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viii Contents

Data Display 196

Quotes 196
Vignettes and Cases 197
Tables and Matrices 198
Charts 199
Decision Modeling 202
Interpretation and Verification 202
Audit Trails 205
Writing Up 207
Notes 210
CHAPfER 11: ETHICAL CONCERNS IN PARTICIPANT 211
OBSERVATION
Need for Competency 212
The Meaning oflnformed Consent in Participant Observation 214
Right to Privacy 218
Ethical Conduct of Participant Observation in Online Settings 219
Ethical Publication 221
Relationships 222
Ethics and the Limits to Participation 224
Note 226
Appendix: SAMPLE FIELD NOTES FROM THREE PROJECTS 227

Bibliography 251

Index 265

About the Authors 277

 ~Preface~

As with the first edition of this book, we have written this volume with two
audiences in mind. This book is meant to serve as a basic primer for the
beginning researcher who is about to embark on a career that will employ
the use of qualitative research and ethnographic approaches. At the same
time, this work should be a useful reference and guide for experienced re-
searchers who wish to re-examine their own skills and abilities in light of
best practices of participant observation.
Participant observation is accepted almost universally as the central and
defining method in cultural anthropology but in the late twentieth and
early twenty-first centuries has become a common feature of qualitative re-
search in a number of disciplines. Qualitative research in such diverse areas
as sociology, education, nursing, and medical research draws on the in-
sights gained through the use of participant observation for gaining greater
understanding of phenomena from the point of view of participants. Par-
ticipant observation has been used to develop this kind of insight in every
cultural setting imaginable, from non-Western cultures little understood
by Western social science, to ethnic and subcultural groups with North
American and European settings, and to "virtual communities" that now
congregate through electronic media.
In writing about participant observation as a method, we were immedi-
ately confronted with a problem that is also an issue in the analysis of data
collected through the method. A good part of what makes up the method
of participant observation, both the collection of information and analysis,
is difficult to put into words. In part, it is because this is a method in which
control of the research situation is less in the hands of the investigator than
in other methods, even other qualitative methods. The investigator is react-
ing to and interacting with others in the events and situations that unfold
before him or her. At the same time, investigators are bringing their own
unique background and experience into the situation. Therefore, any dis-
cussion of "how to do it" must necessarily be abstract. There is no way to

ix
X Preface

anticipate more than a small proportion of the situations in which investi-

gators will find themselves. Just as learning about a new social or cultural
context is experiential and, to an extent unspoken or tacit, so is learning to
use participant observation effectively.
Since the first edition of this book appeared, participant observation as
a tool for research on the internet has become common. We have incorpo-
rated some of the newer approaches to online research and included the
work of several ethnographers who use computer-mediated communica-
tion or participation in massive multiplayer online role playing games in
their research. We have also expanded our discussion of the use of partici-
pant observation in participatory and rapid research. In addition, we have
reviewed some of the conventions of data management and analysis com-
mon in qualitative research that uses participant observation in the health
professions and education. In this edition we have been able to draw on
and learn from the work of a host of new researchers exploring new set-
tings and addressing new questions. However, the basic message remains
the same.
The beginning researcher is urged to experience field work at every op-
portunity and to practice the specific skills that we discuss in this book-
active looking and listening, improving memory, informal interviewing,
writing detailed field notes, and perhaps most importantly, patience. Be-
ginners and experienced researchers should realize that every ethnographer
and participant observer makes mistakes, and these are rarely fatal either
to the individual or the research enterprise. We also believe, however, that
the processes of learning how to be an effective participant observer can
be enhanced and improved by an introduction to the work and thinking
of more seasoned researchers. We believe that there are a number of basic
principles that can be distilled from the experiences and mistakes of others.
Our original inspiration for tackling this book continues to come from
our own mentors, Pertti (Bert) J. Pelto and Gretel H. Pelto, who helped
us to come to appreciate and share their enthusiasm and love for doing
field research. As pioneers in writing about anthropological methods, they
have contributed substantially to making ethnographic research less of a
mystical process. H. Russell Bernard continues to address new issues in
the development of our methodological toolkit. Speaking of "toolkits,"
the series The Ethnographer's Toolkit, edited by Jean J. Schensul and
Margaret LeCompte, has also provided inspiration. Mitch Allen, then at
AltaMira, encouraged us to tum an earlier chapter into the first edition of
this book. Since then, Rosalie Robertson and Jack Meinhardt, both formerly
at AltaMira, encouraged us to take on the writing of a second edition. Bert
Pelto's keen insights and cogent comments on the draft of the first edition
of the book were, as always, key to our improving the manuscript.
 Preface xi

We would also like to thank the many students with whom we have
worked over the years. Their success in becoming anthropologists who are
making real contributions to the discipline, to the institutions in which
they are working, and especially to the people they study, is a great source
of satisfaction to us. We hope that we have successfully captured some of
what we taught them (as well as what they have taught us!) and that this
volume will assist others in following in their footsteps to becoming con-
tributing professionals. Our departments and centers at the Universities of
Kentucky and Pittsburgh have been supportive of our research and have
tolerated our long periods of time doing active field work.
Parts of the first edition were prepared while the authors were at the
Rockefeller Foundation Study and Conference Center in Bellagio, Italy
where Kathleen was a scholar in residence for April 2000. We would like to
thank the Rockefeller Foundation and in particular the staff of the Bellagio
Center (most especially Gianna Celli) for their support and wonderful ac-
commodations during that time.
Most importantly, we would like to thank the many people with whom
we have done field research during the past 40 years in a number of differ-
ent settings-in Mexico, the people of Temascalcingo, Quebrantadero, El
Porvenir, Derramaderos, Bateas, Alcalde, and communities along the Gulf
of California; in Honduras, Pespire and many coastal communities around
the Gulf of Fonseca; in Ecuador, people in the provinces of Cotopaxi, Car-
chi, Manabf, and Napa; in Kentucky, people from Red River Gorge, Central
and Mountain Counties (pseudonyms), and Bourbon County; and the
many other places in which we have worked for shorter periods of time. In
each of these communities, people have welcomed us into their lives and
communities, allowing us to participate and make observations about their
lives and times. They taught us much and we hope that, in our published
work, we have been able to reflect some small part of what we have learned
from them.
On a personal level, we would like to thank our children, Saara and
Gareth, for their forbearance in traveling with us or enduring our absences.
Although our own partnership ended in 2002, we share the joy of seeing
them thriving as successful professionals (a tropical biologist and attorney
respectively). And, we delight in our two grandchildren, Owen Benjamin
and Sasha Renee Ickes, to whom this volume is dedicated. We hope that
the lives they have ahead of them are filled with as much enjoyment and
excitement as we have experienced.
 What Is Participant Observation?

Every one of us has had the experience of being a stranger in the midst
of a new crowd. We walk into a room or join a large cluster of people all
of whom seem to know and understand one another. As we nervously
approach some part of the chattering crowd, we look for individuals to
make eye contact or to shift their position to allow us to join the group.
Our senses are on full alert. We observe the people present, how they are
dressed, their relative age, who seems to be doing the most talking, and how
each individual responds to what others are saying. We listen to conversa-
tions taking place to try to gauge the pace of the conversation, the degree of
formality or informality of the language being used, and what it is that is
being discussed. We look for ways in which we might begin to contribute
to the dialogue. In such situations, each of us is engaging in something akin
to ethnographic' fieldwork, and using the method that anthropologists call
participant observation.

