboys in France.
Large charitable organizations sent representatives and workers to France.
The Young Men’s Christian Association, the Salvation Army, the Jewish
Welfare Board, the Red Cross, and the Knights of Columbus were deter‑
mined to show the AEF soldiers that the folks back home remembered
and supported them in France. But they had not reckoned on General
John J. Pershing and his vision for the AEF. A West Point graduate, trim,
handsome, and the commander of U.S. troops in the Mexican expedition
in 1916–1917, Pershing was the choice of President Woodrow Wilson and
Secretary of War Newton Baker to command the Army overseas, and they
gave him near-dictatorial powers. Pershing proclaimed that the discipline
of the AEF would be the discipline imposed at West Point. He was deter‑
mined that the AEF would emerge as the equal of any fighting force in
the world and that American combat officers and men were just as good
or better than their Allied counterparts. There was little time for comfort
items. To the distress of the Prohibition movement in the United States,
Pershing decreed that when there was time doughboys could have beer
and light wine, but he and his excellent staff saw to it that there was very
little off-duty time.
Organizations such as the YMCA set up canteens for the soldiers and
provided such things as paper and envelopes for the doughboys to write
letters home. Coffee, hot chocolate, and doughnuts were served, but when
it came to candy and cigarettes the YMCA canteens had to charge for
those items. Pershing had decreed that items like candy and cigarettes were
not to be given away. When the head of the YMCA in France protested
to Pershing, the general stated in forceful terms that the American soldier
would not become the recipient of charity. This was never fully explained
to the troops, and many doughboys left France with no fond memories of
“That Damned Y.”4
The problems of providing “luxury” items rested in the nature of an
overseas war that the United States Army had never before faced. The old
Post Exchange had no relevance to the situation in 1917–1918. The Com‑
missary Sales units of the quartermaster general were in France, but ini‑
tially were far behind the front lines, and their supplies of cigarettes and
F ro m t h e S u t l e r ’ s Tent 15

other tobacco products were very limited. The space on supply ships was
limited, and frankly the AEF had grave difficulties supplying American
troops with basic subsistence, with the uniforms, weapons, helmets, and
other items necessary for fighting a war.5 The YMCA, which coordinated
more with Pershing and his staff than any other civilian agency except the
American Red Cross, was simply stuck with this policy of not giving away
candies, tobacco products, and other sundries.
It was not until April 1918 that General Pershing recommended that
tobacco be included in the daily ration for soldiers in the AEF. He esti‑
mated that “ninety-five percent of the men use tobacco in some form and
that its supply increases their comfort and contentment while its absence
causes distress.”6 While the recommendation was circulating around the
War Department, a copy was sent to the Office of the Surgeon General
of the Army for his consideration. On May 13 the surgeon general stated
that he concurred with the issuance of tobacco for the AEF and added, “It
is suggested that a pipe be included in the list of articles. The use of the
pipe and tobacco, and limited number of cigarettes is preferable to issue of
chewing tobacco.”7
The recommendation was approved by the quartermaster general, the
judge advocate general, and the adjutant general of the Army and was sent
to the Army chief of staff, General Peyton C. March. On May 13, 1918,
Secretary of War Newton Baker informed Pershing that a tobacco ration
was approved and would be added to the AEF’s ration.8 The recommen‑
dation by Pershing and the action by the War Department, however, came
too late to be of help for the doughboys of the AEF fighting in France.
While the YMCA’s hands were tied, other organizations ignored Per‑
shing’s policies and distributed what they had for free. One such group
was the Knights of Columbus, which in theory was in France to serve the
specific needs of Roman Catholic soldiers. The huts set up by the Knights
of Columbus never turned any soldier away. Albert M. Ettinger, serving
in the 165th Infantry Regiment of the 42nd Rainbow Division, had little
use for the YMCA, but recalled, “Father Banahan was a wonderful man.
. . . In his K of C hut you could always get free cigarettes, hot choco‑
late, candy bars, and reading material.” Elmer Sherwood of the 150th
Field Artillery Regiment of the Rainbow Division recalled that he would
walk several miles to the YMCA hut and buy what he could for his fellow
16 Chewing Gum, C a n dy Ba rs, and Beer

Indiana artillerymen.9 Too often, however, soldiers went without their


monthly pay, and became what Pershing was determined they would not:
a bunch of mendicants, asking for a free candy bar or pack of cigarettes.
The men and women who managed huts were not oblivious of the cir‑
cumstances in which soldiers found themselves. This was especially true
of those serving near the frontline trenches. During a heavy raid by the
Germans on August 4, 1918, the soldiers of the 82nd Division saw a re‑
markable sight. With artillery rounds falling all around, Bernetta Miller
of the YMCA calmly walked through the trenches, giving the troops hot
chocolate, cake, and packs of cigarettes. With her brown curls under a
doughboy’s helmet, Miller withstood the artillery and small-arms fire as
well as any soldier. For this extraordinary act of bravery, Miller was men‑
tioned in the dispatches of the division for her “devotion to duty and
disregard of personal danger.”10 When Miller had given out all she had,
she returned to her hut, where she began to brew more hot chocolate for
the troops in the trenches. There are numerous stories about the men and
women of these volunteer organizations going into the trenches to give
some comfort to the troops. The doughboys appear to have felt that those
volunteers for the YMCA, Knights of Columbus, and Salvation Army
who were right behind the dangerous trenches did a good job, while those
farther away from shot, shell, and gas ignored the needs of the fighting
soldiers.
Eustace Fielder, now a sergeant, received a letter from home telling him
that an old friend was considering volunteering for the YMCA in France.
His response was firm and indicative of the soldiers’ attitudes: “You tell
him that YMCA [recruiter] he does not know what he is talking about. . . .
If he knew what the biggest part of the AEF thought of the YMCA he sure
would not come over here.” Elmer Sherwood of the Rainbow Division was
making ready to go into the Meuse-Argonne fight, and he recalled that
the local YMCA man had gathered all of the candy, cakes, and cigarettes
he could for Sherwood’s artillery regiment, which he gave away. Sherwood
wrote in his diary, “He is a good scout but the organiz[ation] is simply too
small for its great job.”11
Martin Hogan of the Shamrock Battalion of the 165th Infantry recalled
that when his unit marched to the front to take over the fight from the
bloodied 26th Yankee Division, a volunteer from the Knights of Columbus
F ro m t h e S u t l e r ’ s Tent 17

