Ethiopia's Foreign Policy Under Emperor Haile Selassie

(1930-1974): A Legacy of Sovereignty, Pan-Africanism,

and Shifting Global Alignments
Emperor Haile Selassie I, who reigned over Ethiopia from 1930 to 1974, following his earlier
regency starting in 1916, was a transformative figure who strategically positioned Ethiopia on
the global stage. His long tenure coincided with significant shifts in the international order,
including the decline of European colonialism, the emergence of new global powers after World
War II, and the burgeoning aspirations for unity across the African continent. Recognizing the
importance of international engagement for Ethiopia's survival and progress, Haile Selassie
pursued a dynamic foreign policy characterized by a steadfast commitment to sovereignty, a
leading role in the Pan-African movement, and a pragmatic navigation of complex global power
dynamics.

Ethiopia's history of maintaining independence during much of the colonial era provided a
strong foundation for Haile Selassie's foreign policy. Under Emperor Menelik II, modern
diplomatic structures were established, with the primary focus on safeguarding Ethiopia's
independent status. This legacy of resilience shaped Haile Selassie's unwavering determination
to protect Ethiopia's sovereignty throughout his rule. Even during his regency, Ras Tafari
Mekonnen recognized the importance of modernizing the state and engaging with the
international community. A significant early achievement was Ethiopia's entry into the League of
Nations in 1923, driven by the strategic imperative of collective security against potential
aggression. His efforts to enhance Ethiopia's international standing through the recruitment of
foreign advisors and the gradual abolition of slavery demonstrated a long-term vision for
Ethiopia's place in the world.

Upon ascending to the throne in 1930, Haile Selassie formalized his authority over foreign
affairs through Ethiopia's first written constitution in 1931. During the early years of his reign, his
focus on domestic modernization indirectly supported his foreign policy objectives by enhancing
Ethiopia's international profile and engagement with the global economy. Continuing his belief in
multilateralism, Haile Selassie placed considerable faith in the League of Nations as a guarantor
of security, particularly as the threat from Fascist Italy grew. However, the limitations of this
approach became tragically apparent following the Walwal incident in 1934 and Italy's
subsequent aggression.

The Italian invasion of 1935 marked a critical juncture in Ethiopia's foreign policy. Haile
Selassie's personal appeal to the League of Nations in 1936, eloquently condemning Italy's
actions and warning of the broader implications of the League's inaction, remains a powerful
testament to his commitment to international law and the sovereignty of nations. Despite his
impassioned plea, Ethiopia was occupied from 1936 to 1941, forcing the Emperor into exile.
During this period, Ethiopian patriots continued their resistance. With the outbreak of World War
II, Haile Selassie allied with the United Kingdom, and in 1941, with British and Commonwealth
support alongside Ethiopian resistance fighters, he triumphantly returned to Addis Ababa,
restoring Ethiopia's sovereignty. This experience fostered a more pragmatic view of
international organizations while highlighting the importance of strategic alliances.

The post-war era saw Ethiopia navigate a complex relationship with Britain, which initially held
significant influence. However, Haile Selassie strategically sought to diversify Ethiopia's
international relations, forging a strong partnership with the United States. The Cold War context
proved advantageous in this regard, as the US viewed Ethiopia's strategic location in the Horn
of Africa, particularly the Kagnew Station in Eritrea, as vital. This led to a period of close
cooperation, with the US providing substantial economic, military, and technical assistance in
exchange for access to the communication facility. Haile Selassie skillfully leveraged the Cold
War rivalry, maintaining a non-aligned stance and also fostering cautious relations with the
Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc to maximize Ethiopia's diplomatic and economic leverage.

A significant foreign policy objective achieved during this period was the 1952 federation of
Eritrea with Ethiopia under a UN mandate, granting Ethiopia crucial access to the sea. While
initially seen as a triumph, the subsequent full annexation of Eritrea in 1962 sowed the seeds for
a long and devastating war for independence.

Beyond bilateral relations, Haile Selassie played a pivotal role in the Pan-African movement.
Ethiopia, as a symbol of African independence, held a unique position, and the Emperor's deep
commitment to Pan-African unity led to the establishment of the Organization of African Unity
(OAU) in Addis Ababa in 1963. Addis Ababa became the permanent headquarters, solidifying
Ethiopia's central role in African affairs, and Haile Selassie served as the OAU's first President.
He consistently advocated for decolonization and mediated disputes between African nations,
elevating Ethiopia's international prestige and establishing him as a respected elder statesman.

However, the latter part of his reign was marked by increasing regional tensions. Border
disputes with Somalia over the Ogaden region, fueled by Somali nationalism, led to the Ethio-
Somali War of 1964. Challenges also arose along the border with Sudan. These regional
dynamics were complicated by the Cold War, with external powers aligning with different sides.
The Eritrean issue escalated following the 1962 annexation, leading to a protracted war for
independence. To address these challenges, Haile Selassie often sought increased military aid,
primarily from the United States, prioritizing the preservation of "Greater Ethiopia."

Domestically, Haile Selassie's efforts to modernize Ethiopia, particularly through Western

education, had unintended consequences. A growing Western-educated elite became
increasingly critical of his autocratic rule and the slow pace of reform. Student movements
emerged, demanding greater political participation. Issues such as land tenure, ethnic tensions,
and regional inequalities also fueled internal dissent, exemplified by the attempted coup in 1960.
Some argue that in his later years, the Emperor focused more on foreign affairs, perhaps at the
expense of addressing these critical domestic issues, which arguably weakened Ethiopia's
international standing.

In assessing Haile Selassie's foreign policy, several successes are evident. He successfully
maintained Ethiopia's sovereignty during a turbulent era, enhanced its international recognition,
played a leading role in the Pan-African movement, and secured strategic alliances. However,
limitations included the personalized nature of foreign policy decision-making, the failure to
prevent the Italian occupation, the unresolved issues of Eritrea and the Ogaden, and the
increasing reliance on external powers.

In conclusion, Ethiopia's foreign policy under Emperor Haile Selassie was a complex and
consequential endeavor. He navigated significant global shifts, championed African unity, and
maintained Ethiopia's independence against considerable odds. While his achievements were
notable, the failure to adequately address internal and regional challenges ultimately contributed
to the instability that followed his rule. His legacy in foreign policy remains a subject of nuanced
analysis, acknowledging his significant contributions while also recognizing the inherent
complexities and limitations of his approach.