THE METHOD OF PARTICIPANT OBSERVATION

For anthropologists and social scientists, participant observation is a

method in which a researcher takes part in the daily activities, rituals, inter-
actions, and events of a group of people as one of the means of learning the
explicit and tacit aspects of their life routines and their culture. Within this
formal definition, "explicit" culture is a part of what people are able to ar-
ticulate about themselves. "Explicit culture makes up part of what we know,
a level of knowledge people can communicate about with relative ease"
(Spradley, 1980:7). In contrast, "tacit" aspects of culture largely remain

1
2 Chapter 1

outside our awareness or consciousness. It is the feeling of discomfort we

have, for example, when someone stands too close to us or touches us in a
way that seems too familiar. 2
Participant observation is accepted almost universally as the central and
defining method of research in cultural anthropology. Indeed, for writers
such as McCall and Simmons (1969), Spradley (1980), VanMaanen (1988),
Grills (1998), and Agar (1996), participant observation subsumes the bulk
of what we call field research or, as it is more typically referred to in anthro-
pology, fieldwork Spradley (1980) used the term participant observation
to refer to the general approach of fieldwork in ethnographic research, and
Agar ( 1996) used participant observation as a cover term for all of the ob-
servation and formal and informal interviewing in which anthropologists
engage. 3 Schensul, Schensul, and LeCompte {1999:91) write, "Participant
observation represents the starting point in ethnographic research." They
see participant observation as the foundation method for ethnographic re-
search. For Bernard (2006) participant observation is a "strategic method"
(343). That is, a method that comprises several methods at once. In Ber-
nard's sense, one or more of the elements of a strategic method can be cho-
sen depending on the question being asked. Participant observation "puts
you where the action is and lets you collect data ... any kind of data that
you want, narratives or numbers."
In this book, in order to examine the specific issues in participating and
observing in ethnographic research, we will take a somewhat more narrow
view of participant observation. For us, participant observation is one of
several methods that fit into the general category of qualitative research.
Qualitative research has as its goal an understanding of the nature of phe-
nomena, and is not necessarily interested in assessing the magnitude and
distribution of phenomena (i.e., quantifying it). Participant observation is
just one of a number of methods that are employed to achieve this kind
of understanding. Other qualitative methods include structured and semi-
structured interviewing, pure observation, and the collection and analysis
of texts. The method of participant observation is a way to collect data in
naturalistic settings by ethnographers who observe and/or take part in the
common and uncommon activities of the people being studied.
We take this position because, while much of what we call fieldwork
includes participating and observing the people and communities with
whom we are working, the method of participant observation includes the
use of the information gained from participating and observing through
explicit recording and analysis. That is, all humans are participants and ob-
servers in all of their everyday interactions, but few individuals actually en-
gage in the systematic use of this information for social scientific purposes.
The method of participant observation requires a particular approach to
the recording of observations (in field notes), and the perspective that the
 What Is Participant Observation? 3

information collected through participation is as critical to social scientific

analysis as information from more formal research techniques such as
interviewing, structured observation, and the use of questionnaires and
formal elicitation techniques. However, participant observation underlies
much of the other techniques used in ethnographic fieldwork. It is a way
of approaching the fieldwork experience, and gaining understanding of the
most fundamental processes of social life. It provides context for sampling,
open-ended interviewing, construction of interview guides and question-
naires, and other more structured and more quantitative methods of data
collection. It is rarely, if ever, the only technique used by a researcher
conducting ethnographic research. In this volume we have separated the
specific issues related to the collection, recording, and analysis of data from
participant observation in order to discuss them more fully.
While anthropologists had carried out ethnographic fieldwork before
him, Malinowski (1961 [1922], 1978 [1935]) is usually credited with
developing "something novel" (Sanjek 1990b; Stocking Jr. 1983)-an
approach to fieldwork that gradually became known as the method of
participant observation. Firth (1985) also notes that Malinowski did not
invent long-term research, living with the subjects of research, or working
in the vernacular. What Malinowski contributed was to "supply principles
of systematic, intensive collection and interpretation of field data to a de-
gree of sophistication not known before" (30). Or, as Tedlock (1991) has
said, "Malinowski's invention lay in elevating the fieldwork method into a
theory" (83).
However, original or not, Malinowski's discussion of his approach still
serves as the fundamental description of the method:

Soon after I had established myself in Omarkana Trobriand Islands, I began

to take part, in a way, in the village life, to look forward to the important or
festive events, to take personal interest in the gossip and the developments of
the village occurrences; to wake up every morning to a new day, presenting
itself to me more or less as it does to the natives. I would get out from under
my mosquito net, to find around me the village life beginning to stir, or the
people well advanced in their working day according to the hour or also the
season, for they get up and begin their labors early or late, as work presses. As
I went on my morning walk through the village, I could see intimate details of
family life, of toilet, cooking, taking of meals; I could see the arrangements for
the day's work, people starting on their errands, or groups of men and women
busy at some manufacturing tasks. Quarrels, jokes, family scenes, events usu-
ally trivial, sometimes dramatic but always significant, form the atmosphere
of my daily life, as well as of theirs. It must be remembered that the natives
saw me constantly every day, they ceased to be interested or alarmed, or made
self-conscious by my presence, and I ceased to be a disturbing element in the
tribal life which I was to study, altering it by my very approach, as always
4 Chapter 1

happens with a newcomer to every savage community. In fact, as they knew

that I would thrust my nose into everything. even where a well-mannered
native would not dream of intruding. they finished by regarding me as a part
and parcel of their life, a necessary evil or nuisance, mitigated by donations of
tobacco. (1961:7-8) 4

Malinowski's approach was distinguished from earlier forms of fieldwork

in that it included an emphasis on everyday interactions and observations
rather than on using directed inquiries into specific behaviors. And, Sanjek
notes, following others (Leach 1957), "As he observed, he also listened"
(1990b:211).
Writing more than 70 years later, Bourgois, who lived for more than four
years in the neighborhoods in which he worked, described his approach to
research in a more contemporary context in similar terms:

I spent hundreds of nights on the street and in crackhouses observing dealers

and addicts. I regularly tape-recorded their conversations and life histories.
Perhaps more important, I also visited their families, attending parties and
intimate reunions-from Thanksgiving dinners to New Year's Eve celebrations.
I interviewed, and in many cases befriended, the spouses, lovers, siblings,
mothers, grandmothers, and-when possible-the fathers and stepfathers of
the crack dealers featured in these pages. (1995:13)

Boellstorff (2010) created an avatar and participated fully in the mas-

sively multiplayer online role-playing game (MMORPG), Second Life. He
used many of the conventional methods associated with ethnographic
fieldwork (participant observation, interview, and focus groups) in his re-
search. As a participant observer he (his avatar) set up a household, made
friends, participated in group activities, and engaged in informal (as well
as more formal) interviewing. He attended weddings and parties; went
to dance clubs and bars, dropped in on friends and hung out. He bought
things, sold things, and even chatted with other participants on the meth-
odological issues of conducting research on a "virtual" society. Over the
course of several years he spent thousands of hours in Second Life. 5 His writ-
ing of field notes was facilitated by being able to archive the text of conver-
sations, although he wrote field note descriptions of his activities as well.
To differing extents, each of these ethnographers practiced the method
of participant observation by living in the community, taking part in usual
and unusual activities, "hanging out," and conversing (as compared with
interviewing), while consciously observing and, ultimately, recording what
they observed. The participating observer seeks out opportunities to spend
time with and carry out activities with members of communities in which
he or she is working. Because enculturation6 takes place (Schensul et al.
1999) at the same time (it is hard to avoid), we believe that a tacit under-
standing of the experience is also being developed. It is an understanding
 What Is Participant Observation? 5

that is not easily articulated or recorded, but that can be mobilized in sub-
sequent analysis.
In addition to one of the first explicit descriptions of participant obser-
vation, another of Malinowski's major contributions to anthropology was
the development of the functionalist theoretical perspective that assumed
"that the total field of data under the observation of the fieldworker must
somehow fit together and make sense" (Leach 1957:120). Sanjek (1990b)
argues that Malinowski's particular approach to fieldwork resulted in the
development of the functionalist theoretical approach. Holy ( 1984) argues
that his theoretical perspective predated his fieldwork and influenced his
method of collecting information. Wax (1971) suggests that Malinowski
needed to invent functionalism in order to justify both his method and
his promotion of that method following his return to academia after the
war. Whatever the actual succession of events and intellectual development
was, the method of participant observation was closely tied to functionalist
theory from its beginning.
To sum up, the key elements of the method of participant observation as
used by anthropologists usually involve the following.