simply gave away all of the supplies of candy, cakes, and cigarettes that he
had in his hut.12 What was an ill-advised policy of the AEF’s commander
had a serious effect on well-meaning volunteer organizations.
The doughboys of the AEF had a legitimate complaint, and they voiced
it through letters back home. The failure to provide comfort items for the
troops had a serious effect on morale. The American Red Cross issued
“comfort kits,” consisting of soap, washcloths, shaving gear, cigarettes, sta‑
tionery, and other items, to many of their ambulance drivers, wounded
soldiers, and hospital workers. These kits were assembled from goods do‑
nated by Red Cross chapters in the United States, but very few kits were
ever sent forward to the front lines.13
Civilian organizations tried to get goods to the troops in France, but
shipping space was at such a premium that few large gift packages could
be sent to the AEF. One organization that did have some clout was the
New York Sun newspaper, which started the “Sun Fund” to provide com‑
fort items for the troops. The Sun, which is best remembered for its 1897
editorial “Yes, Virginia, There Is a Santa Claus,” had the advantage of be‑
ing one of New York’s most read daily papers and somehow secured the
shipping space for large quantities of cigarettes that were sent to the troops
and distributed by soldiers. Martin Hogan recalled, “But for no individual
aid from back home has the AEF a more thankful memory than for The
Sun Fund, whose tobacco supplies helped the men to stand up under their
trials.”14 While certainly the Sun Fund gifts of tobacco were welcomed
by the men fighting in France, a precedent was set that would bedevil the
military during World War II.
With five major civilian organizations trying to function in France, the
competition for shipping space from the United States was fierce. General
Pershing was not indifferent to the personal needs of his soldiers, but the
military needs of the battlefield had to take precedence over comfort items.
The chief executive officers of the YMCA in France sought and received an
audience with Pershing, but he could spare them little time and could not
be hopeful as to shipping space.15
After July 1918 the commanding general of the AEF and his staff had
to plan for the early-September operation to reduce the Saint-Mihiel sa‑
lient. Following that attack, the AEF had to prepare for offensive operations
in the Meuse-Argonne sector. In Pershing’s mind both Saint-Mihiel and
18 Chewing Gum, C a n dy Ba rs, and Beer

Meuse-Argonne would test the AEF, and would, if successful, prove to the
European Allies that the AEF was the equal of any fighting force on the
western front. To sustain two closely related combat operations, the Service
of Supply had to get ammunition, food, clothing, medical supplies, and
other important items to the soldiers who were to carry out the orders to
move against a well-trained enemy in well-constructed defensive positions.
There was no time to consider what the YMCA needed to maintain
their huts. Soldiers could be away from their units to obtain comfort
items while they needed to be preparing to carry out complex, detailed
maneuvers. On the other hand, the doughboys, knowing that they were
going into a serious fight, wanted those items such as cigarettes, candy,
and cakes—small things that would make the upcoming battles a bit more
endurable.
The Saint-Mihiel operation, scheduled to begin on September 12,
1918, arrayed the best and most experienced divisions in the AEF: the 1st,
2nd, 4th, and 5th of the Regular Army; the 26th and 42nd of the Nation‑
al Guard; and the 82nd, 89th, and 90th of the National Army. Despite
the necessary military planning and briefings and a chaotic movement of
supply vehicles, there were demands from the troops for comfort items.
For example, Major John Paul Tyler, senior chaplain of the 82nd Division,
had a large number of complaints from the regiments concerning the lack
of cigarettes, candy, cakes, and writing paper.
From what Tyler, who felt the pressure of preparing for the upcoming
assault into the Saint-Mihiel salient, could gather, the YMCA, Salvation
Army, and Knights of Columbus were out of supplies, and there was no
coordination among the civilian volunteers serving the 82nd Division.16
The most pressing need was to see that his chaplains were prepared to deal
with the wounded and to offer spiritual comfort to the dying, regardless
of denomination or preferences. His efforts at bringing together the civil‑
ian agencies did not bear much fruit and could not, because they were all
in competition for what few supplies were available. On the other hand,
when comfort items were available, representatives did everything possible
to get them to the troops, even if it meant going on the battlefield. A blind
eye was turned to the AEF policy of charging for a pack of cigarettes or a
candy bar when bullets flew and shrapnel cut the air.
The fighting in the Meuse-Argonne was especially brutal. General Per‑
shing’s ideas about maneuver warfare simply did not work, and the AEF
F ro m t h e S u t l e r ’ s Tent 19

found itself in bloody direct-frontal assaults on well-prepared and -defended


German positions. To make matters worse, whereas the Saint-Mihiel offen‑
sive was made by the best-trained, most experienced divisions of the AEF,
those who would make the first attacks into the Meuse-Argonne were un‑
tested, often poorly trained divisions, and the cost was high.
The National Guard 35th Division’s YMCA representative, Henry J.
Allen, who would later become the governor of Kansas, watched in hor‑
ror as the division sustained almost ten thousand casualties, and many of
the wounded were left in the rain with poor medical treatment.17 Most
of the YMCA personnel disregarded any directive to sell items and gave
what they could to the growing number of casualties from the first phase
of the fight in the Argonne, but there was precious little to give away.
Pershing had to halt the Meuse-Argonne offensive as the tragic errors in
planning became evident, and then he brought up the more experienced
divisions to continue the battle. The longer these divisions were in combat,
the more battle-wise the civilian soldiers became. The YMCA men knew
that on some days a cigarette and candy bar were just as effective for morale
as a bullet or bayonet. Mississippian Horace L. Baker of the hard-fighting
32nd Division recalled that on November 4 he entered the battered town
of Cuneal and found that the YMCA had set up a hut there, ready to serve
the troops.18
In October the 82nd Division attacked toward the town of Juvin
and became involved in a costly fight with the German defenders. H. B.
McAfee, the YMCA’s senior representative to the 82nd, saw the carnage as
troops struggled to get through the barbed-wire defenses. Some companies
had lost all their officers, and sergeants were directing the bloody assault.
McAfee gathered as many candy bars, cakes, and cigarettes as he could and
rushed forward with the troops, handing to each man something from
his bags. Once he exhausted his supplies he went back to find more, and
then refilled his bags and rushed forward again. For his gallantry that day
he was mentioned in the General Orders of the 82nd Division for being
“in the face of continual shell fire and sniping by rifles and machine guns,
showing an entire disregard of his personal safety.”19 No one would ask
McAfee if he charged for those small comfort items.
On November 11, 1918, the Armistice went into effect, and the guns
finally fell silent. This did not mean that the troops would be rushed home,
because General Pershing had agreed to occupy a section of Germany,
20 Chewing Gum, C a n dy Ba rs, and Beer

west of the Rhine River. Many of the oldest, most battle-tested divisions
began a march into what was enemy territory. Sergeant Eustace Fielder
of Commissary Sales Unit No. 24 found himself in Antwerp, Belgium.
Major Tyler, chief chaplain of the 82nd, organized the volunteer agencies
to better serve the troops, but he was continually unable to procure the
services of a Commissary Sales unit for his division.20 The May 1918 di‑
rective that made tobacco part of the soldiers’ rations remained in force as
long as American troops remained in Europe, but even by the November
Armistice the shipments of ration tobacco or comfort items to the troops
were erratic at best.
The U.S. Third Army, the army of occupation, made its headquarters
at Koblenz, Germany, and Pershing insisted that the troops assigned to the
Army had to maintain a full schedule of training. There was no guarantee
that the November Armistice would hold together, and there were political
troubles inside Germany. The Army commander, General George Dick‑
man, allowed for travel and recreation as well as serious training. Many of
the doughboys were from small towns in the United States, and this was
an opportunity to see Europe. Paris was a favorite place to visit, and the
YMCA, Salvation Army, Knights of Columbus, and Jewish Welfare Board
set up canteens for the soldiers, regardless of their religious preference.
The Red Cross functioned mainly with the wounded and did quite well.
Martin Hogan of the 42nd Division had been wounded in the Argonne
and recalled that he was well treated by the Red Cross workers in France.
Once on the ship to return to the United States, he remembered, “We
had plenty of smokes; for the officers on the ship had made up a pool,
and from this had supplied us with tobacco and chocolate from the ship’s
canteen all the way over [to the United States]. This was appreciated more
than the boys could tell them, because they had not been paid for some
time and their money had given out.”21
An old problem had not been solved, and since the guns had fallen si‑
lent on the western front there was no sense of urgency in the War Depart‑
ment to deal with it. The supplying of comfort items to the troops would
have to wait for another war.
With no Post Exchanges functioning for the divisions of the Third
Army, the YMCA had to continue to act as the source for candy, chewing
gum, and tobacco. Of course, other agencies such as the Salvation Army
and the Knights of Columbus were present as well, but for many of the
F ro m t h e S u t l e r ’ s Tent 21

combat units who were on duty in Germany and along the lines of supply
into Belgium, bitter memories of the war lingered concerning the YMCA.
Elmer Sherwood of the 42nd Division serving in Germany wrote in his
diary, “The months and months on the front when the Y did us no good
we raved at it and it has become a habit to cuss it.”22
At Third Army headquarters all of the civilian agencies maintained liai‑
son officers and then opened huts for the troops on occupation duty. The
Third Army published a small booklet of thoughts about occupation duty
and the civilian volunteers that worked along the Rhine with the American
forces. The anonymous writer wrote, “The Y.M.C.A. had put up a tent
and there was something doing there every night. The girls [of the YWCA]
put on some ‘home talent’ shows that were wonders. There had been box‑
ing, until with nothing else to do, it had gotten old. And now after a few
days of ‘minstrels,’ things began to drag a little.”23
There seemed to be no sense of urgency in supplying the troops with
comfort items, and the civilian volunteers had to shoulder a burden that
rightfully belonged to the Army. The War Department was greatly con‑
cerned about recouping moneys from the tobacco companies that saw the
demands of the War Department rise after the inclusion of tobacco in the
overseas ration. In the haste to procure tobacco, the price of tobacco was
not clearly set, and the War Department and the tobacco companies were
at loggerheads over what was charged by the companies to meet the de‑
mands of war.24 The Office of the Quartermaster General disliked dealing
with civilian tobacco companies, since its tasks in a postwar Army were
considerable. Accountability for equipment, for example, was in sham‑
bles. Many discharged doughboys were simply allowed to return to their
homes with all of their field gear, except for weapons. Troop comfort items
had to take a backseat to the formidable amount of work that had to be
done.
Units in Europe could issue passes for soldiers to visit Paris and other
places, but the task of finding them rooms and providing meals fell to
agencies, and the YMCA performed well. The YMCA also opened a leave
center in Aix-les-Bains in the Savoy region of France. The center had a
hotel and casino (which did not operate while doughboys were there) that
overlooked a large, beautiful lake. Major General James G. Harbord, who
had been Pershing’s chief of staff, commander of the battle-worthy 2nd
Division, and commander of the Service of Supply, visited the center and
22 Chewing Gum, C a n dy Ba rs, and Beer