• Living in the context for an extended period of time

• Learning and using local language and dialect
• Actively participating in a wide range of daily, routine, and extraor-
dinary activities with people who are full participants in that context
• Using everyday conversation as an interview technique
• Informally observing during leisure activities (hanging out)
• Recording observations in field notes (usually organized chronologi-
cally)
• Using both tacit and explicit information in analysis and writing

In the chapters that follow, we will have more to say about each one of
these.

HISTORY OF THE METHOD

While Malinowski may have been the first anthropologist to describe this
approach as a research method, he was not the first person or the first
anthropologist to practice it. Wax (1971) begins her discussion of the his-
tory of participant observation with the mention of Herodotus and other
ancient writers, and, for later times, points to amateur writers such as
Condrington, Callaway, and Bogoras, who spent extended time with the
people they wrote about, spoke the languages, and described everyday life
in the nineteenth century. While Atkinson and Hammersley (1994) see
6 Chapter 1

participant observation as primarily twentieth-century phenomenon, they

trace the philosophical and methodological roots of participant observa-
tion in the historicism of the Renaissance; and, in the nineteenth century,
to the development of hermeneutics as an approach to understanding hu-
mans in different settings and time periods.
The first anthropologist to write about using something akin to par-
ticipant observation appears to be Frank Hamilton Cushing. Cushing was
assigned by the Smithsonian Institution's Bureau of Ethnology to collect
information about Zuni Pueblo in the southwestern United States in 1879
(Hinsley 1983; Sanjek 1990b). His supervisor, Spencer Baird, expected him
to spend about three months in Zuni Pueblo but Cushing spent four and
one-half years. Sanjek reports that Cushing wrote Baird in 1879 saying:

My method must succeed. I live among the Indians, I eat their food, and sleep
in their houses .... On account of this, thank God, my notes will contain
much that those of all other explorers have failed to communicate. (Green
1978:136-37)

Cushing learned to speak Zuni and was inducted into a Zuni Pueblo and
then the Bow priesthood (Green 1978; Green et al. 1990; Sanjek 1990b).
In 1881, after two years of time with the Zuni, Cushing wrote to Baird say-
ing: "I would be willing to devote, say, a year or two more to it to study
for a period almost as great, from the inside, the life of the Zuni, as I have
from the outside." Cushing's insistence on an internal, holistic, and organic
understanding of Zuni life and culture born of long-term participation,
fluency in the language, and intuitive, even poetic, insight presage both
Malinowski's approach and more contemporary approaches to ethnogra-
phy. However, either because of Cushing's personality or his approach, he
produced few publications from his Zuni work relative to the length of time
he spent with the Zuni. His successor and others criticized him for having
become too involved with Zuni culture to write analytically and objectively
about it and he was accused of having "gone native" (Hinsley 1983). How-
ever, Cushing left Zuni, married and, with only a brief return to Zuni, spent
the rest of his career in New England. Eakins's well-known, romanticized,
and controversial portrait of Cushing, for which Cushing posed in Eakins's
studio after leaving Zuni, shows Cushing dressed in, and surrounded by,
Zuni artifacts and clothing assembled from several sources. The 1881-1882
photo taken by John Hilliers is titled Ethnologist Frank Hamilton Cushing dur-
ing his years as a member of Zuni Pueblo, wearing a Native American costume of
his own design. Both of these works suggest a more self-conscious adoption
of the trappings of Zuni culture than the kind of adoption of the culture
that "going native" might imply. Muller (2009) suggests that "the case of
Frank Cushing's Zuni-man identity ultimately sheds light on the means by
 What Is Participant Observation? 7

which the material culture of a subordinate group can, under unique cir-
cumstances, be used by an individual from a dominant culture to construct
an identity that provides him with unusual power and privileges." The case
of Frank Cushing does illustrate a persistent conflict in the method of par-
ticipant observation, that is the interplay of power in and identity for the
researcher who insets herself into the lives of the subjects of her research.
Another important figure who used participant observation was Beatrice
Potter Webb. In her 1926 memoir, My Apprenticeship, Webb described her
work as a researcher with Charles Booth in the 1880s. Although she was
the daughter of a nineteenth-century British industrialist and was raised in
privileged conditions, she had a life-long concern for the poor. In order
to learn more about the conditions of London's poor, she sought to gain
acceptance in London's working class neighborhoods and in 1883, with
the aid of her mother's nurse, she disguised her identity and visited poor
neighborhoods. Later, she took a job as a rent collector in public housing
in order to be able to spend her days in the buildings and offices in which
her subjects of research lived and sought services. In 1888 Webb took a
position as a seamstress in a London sweatshop.
Her approach contained many of the elements characteristic of partici-
pant observation. Although she may have spent her days among the poor,
she did not live in the neighborhoods in which she was working. She cer-
tainly observed, but the degree of participation was limited to that which
a rent collector would have had. Also, it is not clear that she systematically
recorded field notes, although the stories of individuals she encountered
do appear in her writings. A description of her findings is included in the
volume Problems of Modern Industry written with her husband, Sidney Webb
(Webb and Webb 1902).
During these years, Webb was much influenced by social reformer and
researcher Charles Booth. Booth developed a group of researchers who car-
ried out qualitative research within the context of statistical studies. Wax
(1971) argues that Booth may have been the first researcher to combine
the analysis of statistical data with information derived from participant
observation.
At about the same time that Malinowski was researching and writing his
book on the Trobriands, Margaret Mead may have independently arrived
at using a method quite similar to Malinowski's. Sanjek suggests that she
had not read Malinowski's book Argonauts of the Western Pacific when she
traveled to Samoa in 1925 to conduct her first research based on original
fieldwork among the Manu' a. In this project she focused on the lives of
adolescent girls, but also carried out a more general ethnographic study of
Manu'an social organization. Mead's description of her approach, in the
introduction of her ethnography of Manu'a, is similar in many ways to Ma-
linowski's and she speaks of "speech in action" as the heart of the method:
8 Chapter 1

My material comes not from half a dozen informants but from scores of
individuals. With the exception of two informants, all work was done in the
native language....Very little of it was therefore gathered in formal interviews
but was rather deviously extracted from the directed conversations of social
groups, or at formal receptions which the chiefs of a village afforded me on
account of my rank in the native social organization.... The concentration
upon a small community and detailed observations of daily life provided me
with a kind of field material rarely accessible to the field ethnographer. (Mead
1969 (1930]:5)

While a good deal of information was gathered through informal inter-

viewing and conversation, Mead also undertook to learn the skills required
of Manu'an girls.

A rather disproportionate amount of my knowledge about Samoan custom

and style came through my exposing myself to teaching-both in matters of
etiquette, dancing. recitation of fa'alupenga-the stylized courtesy phrases and
the making of artifacts .... I felt it was necessary to actually labor through the
specific tasks ... which a Samoan girl had to perform.
I combined the learner or novice's point of view with that of the ethnogra-
pher, a more explicit interpretation of the term "participant observation"-a term
that had not then been invented-than is usual, or even necessary, in any kind
of field work. (1969 (1930]:xix)

Mead's use of the method of participant observation is even more re-

markable in that it represented a dramatic break with the approach of
her mentor Franz Boas and other students he was training. They were still
focused on the collection of texts and historical materials to document the
disappearing native cultures in North America. Unlike her mentor, Mead
was focused on understanding contemporary, living cultures, rather than
disappearing cultures. Mead's use of the method of participant observation
was also important because, rather than being used to gain a comprehen-
sive and holistic description of the "totality" of a culture as Malinowski had
(Sanjek 1990a), her work was focused on a particular problem. By 1930,
then, participant observation had been employed both as an approach to a
holistic description of a culture and as an approach to a focused discussion
of a particular aspect of social life.
In a somewhat revisionist frame of mind, Stocking (1983) pointed out
that if we consider that the ethnographic method can be divided into three
main modes-participation, observation, and interrogation-Malinowski
relied more heavily on the second and third of these. It is clear from his
diaries (Malinowski 1967) that he was often left on the beach while his
informants went off on exchange expeditions. Also, Malinowski was clearly
not approaching the Trobrianders on the basis of social parity. Stocking
 What Is Participant Observation? 9

suggests that Malinowski's relationship with the Trobrianders was closer

to that of "petty lordship" because his informants apparently treated him
as one of high rank (Malinowski 1967; Stocking 1983). As Mead's descrip-
tion quoted above indicates, she also was accorded a privileged position in
Samoan society and much of her data were also derived from observation
and interrogation. 7
It is not clear when the actual term "participant observation" came into use
to describe the method. The earliest use we can find of "participant observa-
tion" is in a treatise on methods published in the early 1920s (Lindeman
1924). In this work, Lindeman attempted to standardize and make more "sci-
entific" the conduct of social research. He argued that observation is a form
of asking questions ("What is the individual doing?" (185)), and that asking
questions is a form of observation. He was also an early advocate of what has
become known as the emic/etic approach. 8 That is, he thought that the full
answer to the question what is going on comes both from the point of view
of the researcher and from the point of view of the participant. To this end
then, he advocated the use of "participant-observers" in social research about
groups of people. In using this term, however, Lindeman was referring to par-
ticipants who have been trained to be observers-" cooperating observers" in
his terminology (Lindeman 1924:191)-rather than investigators who have
adopted a participant role among a group of people. 9
By the mid-1920s, a number of papers and books reference Lindeman's
concept of participant-observer. However, references to the method as de-
scribed by Malinowski and Mead do not appear in the sociology literature
until the 1930s. A 1933list of research projects being conducted by sociolo-
gists notes a project being carried out by Robert Merton (Lundberg 1937).
By 1940, the term participant observation was in wide use in both anthro-
pology and sociology and was included in the titles of papers by Lohman
(1937) and Kluckhohn (1940).
The nature of the "communities" in which social research takes place,
and the purposes to which research is put, participant observation has
taken on new subjects and forms. As we note later in this volume, forms of
participant observation that retain some of the historically relevant aspects
of the method have been adapted to short-term research in aid of program
planning, implementation, and evaluation. Also, as the description of the
work carried out by Boellstorff illustrates, as the communities in which
research takes place have come to include virtual communities of many
types based on computer mediated communication (CMC), participant
observation in virtual communities has become commonplace (see Boell-
storff 2010; Constable 2003; Hine 2000, 2005). In later chapters we will
discuss the methodological and ethical issues that new forms of participant
observation raise for researchers and the readers of ethnography.
10 Chapter 1

WHY PARTICIPANT OBSERVATION IS IMPORTANT

Irrespective of the topic or principal methods used in doing social scientific

studies, we believe that the practice of participant observation provides
several advantages to research. First, it enhances the quality of the data
obtained during fieldwork. Second, it enhances the quality of the inter-
pretation of data, whether those data are collected through participant ob-
servation or by other methods. Participant observation is thus both a data
collection and an analytic tool. Third, it encourages the formulation of new
research questions and hypotheses grounded in on-the-scene observation.

ENHANCING THE QUALI'IY OF

DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS

What does attempting to participate in the events and lives around one
mean to data collection and analysis? Living, working, laughing, and crying
with the people that one is trying to understand provides a sense of the self
and the other that is not easily put into words. It is a tacit understanding
that informs the form of research, the specific techniques of data collection,
the recording of information, and the subsequent interpretation of materi-
als collected.
In studying Yolmo healing, for example, Robert Desjarlais ( 1992) trained
to become an apprentice Yolmo shaman. To do so, he found it necessary
to learn how to move and to experience his body as a Yolmo. He argues
that much of what ethnographers can learn regarding peoples' lives is tacit
and at the level of the body. He notes that as he gained cultural knowledge,
learned how to sip tea, caught the meaning of jokes, participated in the
practice of everyday life, these interactions shaped his "understanding of
local values, patterns of actions, ways of being, moving, feeling" (Desjarlais
1992:26). Desjarlais argues that his body incorporated the meanings and
gave a greater understanding of the images he experienced in trances as part
of his training as a shaman.

Through time, experiencing the body in this manner (including the residual,
intermingling effect it had on how I stepped through a village, climbed a hill,
or approached others) influenced my understanding of Yolmo experiences;
it hinted at new styles of behavior, ways of being and moving through space
that I did not previously have access to. By using the body in different ways,
I stumbled on (but never fully assimilated) practices distinct from my own.
Touching head to heart merged thinking and feeling (two acts unsegregated
in Yolmo society); a sense of the body as a vessel dynamically compact led
me to see Yolmo forms as vital plenums of organ and icon; and my loose
assemblage of bent knees and jointed bones contributed to the springboard
 What Is Participant Observation? 11

technology that gradually brought some force and ease to my shamanic "shak-
ing.• (Desjarlais 1992:27)

The process by which this might take place, while difficult to convey in
words, comes as the result of sharing the lives of people over a significant
amount of time. Part of what we know about life in rural Mexico (or other
places in which we have worked) is tacit. It is embodied in the way we walk,
move, and talk (imperfectly translated, of course, because everyone still
knows we are not Mexicans). We note that the timbre of our voices changes
in Spanish to approximate that of Temascalcingo voices, and that we are
much more animated in our speech and bodily gestures. Similarly, reflect-
ing on many years of field experience in many different places, Mead wrote:

Pictures taken in the field show the extent to which I adapted to the style of the
people with whom I was working. In photographs taken in Bali I look disas-
sociated, sitting among a people each of whom was separated from the others.
In Samoa the pictures show me dressed up, sitting and standing to display my
Samoan costumes and rank; in Manus I am alert and tense, half strangled by a
child clinging around my neck; in Arapesh I have become as soft and respon-
sive as the people themselves. (1970b:320)