recalled, “I went there to see how ‘our boys’ are being looked after. . . . [It]
is now echoing to the voices of Yanks and Y.M.C.A. girls and to the shuffle
of their dancing feet. The Y.M.C.A. to get the casino has to take over the
lease and the list of employees, including the Grand Croupier, or boss
gambler, to whom they still pay francs 500 monthly, and have nothing for
him to do.” The center had to be closed for a while in February 1919 due
to an outbreak of the dreaded influenza, but it did provide a successful,
safe, and inexpensive recreational area for the doughboys.25
The quartermaster general did not like the idea of providing tobacco
in the soldiers’ ration, and when the Third Army ended its occupation
of Germany, the special addition to the ration ended. The contention
between the Office of the Quartermaster General and the major tobacco
producers continued well into the 1920s. The R. J. Reynolds Company,
manufacturing Camel cigarettes and Prince Albert pipe tobacco, informed
the office that it had provided tobacco at the price of more than ten mil‑
lion dollars.26 Other major tobacco companies charged about the same
for their products. It was a cost that the Army did not like, and it was
happy to get out of the wartime procurement of tobacco for the troops.
The major problem was that after every war, there were lessons learned.
The Army did not take into consideration that when a massive mobiliza‑
tion occurred, the National Guard was called to the colors and a draft was
in force, and those citizen soldiers wanted comfort items such as cigarettes,
candy, chewing gum, and the like available. As far as the post–World War
I regular soldiers were concerned, the Post Exchange could very well an‑
swer the soldiers’ demands for comfort items at a low cost. There were
some concessions to the soldiers’ smoking habits. For Commissary Sales
the Army allowed the purchase of tax-free cigarettes for the troops with
definite limitations. The position of the quartermaster general was, “In
supplying the Army with tax-free cigarettes and smoking tobacco, in order
that the privilege may not be abused, all Quartermasters are cautioned to
make it their personal business to see that only reasonable quantities of
tax-free tobacco products are sold and that sales are made only to those
who are authorized to purchase.”27
To further reinforce the quartermaster general’s position, a short memo‑
randum to the adjutant general of the Army stated, “No tobacco was given
away by the Army.”28 Although not exactly accurate given the addition to
the doughboys’ rations, it was clear that the Army wanted no part of buy‑
F ro m t h e S u t l e r ’ s Tent 23

ing any more tobacco or other comfort items other than for Commissary
Sales, which normally maintained a thirty-day supply of tobacco to ensure
freshness of the products.

Throughout the 1920s and 1930s the Army remained small and isolated
from the general population. As it happened after the Civil War, the Army
had a small budget and too many missions. Soldiers’ pay was very low,
and purchases of comfort items at a reasonable price at the PX were im‑
portant. The Army, and this include the Army Air Force, was scattered
from the continental United States to Hawaii and the Philippine Islands.
After World War I the United States was content to be secure behind the
two great oceans. The Great War was a memory that for many veterans
was a bitter one. With the rise of Mussolini in Italy, Hitler in Germany,
and imperial Japan in the Far East, it seemed the sacrifices made on the
battlefields of France were in vain. Europe’s problems were exactly that—
Europe’s problems. By the end of the 1920s, America was in the midst
of the Great Depression and looked even more inward, away from the
political turmoil in Europe and Asia. Going into the late 1930s life in the
“Old Army” was secure and tedious. In a few years the armed forces would
be forced to react to the rising tensions in Europe and Asia, and the Post
Exchanges would be changing the way they did business.
2 ´ P r epa r e d ne s s
a n d Wa r

George Catlett Marshall became the Army chief of staff in September


1939. A graduate of the Virginia Military Institute in 1902, Marshall
attracted the attention of his superior officers and was the star of the
staff of the 1st Infantry Division in the Great War. His staff work as the
division’s operations officer during the fight at Cantigny, which was
the 1st Division’s first major combat operation, marked him as an offi‑
cer with a future. After the 1918 Cantigny fight Marshall continued to
serve as the operations officer for the Aisne-Marne, Saint-Mihiel, and
Meuse-Argonne campaigns. After World War I he became the aide to
General John J. Pershing from 1919 to 1924. After his assignment as
aide, Marshall went to China to command the 15th Infantry Regiment
from 1924 to 1927. From 1933 to 1936 Colonel George C. Marshall
became the senior instructor to the Illinois National Guard. When
President Franklin Roosevelt selected him to be the chief of staff, he
had the benefit of varied and important staff and infantry assignments.
Like his predecessor General Malin Craig, he was concerned about the
lack of preparedness in the face of rising tensions in Europe.
Marshall had been involved in every level of soldier life, and he
understood that morale was a critical factor for any army. But when
Germany invaded Poland on September 1, 1939, Marshall had
no time to worry about what Commissary Sales units or Post Ex‑
changes offered for sale. As long as the Army was a professional, all-
volunteer force, there was little to concern the chief of staff or the
Department of the Army in Washington. If soldiers wanted packs