This embodiment of tacit cultural form also informs interpretation of

meaning. In the most obvious ways, it allows us to understand nonverbal
communication, to anticipate and understand responses. It shapes the way
in which we interact with others and, in a more fundamental way, it shapes
the way we interpret what we observe.
Desjarlais is one of many ethnographers who have apprenticed them-
selves in the field in order to gain new perspectives. Coy (1989) argued
that the apprenticeship experience results in "ways of knowing" and "learn-
ing to see" that are distinct from less participatory approaches. He argues,
like Desjarlais, that these ways of knowing are connected to the physical
performance of the duties required in the role being examined. Singleton
(1989) notes that the experience of an apprentice of any sort is parallel to
that of the ethnographer because both learn through participation/obser-
vation. Tedlock argues that successful formal and informal apprenticeships
are ways of undergoing intensive enculturation ( 1991:71 ). The fieldworker
who does not attempt to experience the world of the observed through par-
ticipant observation will find it much harder to critically examine research
assumptions and beliefs, and themselves (see Clifford 1997:91). A part of
this process is coming not only to understand, intellectually, the perspec-
tive of participants in the context in which the researcher is working, but to
"feel" the point of view of the other (Grills 1998; Katz 1988).
The problems inherent in dealing with information that is tacit and em-
bodied rather than explicit and intellectualized should be obvious. How
12 Chapter 1

do we incorporate tacit knowledge in our analysis and writing? How do

we make the insights it affords explicit enough to approach it analytically?
How do we convey to others the type of insight we have (without sound-
ing like we have "gone native")? We will address this question in greater
detail in the discussion of analysis, interpretation, and writing in chapter 8.
The first step, however, is clearly to be aware at the start of fieldwork that
tacit knowledge is important to the process and to continually try to make
the tacit explicit in field notes and analytic notes. Desjarlais's apprentice-
ship provides a model, although we do not know if he anticipated this
before beginning his fieldwork, or discovered it during analysis. When the
experience is a formal apprenticeship, this may be an easier tact. However,
few of us see our fieldwork as a formal apprenticeship, even though part
of the fieldwork experience is enculturation-that is, an apprenticeship in
the "culture" and social life of the communities in which we are working.
We should also note that participant observation may, in some cases, be
the only viable approach to research. Researchers who have worked in "de-
viant subcultures" with such groups as drug dealers (Adler 1985; Bourgois
1995), bank robbers and gangsters (Katz 1988), gangs (Brymer 1998), and
poachers (Brymer 1991) have often argued that long-term participation in
the setting was the only possible way to gain enough of the trust of partici-
pants to carry out research. Furthermore, the use of more formal methods
might have "put off" informants.
Patricia Adler {1985) recounts the events that led to her research among
drug smugglers and dealers in a community in the Southwestern United
States. She and her husband, Peter Adler, were drawn into the social life of
drug smugglers and dealers by serendipity. They were simply being neigh-
borly. After a time, the economic basis of their new friends' and acquain-
tances' life styles became clear and the Adlers began an ethnographic study
of drug trafficking that lasted for a number of years. Adler discovered that
this was not a world populated by "criminal syndicates" but by "individu-
als and a small set of wheeler-dealers" she called "disorganized crime." It
was a social and economic scene into which the average person, or drug
researcher, would rarely or ever gain entrance. Adler argues that she would
have been unable to gain any information concerning this illicit subculture
if she had not gained the trust of her informants. In fact, as we will discuss
later when we discuss participant roles, Adler argues that she and her hus-
band could not have carried out the research without actively participating
in the consumption, if not the marketing, of the drugs involved.
In a similar vein, Philippe Bourgois {1995:1) writes: "I was forced into
crack against my will." By this he means that, like the Adlers, the choice of
a place to live placed him in a setting in which he had, in some measure,
to take part in the culture-if not the behaviors-of crack dealing and use.
The view of the barrio and the structure of crack dealing within it that
 What Is Participant Observation? 13

Bourgois presents could only have been made by someone who dedicated
a long-term commitment to the research and the community. Unlike the
Adlers, who conducted much of their study covertly, Bourgois made it very
clear he was carrying out research. He often openly audiotaped events and
conversations, and taped semistructured interviews. Even with the research
intent explicit, however, he was able to gain the trust and confidence of
participants in a highly illegal activity.
Brymer (1998) was able to use "long-term field research" and "long-term
personal relationships" (which, in his description, fit the definition of
participant observation) to gain insight into two very distinct subcultures
known for their wariness of outsiders. These were Mexican American gangs
in the Southwest, and hunters and poachers in North America. Brymer is
convinced that he has a much more nuanced view and insight into gangs
and gang members than other people have. This was possible because of
his knowledge of a particular dialect of Spanish called pachuco, which he
acquired growing up with Mexican cowboys working without documenta-
tion in the Southwestern United States; seven years of working in several
cities studying Mexican-American gangs; "hanging out" with gang mem-
bers; hauling them around in his 15-year-old station wagon; and his use
of informal interviewing techniques. Conventional wisdom saw the gangs
as large and territorially organized but Brymer writes "after two years in
the field, however, I had never seen a gang" (1998:146). In fact he found
that, in general, the young men with whom he was working were most
frequently part of small social groupings (palomillos) that were not particu-
larly violent and, on the street, were not considered gangs. After two years,
beginning to doubt his worth as a researcher, he happened upon an event
that revealed the potential violence of the larger "gang" grouping of which
the smaller units were a part. This event changed his entire view of gang
formation, activity, and its place in the neighborhood. Brymer argues that
only long-term field work and the confidence of the palomillo would have
given him the opportunity to observe the coalescing of the "gang" from
smaller groups under particular circumstances. The work with gangs points
out not only the importance of gaining trust, or rapport, under the circum-
stance of long-term participant observation and speaking the language, but
also the need for long-term field work to reveal the nature of rare events, in
this case preparation for an all-out intergang fight, which fortunately never
actually took place.
In his work with poachers, Brymer (1998, 1991) makes the point that,
in the absence of field research, much of our information concerning il-
licit behaviors and the social systems that surround them comes from the
"failed deviants" -the individuals who are apprehended and appear in
crime statistics, or, for example, in drug rehab and narcotics prisons. It was
only through long-term participant observation that Brymer was able to
Discovering Diverse Content Through
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‫باره‌سندن ورمك اوزره دری صل او لدفده ‪ ۸‬اک مد عنك فنهسی وار اسه ص‬
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‫و کل او زر نه الزم کلور و ڪيل ازکاه مواد د الک آوباز مگ رکه وکل مرا عاه‬
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‫قرار رمالدن مال اوزر نه س لو بده صحی نفسنه مضاف فقالر ايه اولوقت‬
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‫صل او ژد قده ‪ ۱‬ڪڪ ر ےل ص لیر صامن او لور اسه بأاخود ب ے فالن‬
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‫یج و بدل صح مدعی عاد او زر نه الزم " اولور‪ .‬واحکر بر اوالز ابه صم باطل‬
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‫ماده مصاح علره نی مال و علکی اولق سر طدر ناج عله ماخ ا س نەك مأل‬
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‫تسلیر حتاح‪ ۹ .‬اسه «علو م او سی سر ط دکلدر مْث ال و کیتبه دیکر وت تك‬
‫دنده ولنان ر خانه دن و اول ‪ 1‬دج انك ند بد ‪ ۵‬و اسان یادن رحق دعوی اندو‬
‫بده ایکیسی دج تعسسن مدعا اعکسزین دعوارندن‬
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‫‏ ‪ #‬کت کف عن مدع علیمه‪Et,‬‏ او اسه ر‪ e‬رمك واو دج رله دعوی اعك اوزره‬
‫دل ان واو دی سو‌مم‌هبت ( باب ثالث ) ( مصالح عنه حتنده اولوب ایی‬
‫فصلى مشقلدر ) ( فضل اون ) ‪ ۱‬صل عن االعبان حمنده‌در ( ‪ 4‬ماد ‪ ۲‬وافع‬
‫اواور ایسه یم س ندهدر بونده خیار عیب و خیار ریت وخیار شرط حاری او‬
‫لدییغی‏ جرد مصاح عنه و کر ل مصاح علبه عقار او لدیعی ا شفعه دعواسی‬
‫دج حاری او لور ‪ ۰‬ال ومام عنهك کلیسی یاخود بعضیی بالس تاق ضبط او‬
‫لنسه مدعی علیهه و بر مش او (دیعی دل صلی_لن ‪ ۱‬ر رمال هین دعو‬
‫اسندن عن رار صلم ‪ 7‬مال او زر ه‬
 ‫ا او لعدار یی لع کاس داخود ‪ ۰‬الو وا کر دل م تا باخود ‪HK ۱ ۱ ِ a‬‬
‫بعضیی باال سحتاة صیط او السه مدع مدع علیهدن مص ا عنهك اول معدار‬
‫‏ اسر مثال وه و راهن دعوی اندوت او دی اول خانه‪ N‬بی لعن کلسی باخود‬
‫‏ اول حاهییِ ‪ a,‬انك او لدیفتی اقرار هللا رار شو قدر غ‌وش بدل ورمك اوزره‬
‫علهه او لور ‪ ۰‬و و بده ر وحه اال ا ‪ ۱ ۵ ۶‬و مال دعوا سندن عن ا | منفعت اوزر‬
‫نه و افم اور حکهنده در ‪ ۰‬وده دج احاره احکامی حاری او اور ‪ ۱‬مثال ا ‪ 7‬راد‬
‫دعو اسندن شو ودر مدت مدعی علهك حانه سنده اوور دی اوژره م او اد باه‬