24
P r e pa r e d n e s s a n d War 25

of cigarettes, candy bars, or writing paper, they could buy them at the PX
or the sales units. Soldiers or sailors in government hospitals could rely on
the American Red Cross to provide comfort items and tax-free cigarettes
as a part of their work in the hospital.
In 1927, for example, the Red Cross purchased more than seven million
Lucky Strike cigarettes and more than twenty-two thousand one-ounce
bags of Bull Durham smoking tobacco.1 The “Grey Ladies” volunteers
also distributed toilet articles such as razors, toothbrushes, and toothpaste
to those who arrived at the hospital with nothing. The distribution of
cigarettes and smoking tobacco by the Red Cross was extended to veter‑
ans’ hospitals, and, like the program in military hospitals, cigarettes and
smoking tobacco were limited to patients only. For example, in two years,
1935 to 1937, the St. Louis, Missouri, chapter of the Red Cross ordered a
million and a half cigarettes for distribution. Over the Christmas holidays
in 1940, with the draft and call-up of the National Guard in force, many
of the chapters gave away a special gift of one pack of cigarettes to patients
and to Army hospital corpsmen.2 The Red Cross began this policy of dis‑
tribution during the Great War under the heading of “war service,” and
the Army was very happy to allow the Red Cross to continue providing for
military and veterans’ hospitals.
Quantities of comfort items were shipped to American bases in Ameri‑
can Samoa, Hawaii, and the Philippine Islands in 1939, 1940, and 1941
on supply ships. Commissary Sales units and Post Exchanges stocked the
items that soldiers wanted but were not issued. As long as the United
States was at peace and the Army relied on recruiters, there was no need
to expand what the Army saw as items that were not part of the ration
system.
When the United States entered the Great War in April 1917, there
was no plan for overseas deployment and training, and by the end of the
war in November 1918 it was obvious that those divisions that were well
trained in France did well under fire, while others rushed to the front had
poor to disappointing records in combat. Marshall had witnessed this and
was determined not to repeat the errors. President Franklin D. Roosevelt
and Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson were equally concerned, but little
was done until the Germans overran France in a few weeks in May 1940
and Britain stood alone against a well-prepared, -led, and -equipped Ger‑
man war machine. After much discussion and pressure on Congress, the
26 Chewing Gum, C a n dy Ba rs, and Beer

Selective Service Act was passed in September 1940. This was the first
peacetime conscription in American history, and draftees were to serve for
one year. At the same time Marshall got the authority to call the National
Guard to service for one year. One biographer of Marshall wrote, “The
Selective Service Act of 1940 was written by the glare of burning English
cities.”3
In a short space of time there were a half-million men undergoing train‑
ing in 1940. There was a sorting-out process as far as older or incompetent
officers were concerned, and Marshall was determined to get rid of men
who were too old or too ready to rely on old-school solutions to press‑
ing modern battlefield problems. Those who opposed the establishment of
tank or airborne forces had to be pushed aside.
Marshall was especially outraged at the failure of the quartermaster
general’s staff to supply needed uniforms, equipment, and subsistence to
the troops training in the large-scale maneuvers. It became quite clear that
there had to be a massive reorganization of the quartermaster acquisition
and supply system. The system simply could not cope with the influx of
men from the start of the draft and the call-up of the National Guard.
General Marshall then decided that the War Department and the supply
system had to be reorganized in order to be ready if the United States was
drawn into a war. In November 1941 Brigadier General Brehon Burke
Somervell, a West Point graduate from Tennessee, became the chief logis‑
tician of the Army. A man who could engender strong emotions because
of a brusque, no-nonsense manner, Somervell performed brilliantly.4 His
appointment would have a direct bearing on the development of the Army
Post Exchange system in World War II.
Having seen the Army buildup in France during the Great War, General
Marshall was not oblivious to the needs of soldiers. He was concerned for
the morale of the troops and knew that troops not in combat needed recre‑
ational time provided by the Army. President Roosevelt was also concerned
that soldiers with too much time on their hands could get into trouble, and
in August 1941 Frederick Henry Osborn was appointed brigadier general
in charge of providing wholesome and healthy recreational activities for
the Army.
Osborn was an interesting choice. Born to a wealthy family in 1889,
he attended Princeton University, graduating in 1910. Unable to qualify
for military service in 1917, Osborn went to France with the Red Cross
P r e pa r e d n e s s a n d War 27

and served as commander of the Zone of Advance. There he had ample


opportunity to observe the morale needs of the doughboys at the front.
After the war Osborn devoted his life to the study of eugenics and helped
found the Office of Population Research at his alma mater in 1936. He
questioned the widely held belief that African Americans were somehow
less intelligent than whites. In 1940 President Roosevelt selected Osborn
to chair the Civilian Advisory Committee on Selective Service. A man of
great intellect and energy, Osborn was made the chair of the Army’s Com‑
mittee on Welfare and Recreation.
When the United States entered World War II, Osborn became the
chief of the Morale Branch in the War Department and was commissioned
a brigadier general. He was a man who was not content to read reports
from the field, and by the end of the war he had the European and Asiatic
Theaters of Operations Medals, a Bronze Star, and a Distinguished Service
Medal. Here was a man who could cooperate fully with the Army Exchange
Service because the Morale Branch and the AES were in the same business:
providing morale-building services to the mass of men and women pour‑
ing into the training camps in the United States and then extending those
services to the overseas combat areas.
With no military experience, Osborn visited military posts to evaluate
the availability of recreational equipment and the effectiveness of those of‑
ficers appointed as recreation officers. Too often officers would be assigned
recreational duties when they had not done well in their military-career
field. Osborn, however, saw his role as the catalyst for recreational activi‑
ties on the ball field or in the post Service Club, where soft drinks, coffee,
and writing paper were available for off-duty soldiers. It was anticipated
that the new emphasis on troop morale and recreation would reap ben‑
efits, but it did not address the comfort needs of the soldiers.5
While the Army was undergoing a massive transformation with the Se‑
lective Service and the mobilized National Guard, the president was busy
reshaping the civilian sector for possible war. On April 11, 1941, an Ex‑
ecutive Order established the Office of Price Administration and Civilian
Supply (OPA), and on January 1942, in the wake of Pearl Harbor and the
state of war between the United States and Germany, the War Production
Board (WPB) was established. Both organizations would have a direct
impact on the development and operation of the Army Post Exchanges
during the war.
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
IMPERATORSKOE Imperatorskoe Russkoe Geograiiclieskoe
Obschestvo \rontlnued]. Streoker (W.) Top. ochm-ki Voi'khnei
Armenii, 1874. [3.] Taylor (Maj.) Malo-Aziiskie Kurdi, 1882. [7.]
Zagiirsky (L. P.) Ob izd. v 1887-89 lingvist. trudov Uslara &o., 1890.
[9.] Izvestiya Vostochuo-Sibirskago otd. tl6i-v, 17i-iv, 19i, iii, 20i-v,
21i-v, 23i-v. Ia8°. Irkutsk. 1886-92 Karelo-Murmanskaya Komissiya,
see ChahNOLTJSKY (V. V.) Mat. po bitu Loparoi, 1930. Komissiya po
Izuch. Narod. Muziki. Muz. etuografiya; pod red. N. F. Findeizena. 8°.
1926 Otchet, 1927-29. 8°. 1928-30 Skazochnaya Kom. v 1927.
Obzor rabot pod red. S. F. Oldenburga. [Otd. Btnografii]. laS". 1928
Zapiski Kavkazsk. otd. kn. 1-22, 24i, ii, 25iv, vi, 26x, 271, 29ii, iii. 8°*
4°. Tiflis. 1852-1916 Kn. 7 wants Atlas. 8 has Atlas b. sep. The
foUoiving have separate title-pages: — ■ Abich (W. H.) Geol.
Annyan. nagorya, 1899. [21.] O kristallich. grade v Trialetsk. gorakh;
per. R. K. Shenger, 1879. [10.] Chirikov (E. I.) Putevoi jurnal, 1849-
52, 1875. [9.] Dinnik (N. Ya.) Kubanskaya oblast, 1897. [19.] ■ Po
Cherne i Dagestanu, 1905. [25iv.] Zveri Kavkaza, ch.l, 1910. [27i.]
Dyaohkov-Tarasov (A. N.) Gagri &o., 1903. [24i.] Egiazarov (S. A.)
Gorodskie tsekhi, 1891. [14.] Kratkii etnograf. ocherk Kurdov
Erivanskoi gub., 1891. [13.] Erismov (pr, R. D.) Zametki o Svanetii,
1897. [19.] Gelman (Kh. V.) Izsledov. prorivov reki Amu-Dari, 1879.
[10.] Kondratenko (E. I.) Etnograf. karti gub. &c. Zakavkaz. kraya,
1896. [18, priloj.] Lisovsky (V. Ya.) Zakavkaze, oh. 1, 1896. [20.]
Markov (V. S.) Shakhseveni na Mugani, 1890. [14.] Oswald (F.) K ist.
tektonioh. razvitiya Armyansk. nagorya; per. A. I, Shishkinoi, 1915.
[29ii.] Pantyukhov (I. I.) Antropolog. nablyizdeniya na Kavkaza,
1893. [16.] Radde (G.) Khevsuriya i Khevsuri (1876), 1881. [11.]
Satunin (K. A.) Obzor faunistich. izsledovanii Kavkazsk. kraya, 1910-
14, 1916. [29iii.] Obzor izsledovaniya nilekopitayuschikh Kavkazsk.
kraya, 1903. [24ii.] Shavrov (IST. N.) Persidskoe pobereje Kaspiisk.
morya, 1913. [26x.] Strijov (I. N.) Razrez sloev srednei chasti grozn.
neftyan. mestorojdeniya, 1906. [25vi.] XJslar (6. P. K.) Drevn.
skazaniya o Kavkaza, 1881. [12.] Publications. see AsTDEBEV (A. I.),
ed. Russ. otkritiya v Tikhom Okeane i Severnoi Amerike V 18-19
vekakh, 1944. ,, Andebbv (N. P.) XJkazatel skazochn. syujetov po
sisteme Aarne, 1929. Gbum-Gejimailo (G. B.) Opisanie puteahestviya
v Zapadnii Kitai, 3t, 18961907. „ IsTONiN (F. M.) & S. M. Lyapotiov.
Pesni russ. naroda, 1899. „ Ivauov-Dyatlov (F. G.) Nablyud. vraoha