‫مقا مب ‪ ۵‬اول خاد او ودر مانت اله اسار ان او لور ‪ ۱۰۵۰‬ماده عن انکار باخود‬
‫> و ی تا اولق مدعی قیال و ‪3 ۳‬‬
 ‫‏ کل حالص اله وام‪Ad‬‏ »عاو صه و مدعی عاد‪NS‬‏ سسیت‪BI ۳‬‬
‫مناز ره در کک ناء على وا مصاخ عاہه اوالن عمار ده مدموا و بان ابدر اما‬
‫مصاخ عنه اوالن عقارده شفعه جریان اعز ‪ ۰‬ومصاخح عنهك کالسی باخو د‬
‫بعصبسی اال حقاق صرط او له مدعی دل ص اول مقداریی بعیی کسی ناخ‬
‫خود بعضیسی «دعی علیهد ردادر ‪ ۰‬و مس یی اله خصومته باشالر و دل‬
‫صحك کلیسی باخود بمعضیی باالسصحثاق ضط او له مد‌اول دار ده دعو‬
‫اسنه مه ‪ 7‬ال معا ‪ 4 ۳‬باه دعو ی ادو ده ‪ 7‬مقداری او زر بنه صم اور و دعو‬
‫‪o‬‏ دعو ی و اوا او او لور‪e‬‏ دعو اسندن ‪ ۳‬ار ش ل‪۶‬ی ا)‪e‬‬
 ‫‏ ‪ 3 ۱‬وس سمون) ی ات سول اس سور ‪ ۵‬ی اذیا انو وک‪VP 6 ۱‬‬
‫‏ ‪ ( <.‬فصل نی ) ) ددن ل‪۶‬ی اله حیدن وحعوق سایره‌دن صل او لق ‪ES۱ 1‬‬
‫‪ ۳ ۱‬ا ‪ ۱ ۵ ۳ ۱ ( ۳‬ماده ‪ ۱‬دشر کیندد دنه ‪ 1‬اله حغنات رعداری اوژر نه | ‪۵‬‬
‫‏ صل او لسه اله حغنك‪ OS‬اسر یور جه وجار رس یگ ی سے کک کک تا‬
‫‏ اک سس ‪ ۳ ۳‬رکه مل اوالن‪ oor‬بعضیستی استیفا ابله باقیستی اسقاط‬
‫عردرلو اله جفتی تأجیل وامهسال ‪ 6‬اعك او زره صم او اه کنندو تس حق هرا‬
‫اسعاظ اىر ‪ 4‬ماده ‪ ۴‬ر کعسه سکوکات خالضه اوالن الهحفی مسکوکات ‪۱۷‬‬
‫خالصه اولق حتتنی اسفاط ایلش ولور ‪ ۱ ۵۵ ۵ ۱‬ها فرط حق شرب و شفعه‬
‫وحق مرور کی حقوق دعو ارنده ورو ده صح اولق دی ‪1 | ۱‬‬
 ‫باب رایع ( ‪ ۳ 0‬احکام صل وابرا باننده او لوت‌انکی فصل ‪1 8‬‬
‫‏ اوالن مشائل باننده‌در ( ‪ ۰‬ماده‪ E‬مسقلدر ( ‪ ( " 1‬فصل اّول ) ) احکام صلی‬
‫‪ ۱‬لے تام اولدقده بالکز طرفیندن بری اندن دوئه‌من ‪ ۰‬ومدعی صله ږل صله‬
‫مالك اولور ‪ ۰‬وارتق‌دعواده حق قاالزءومدعی علیه دی دل صحی اندن اسر‬
‫داد ‪ 8‬من || ‪ ۱۵۵۷‬ماده ‪ 5‬طرفیادن ترش وت اولسه وارثری دج انك ما ‪#‬ح‬
‫ايدەم ‪ ۸‬ماده صم اکر مماوضه حکننده اده طرفین ای کندو ر صالربله ف و‬
‫اقاله اده اورار ‪ ۰‬وا ڪر معاو صد معتاسنه اولیویده بعض حةوقك اسفاطپی‬
‫‪ Go: aaa Gagan ager (Caner (ETD TSS TAET TESST ISN 8‬متضن اوه‬
‫اصال نقض وی کج اوالز ‪ )۵۱( ۰‬مادهه با ‪ ۱9۰۹‬ماد ‪ 1‬یەن الص اون دل و‪-‬‬
‫‪+‬‏ کی وت تسه رس صح ‪os۷ ۱‬‏ ‪ 3‬نسح ( ‪ x1‬رعت او زره عهسد صم ہے‬
‫‪‎۳۹۹‬تم ‪ey MOOT Ew . 2‬‬
 ‫بعصضیسی تاف او لدیچی صو ر ده اضر لعن | له ممعبن ‪۱ | 4 ۱‬‬
‫کیسیی باخود واس ی ی مدعی عا هدن آدس مر ون ‪ ۰‬تکار ي راوه فالن‬
‫اله ‪-‬دعوی و لزاع بوقدر وفالنده حه او لندنده مدعی حق خصومتتی اسشاط‬
‫االش او اور ‪٠‬‏ وارلق مد یی علبه الف او لندماژ ‪ ۰‬ماده دل مح هنوز مدعی به‬
‫‏ او‪ Ep a‬ا ام او هدن کلسی اخود او الن شرلردن السه اال« صقاق صہط اوھ‬
‫لور ا‪۶‬ی عن او وار واقع اوالن صر مد ی ا غاچ باخود عن س ڪڪوت وافع‬
‫اوالن ده مدای دعواسنه ر جوع اپار ‪ )۱6۶۸( ۰‬و ( ‪ )۱۵3۰‬ماده‌اره باق ‪ ۰‬و‬
‫احکر ندل صم دن ایسه عى شو در ‪۶‬روش کی دعیین اله متعین او لیان‬
‫شلردن اله صلی خلل و تلف اوالن مقد ار مثلى مدعی عاہ طر فندن مد تی‬
‫‪ = rp‬ره ورلك الزم کاور | ( فصل انی ) | هکم رادار ارالن تا ‪ ۱ ۱۳ ۰‬ماده ت‬
‫خو ‪ 6‬یس ‪# = ۱۳۲‬‬
 ‫وودر وفالں اله اون دعوامدن فار ع او (دم باخود و از رم و ور رده ا‬
‫ادى و فال ندن اما ج الدم فة ان ارا اعش او اور ‪ ۱ ۰‬ا ‪ ۳9‬دیکر ری ر حعندن ‪۱‬‬
‫را اتدکده اول حق مت لوار ‪ ۴‬ارو ان غوئ اده من ([‪ )۵۱‬ماده به اق ‪ ۳ :‬ماده‬
‫‏ کد ‪ 5‬ارا اند کده ابرادن معدم ‪ 5‬و‪ ۳۳ ek‬اراتك مابعد نه سول اوال ز بعنی ا‬
‫وق سافظط اولور » وة ابرادن صکرد‪ ]:‬حادث اوالن حن دعوی اده بلور ‪ ۷ ۵‬تزا‬
‫اه کک در ی ر خسو صه متعلق دعو ادن ارا اشه ابر اء خاص او لوب بعده او‬
‫‏ اوالز اما دشعه خصو صه متعلق حت‪ St‬ل حصو صد متعاق دعواسی ‪۱‬‬
‫دعوی ‪ ۱‬آنده اور مثال که رنه دعو اسندن برا ایاسه ارتق ود اب یه باه‬
‫‪‎‬مو | ‪ eg 10 ¬ 8 a Ob‬متعلقی ‪ 9+‬ی اسقاع‪ .‬و‬
 ‫‪ POLISI‬وت ریس سی؟ (یت | ‪‎oA‬ا بر ‪‎Ey‬ر ‪۱ E aS ۱ 7 E ۲ 3‬‬
‫‏ ر ‪ ۵ ۳+‬ماده آل برکیسه فال نی کافة دعاو بدن بری قبلدم باخسود‪ISSO‬‬
‫انده‪ 9 .‬اصال حتم پوفدر دیسه ایراء مام اولوب ارتق اپرادن ‪ | :‬مقدم اوالن رخ‬
‫‪ ۳‬حق دعوی اده‌من ‪ ۰‬حت کفالتدن طوالیی رحق دعوی اه “عو ع او الز ||‬
‫شو له که اول ارادن مقدم سن فالن کسنه به کفیل ‪ ۲‬او لدل دو دعوی اسه‬
‫اسقاع اولغدیفی کی آ خر پرشضصدن سن بے ابرا اش اولدیغ کیسهه‬
‫‪ ٩٩۲‬‏( مادهه ‪8‬ا ‪ )1 2 | 1 4 ۱‬قبل‌االبرا ‪ ۱‬کفیل اولشیدل دو دعوی اده من ‪۰‬‬
‫‏ مال صا وب و نی ثبص اندو بده بعك متعلق ‪ 1‬کافه دماو‪ E‬باق ‪ ۱‬ماده ‪1 ۱‬‬
‫دن مشنرییی ارا اتدیکی‌کی مشڑری دی ‪ ۰‬ای جرج فك ره معلق کافه دا دا‬
‫ابر ا اش و و و حهله تانر بده یرل تعاطی ادلش ایکن م باالخصقاقی او لدیعی‬
‫‏‪ES‬‏ ماده نه باق | ‪ ۷‬ماده و ‪ ۱ ۳‬ارا اولنان)‪ » (or‬تمن بابعدن اسر داد ایلر‬
‫معان و معذو م اولق ال زمدر ‪ ۱‬ناء علیه بر که جله مدیونلرعی ابرا اندم باخود‬
‫مص ی و ی و ‪ x‬هم‬
 ‫ده هم وق د اعد اراسی ا او الز ی اما فالن محله اهالیسی ارا ‪1‬‬
‫اتدم دوب اول عله اهالیسی دج معین ودود کسادن حې ارت اس هلر ارا‬
‫‏ ‪ 1‬ماد ارا قبوله توقف از ‪ ۰‬فقط رد اله مردود اولور شوله که"‪A‬کے او لور ‪6‬‬
‫رکسنه دیکر کسنه‌ی ارا اندکده اول کسنةنك وبول رط دکادر ‪ ۰‬فوط او ده ابر‬
‫ف وبول اک قا لماز لکن ارای فبول اتد کدن صدره رد اشته ارا مر دود او الز ور‬
‫ده حاهلل تحسال علبهی باخود اله‌حقلو کفیلی ارا ادو بده شاال باخود تفیل‬
‫ای رداشه ارام دود اوالز ‪ ۹‬ماده وفات ادن کسنه‌یی دندن ارا اعك کج او اور ‪۰‬‬
‫‏ ‪ [5 ۰‬ی ‪ a ae۳‬و وی ب و سس ‪ TS TST RST aa ga‬ماده بور سیگ‬
 ‫‏ ام و امامت‪ E‬چ اه اد ‪‎a‬و ناود او تن اما و ار ی اوالن ‪o E STS ۰ O‬‬
‫‪ ۳‬مت لد ‪ 2‬تمر او اور ‪ ۱ ۷۱‬ماده برکه‌سی مستفرق دون اوالن کسنه سض‬
‫‏ اليك تلم ا‪FF‬‏ و افد اوالز‪ E‬موده کندی مد بو نلر ندن بربی دسدن ارا | باسك‬
‫اچد در و ا جد خاو صیِ ا ج با متا‬
‫ی ‪ 1 3 ۹ 7 ۷ °‬ری دد ام ‪3 ۸‬‬
‫‪The text on this page is estimated to be only 48.52%‬‬
‫‪accurate‬‬