na Kolskom Poluostrove, 1927, 1928. „ Kamtsa (O. I.), ed. Detskii bit
&c., 1930. „ Semenov (P. P.) P. P. S., ego jizn &o., 1928. Imperial.
Crucial (The) problem of Imp. development, 1938, see Royal Colonial
Inst. *lmp. (The) epistle f. Kien Long to George III, Satire, 1796, see
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(J. M.) Imperial Academy oE Japan. see Anesaki (M.) Concordance to
Hist, of Kirishitan missions, 1930. Imperial & Asiatic quaiteriy leview
(The). New Ser. [w.t. Asiatic rev.] V24-46, la8°.tfc 8°. [1928-50]
Imperial College o£ Science & Technology, London. Calendar.
Session, 1931-32. 8°. 1931 see Huxley (T. H.) H. mem. lect"., 1925-
32, 1932. ,, H. papers: descr. cat. of corr., MSS. & misc. papers of T.
H. H. pros, in I. C. of Sci.; by W. R. Dawson, 1946. Imperial
Institute. Indian Trade Enquiry. Reports on lac, turpentine & rosin.
8°, 1922 Mineral industry of the Brit. Emp. & for. countries. Statist,
summary, 1927—29. 8°. 1930 see Imperial Mineeal Resoueoes
Bueeau. Platinum &c., 2nd ed., 1936. Imperial Library, Galcutta.
Author cat. of printed boolts in Bengali language. vl, 2: A-L. Ia8°.
Calcutta. 1941-43 Imperial Mineral Besonices Bureau. Platinum &
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&c.] 2nd ed. 8°. 1936 Imperial Policy Group, see Review oi' Woeld
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Conference. First I. P.O. [w. title:] A parliament of the Press. By T. H.
Hardman. Pref. by the Earl of Rosebery. Ia8°. 1909 [Second] I.P.C. in
Canada, [1920]. By R. Donald. Forew. by Vsct. Burnham. Ia8°.
[1921] Fourth I.P.C. (Britain), 1930. By H. E. Turner. Forew. by J. J.
Aster 8°. [1931] Overseas delegates to the 4th I.P.C. s8°. 1930
Imperial Society of Knights Bachelor. Knightage, 1927. List of
existing recipients of the honour of Knighthood, w. sh. ace. of orig.
&c. of the I.S. of K.B. by W. Bull. 13th ed. 8°. [1926] Imperial War
Graves Commission. Annual reports, 4th-10th. laS". 1923-29 see
Waee (Maj. Oen. Sir F.) The immortal heritage, work &o. of I.W.G.C,
1917-37, 1937. Imperials di Sant'Angelo (Cesare). Jacopo d'Oria
[Auria] e i suoi annali. Ia8°. Veuezia. 1930 Impey (Thomas), see
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'Impostor (The) painted in his own colours, see GoLDSMiD (E. M.) &
G. G., edd. Hist, repr. 9, 1885? 'Imposture (The) defeated: or, a trick
to cheat the devil, 1698, see Powell (G.) Impressing. *Short (A)
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In. *In & out of school. lUust. by J. Absolon. Descr. in verse by L. V.
Ia8°. [1865] *'In my opinion — ": dissert, on horses &c., 1929, see
Lyon (Maj. W. E.), ed. In pursuit of peace, 1933, see GoocH (G. P.),
ed. *In Ruhleben: letters f. a prisoner &c., 1917, see RtTHLEBEN.
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8°. [Moskva]. 1948 Incarnation (The), 1926, see Lattey (C), ed. Ince
(Mabel EmUy). Man's estate. s8°. [1937] Ince (Richard Basil). Angel
f. a cloud: romantic career of John Donne. [Fiction]. 8°. 1939 At the
sign of Sagittarius. 8°. [1926] Calverley & some Cambridge wits of
the 19th cent. 8°. 1929 Capo. A novel. s8°. 1929 England's High
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B. I. Life & letters of S. Z. de Ferranti, 1934. Inchbald (Mrs.
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'Appearance is against them. [4.] The child of nature. [2.] Every one
has his fault. [2.] Lover's vows, altered f. German of Kotzebue. [3.]
The midnight hour. [1.] 'Mogul tale, farce. [4.] Such things are. [1.]
The wedding. [2.] Wives as they were, & maids as they are, [2.]
Appearance is against them, 1785, see Hughes (L.) & A. H. Soouten,
edd. 10 Eng. farces, 1948. Every one has h. fault. Comedy. s8°.
1926 Next door neighbours. Comedy. 8°. 1791 'The widow's vow.
Faroe. 8°. 1786 Wives as they were &c. Comedy. [P2894]. 8°. 1797
[a. ed.] s8°. D. 1797 see LiTTLEWooD (S. R.) E. I. & h. circle: life
story, 1753-1821, 1921. Inchcape (James Lyle Mackay, 1st earl of),
see BoLiTHO (H.) J. L. Mackay, 1st e. of I., 1936. Inchcolm. Charters
of the Abbey of I. Ed. D. E. Easson & A. MacDonald. [Scot. Hist. Soc.
s3, v32]. 8°. E. 1938 Inchofer (Melchior) [Inchoeeee. ps. Luoio
COENELIO EUEOPEO]; 6. lS8i. Monarohia de los Solipsos, por Lucio
Comelio Ein:opeo. Compuesta por M. I. [really by Giulio C. Scotti].
Tr. d. Latin. s8°. 1770 'Incle & Yarico: tragedy, 1742, see Weddell.
Inconfidencia (A) da Bahia, 2v, 1931, see Bahia. Incorporated
Accountants' year book, (1937, 1941. s8°. [1937-41] Incorporated
Church Building Society. see Chueches. 50 mod. churches:
photographs &c., 1930-45, 1947. „ New c. iUustr., 1936.
Incorporated Society of Musicians. Handbook & register of members,
1950. 8°. 1950 Incorporated Stage Society. 10 years, 1899-1909. 8°.
1909 Ind (Allison). Bataan, the judgment seat: saga of Philippine
Command of U.S. Army Air Force, May 1941 to May 1942. 8°. N.Y.
1944 Indemnifying. 'Thoughts (The) of a priv. gentleman on the late
I. Bill, 1742, see Thoughts. In Der Maur (Gilbert). Die Jugoslawen
einst u. jetzt. 2B. Ia8°. L. [1936] 1, Aus d. Gesch. d. Siidslawen. 2,
Jugoslawiens Aussenpolitik. Index. Index Breviari Romani, 1939, see
Bkeyiaby. Index Londinensis to illustrations of flowering plants, ferns
&o. Emended & enl. ed., to 1920, of Pritzel's Alphabet, reg. of
repres. of flowering plants &o. Prep, under ausp. of Roy. Hort. Soc.
of London by 0. Stapf. 6v. 4°. 0. 1929-31 Index generalis. Annuaire
g6n. des universitis &c. Publ. sous la dir. de R. de Montessus de
Ballore. 1923-4, 1928-9, 1929-30, 193031, 1932-37. s8°. 1924-37
1923-4, 1930-1-34 & 1936-37 have subtitles in English Year-book of
the universities &o. 1935 is in 2v, v2 wanting.
INDEX INDIA Index Ubrornm pioIlibitOTum {in chronolog.
order). Index Romanus. Verzeichnis deut. Biicher seit 1750.
Zusanunengest. v. A. Sleumer. 5' verm. A. [11291]. 8". Osnabruok.
1911 Indice dei libri proibiti. Riv. e pubbl. per ordine di Pio XI. s8°.
Citt& del Vatioano. 1929 I.l.p. Pii XII jvissu ed., 1948. b8°. [Civit.
Vatioana]. 1948 Index Society, American, see Bbowu (C.) & R. H.
Robbins. Index of Middle Eng. verse, 1943. „ WrNQ (D. G.) Short-
title oat. of bks. pr. in Eng. &o., 1641-1700, vl, 2, 1945-48. India.
[Monthly aummary of Indian news]. vl-8 (JvUy 1928-June 1932). 4°.
[1928-32] India. I, Government Publications. Abchaeoloqicai, Sukvey
of India. Ancient India. Bulletin of Arch. S. of Ind. No. 1-4 (Jan.
1946-Jan. 1948). [b. in 2v]. 4°. Delhi. [1946-48] Ann. report,
1925/26-1936/37. 4°. Calcutta. 1928-40 1930/31-1933/34 in 2v,
pagin. cont. Index to Annual reports of the Dir. Gen. of archaeology
in India, 1919-29 & pi. Annual rep'., 1902-18. By H. Hargreaves. 4°.
Delhi. 1940 Memoirs. No'. 21, 23, 24, 33-60, 62-69. 4°. Calcutta.
1925-42 21, The Baghela dynasty of Rewah; by H. Shastri. 23, The
Haihayas of Tripuri & th. monuments; by R. D. Banerji. 24, Rook
paintings & o. antiq'. of prehist. & later times; by M. Ghosh. 33, 40,
PaUava architecture, p2, 3; by A. H. Longhurst. 34, A new inscr. of
Darius f. Hamadan; by E. Herzfeld. 35, Exoav'. in Baluchistan 1925;
by H. Hargreaves. 36, The dohuens of the Pulney Hills; by A.
Anglade & L. V. Newton. 37, Archseol. tour in Waziristan & N.
Baluchistan: by Sir A. Stein. 38, Kushano-Sasanian coins; by E.
Herzfeld. 39, Lha-lun temple, Spyi-ti; by H. L. Shuttleworth. 40, see
after 33. 41, Survival of prehist. civilisation of Indus Valley; by R.
Chanda. 42, Archseol. tour in upper Swat & adjac. hiU tracts; by Sir
A. Stein. 43, Arohaeol. tour in Gedrosia; by Sir A. Stein, w. app. by
Lt.-Col. R. B. Sewell & B. S. Guha. 44, Explor. in Orissa; by
Ramaprasad Chanda. 45, BibUog. of Indo-Moslem hist.; by Khan
Bahadur Maulvi Zafar Hasan. 46, On the iconography of the
Buddha's nativity; by A. Foucher; tr. H. Hargreaves. 47, Record of all
the Quranic & non-hist. epigraphs on protected mon. in the Delhi
Prov.; by Muhammad Ashraf Husain. 48, Explor. in Sind: rep. of
survey, 1927-28, 1929-30 & 1930-31; by N. G. Majumdar. 49, Bijapur
inscriptions; by M. Nazim. 50, Sravasti in Indian lit.: by B. M. Law.
51, Animal remains f. Harappa; by B. Prashad. 52, Mem. on Kotla
Firoz Shah, Delhi; by J. A. Page, w. tr. of Sirat-i-Firozshahi by
Mohammad Hamid Kuraishi. 53, Albiruni. Picture of the world; ed. A.
Z. V. Togan. 54, Buddhist antiq'. of Nagarjunakonda, Madras Pres.;
by A. H. Longhurst. 55, Excav'. at Paharpur, Bengal; by K. N. Dikshit.
66, Ananda temple at Pagan; by C. Duroiselle. 57, "Numeral-signs"
of the Mohenjo-Daro script; by A. S. C. Ross. 58, Rajagriha in anc.
lit.; by B. C. Law. 59, Punch-marked coins f. Taxila; by E. H. C.
Walsh. 60, Kausambi in anc. lit.; by B. C. Law. 62, Hoard of silver
punch-marked coins f. Pumea; by P. N. Bhattaoharyya. India
[continued]. I, Government Publications [coMinued]. Abchaeological
Subvby of India [continued]. 63, Hist, sculptures of the
Vaikuiithaperumal Temple, Kaiichi; by C. Minakshi. 64, Excav'. in
Swat & explor. in the Oxus territ. of Afghanistan; by E. Barger & P.
Wright. 65, Beads f. Taxila; by H. C. Beck; ed. Sir J. Marshall. 66,
Nalanda & its epigraphic material; by H. Sastri. 67, Paiichalas & th.
capital Achichchhatra; by B, C. Law. 68, Manley coll. of stone age
tools; by A. Aiyappan, w. notes by F. P. Manley. 69, Cent. Asian
fragm'. of the Ashtadasasahasrika Prajiiaparamita & of an
unidentified text; ed. S. Konow. Technical art series of illust'. of
Indian architect, decorative work &c. [4p in Iv. Plates, 1-24, 1-12, 1-
18, 1-13.] fol. Calcutta. 1890-2 : Othek Publications. see Bakhshali
MS. A st. in med. mathematics, 3p, 1927-33. ,, Banebji (R. D.) Ind.
school of med. sculpture, 1933. „ CousENS (H.) The antiq. of Sind,
1929. „ Mediteval temples of the Dakhan, 1931. „ Somanatha & u.
mediaeval temples in Kathiawad, 1931. ,, Epigbathia Indo-
Moslemica, 1925/261939/40, 1929-50. ,, Hamid {Maulvi M.) List of
anc. mon. in prov. of Bihar & Orissa, 1931. ,, Maokay (E. J. H.)
Further excav". at Mohenjo-daro, 1927-31, 2v, 1937-38. ,, Mabshaxl
{Sir J. H.) Mohenjo-daro & the Indus civiliz.: ace. of excav'., 1922—
27, 2v, 1931. „ Sa-Hni (D. R.) Guide to the Buddhist ruins of Samath,
1933. „ Stein {Sir M. A.) Innermost Asia:Tep. of explor. &o., 4v,
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