‫‏ ‪oY2 ۱‬‏ ‪ ۳‬ی‪ OT ۷ 2 4 ۲‬جز ‪ 00 2 5 ۹-۳‬بط ‪: ۳۹ 3 7 : ۱ 3 ۳ 71‬‬

‫‏ ‪Ee RES۱‬‏ کے س کے چ صورت خط هاون ‪ ۱ 4‬و و عل‌او ل‪ SEN‬ی ‪ 1‬مر ‪3 9‬‬
‫اثرار یندم اور [ بات اول ) ‪ ) ۱‬افرارله شم ااطی بانده‌در ‪ ۲ ۱ 4‬ماده افرار ‪ ۰‬اه‬
‫دون کسنه‌نك کر ال حقی ‪ 1‬ا مد( کی و ‪ 8‬خرو ر ی او ل کسه به مقر و اول‬
‫‏ ماده مقرل عاقل بالغ اولسی ش‌طدر‪ e‬كته ‪ 4‬مقر له واول حقه معر نه د لو ر‬
‫‏ ر ھا اذو ‪ 2‬اوالن حصو صلر ده باخ ال ع‪n‬‏ ‪ 3‬ناء عا به صغير و صغیره و حونو نو‬
‫‏ جک کے مکو کے ور یک ام ‪a۳‬‏ ماده رلك عاقل اولسی شرط ط دکلدز‪ov‬‬
‫رادی گنه دکادر ‪ ۰‬و ونر علیهنه ولیو وصیر نك ‪ 4 1 >` BH ۱‬ییا ای هار ‪1 1‬‬
‫‪Rh‬‏ ‪ 7‬لہ میت ‪8 79 5 ۹۹۹‬ء ‪ ۲ ۳ 1‬م‪XN9‬‏ > وه ومد‪ ۳1 hE‬قراری دی ا ‪۱‬‬
 ‫‏ اولور‪ e‬ناء علید بر کیسه بر صعبر عبر هیر ا ڪون مال اة زار اه‬
‫‏ ‪ ۰ ۱‬ياء‪ ES‬واول مال و رمسی الزم کلور ‪۹ ٥‬‏ ماده ‪ ۱‬افرارده مرل ر ضاسی‬
‫ماده به باق بید ‪( 6۱۲۳۰‬‏ ‪(۱ :‬لے جروا کراه اه و اقح اوالن اور ار تیم او از ‪۰٦‬‬
‫کاب خر کی ود ردحی فصار نه ‪ ۱‎EF ۱ 7‬ماده ‪ ۱ ۱ 6 3‬وي او الی شر طدر‬
‫ر ‪ +‬ل ) باق ‪ ۷۱ ۷۷‬ماده ظاهر حاالث اقراری تکذیب اشاسی شرطدر‪ ۰ .‬ناء‬
‫‏ ‪| oVA۱‬‏ و دعتبر او‪E‬‏ باو ع ی بط ده اکر بال ‪ ¥‬او لدم دق أ رار ابا‪ E‬علره حړه‬
‫ماده ‪ ۰‬یت حهالت ت فا حشه اله حهول اوال‌سی شم طدر ‪ ۵‬اما حهالت بر‬
‫اوراز ده مانم اوالز ‪ 8‬ادمکدر دو اقرار ااه باخود ومال فالن بلده | اهالیسندن‬
‫معدود او اسه اول کیسه‌نك افراری ) رنکدر دوافرار ایدو ده اول بلده اهالیبی‬
‫کھا ‪ ۱‬مار رک بدنده‌کی ملل معنه اشارت اله و مال ر | ‪ REE ۱ ۱‬یم اواز اما‬
‫‪‎‬ور ‪‎obs SI ٥ 1 ۱ ۲‬‏ و ‪ 0 ۰۸ ۵ ۷۰۰ ۹‬ی‪SETA‬‬
 ‫‏ ‪ 2-7‬سس بر سس سس سس‪aE | 0۳4‬‏‪ OT RR OTR,‬ی ‪5 5 ۹‬‬
‫‏ بدن رتکذر ده باخود فالن له ‪ [ 0‬اهالیسندن ر تکدر د‪ * AE EE‬مس ‪ ۶‬و مال‬
‫و رده او ل له اهالیسی دوم مرو( ‪ ۱ 7‬سو ای شین رگد دد نکی صو رده ‪1‬‬
‫زاو ایکی کی سای آهراره ا ‪ ۱‬لورز و د دز اول ماله االش ال عات اولور ‪ 71۰‬ار‬
‫اختالف ارو انسةه هل رل مین اعسی‌طلب اده‌بلورار ومقر ایکسنك عینندن د‬
‫یکول ادرسته اول مال کذالت اول ایک کد بدتدره مر تاه لور ها و ‪ 7‬سل ت‬
‫ادرسه اول‌مال مستقلر مینندن‌نکو ل اتد یکی حک دینك ‪ 1‬او اور او دج من‬
‫ادرسه هور انار دعواسندن کی و متا( کت ری او لوب هر ن او الن ‪ 5‬کندی‬
‫بك بده قالور ریت چم ( باب ای ) ‪ ۱ ۹‬ماده ‪ 2‬دعاو هی اور از ‪ 2‬لدی کی‬
‫حهولی افرار دج ‪ ۱‬رر ف ‪ ( 0 ۱ ۱‬او ‪ 0‬مب ‪ ۹۷‬ی رما رم کے ‪ ۲‬همست از‬
‫‏ اال یسه ومال ‪ef BE,۱ 2‬‏ تسه ‪ ,‬او اس‪ 4‬افراری ور‪Calm‬‬
 ‫او مان عمو دده هور مه حهول او ای ار ار له صه نز و ماذعدر نهک‬
‫‏ یل امانیی واردر اخود ‪ 1‬ی ن مت ال دصرب یه ‪ ۱‬د‪ TEED‬ج بر کیسه ده‬
‫‏ حر او لور اما تن فالن کسنه به برشی‪ E‬هس و و بين اقك ‪‎1‬سے ‪ ۰ 8‬م‬
‫‏ برشی استجار ادم دیس يم اوالز واول صاندينك و با اسلجار‪ a‬صاندم باخود‬
‫‏ او غاز ‪ ۱۸۰‬تاو فا دود مشاه" عفر میت الک ‪ E7 ۱‬اد یکاث در دو بان اعك اوزر‬
‫‏ قالبوت رد اعدیکی معدار ده‪ E‬مقدارینی رد اداسه احق اول مقدارده اقرارا‬
‫‏ ا ابەد اختالف اسه ار و اختلر‪ E‬افراری ی او لور ‪ 3‬ماده ر اله ده در له مه‬
‫قاری آفر ار له صعن‪.‬ه مان او الز ی بر کسه‬
 ‫تا( ی بدی بوز غرو شه صم اولهل دو صنمد طالب آو اسه وة ‪EN‬‬
‫‏ ‪ 2‬ا ار در اپ ر ‪ 7‬ی ا ‪ a+‬نك دک مال دیکر کسنه‌نك سا به اا ساره ‪ 9 :‬اول‬
‫‏ سس سب سور راز انك بر آخدلر فاری‪ 3_2 e E‬اب ‪ :‬ت ارا ‪ ۱ ‌2 ۳۹ 8‬ی‬
‫اقرار صعتیر مانم ] ا ‪ ۱9۸۲‬ماده ‪ :‬و ر مالدن مر طالب اوق اول ما افرار دمكا‬
‫اولور "| اما رمالك دعواسندن ج طالب اواسق اول مالیً إ ا و از ‪ 7‬شو له که ر‬
‫‏ زا یك غ‌وش االجق حتم اولغله ویر دیدکده او ا مطلوب‪ .‬اوالن بك‪ E‬کے و‬
‫ضوشى افرار اعش اولور ‪ ۰‬اما شو یك وش دعواسندن صلم ریا مناز عه اون‬
‫ص طالت او له ‪ ۳‬ص وری اقرآر ‪٠‬‏ اش او الز ‪ ۱2۸۳‬ماده و ا ابو دوه او لهرق ‪.‬و‬
‫و دی و باخود اول کک ‪١‬ک‏ ‪ ۲ 2‬و مالی وددعه اولەرق ال دو بده انك دج قول‬
‫هب‬
 ‫فاده شمرطه تعلیق اولنان افرار باطلدن ‪ ۰‬فعط ‪0۳۷ ۱ EERE ۱5۸‬‬
‫‏ مب‪ ae‬عرف ناسده امد حاول احله صاخ اوالن ‪ ۳‬ز مانه تعلرق او لور اوتنك ‪6‬‬
‫| دنل موحلی اور اره بچل او الور | وا بر کید رگ که به ن فالن عله و از رم‬
‫اخود ‪ 1 1‬الن ده در عهده ادرسم سکا شو قدر ضوش دعدر دە اشیو افراری‬
‫باطل او اوت ميلع من ور تمه سى الزم کاز ‪. ۰‬اما فالن اك اشتداسی اود روز‬
‫کا ب کاو رده مک شو قدر غ‌وش دعدر دسه دن و اه راره بچل او ( ‪:‬ور و او لو‬
‫وتك حاو ا ل ملع من نورل اى الزم کاور ‪ )4۰( ۱‬ماده به باق ‪ ۱‬ی دج تصد دق‬
‫‏‪ EES‬اند کد خصکر ‪ ۵‬بل اال فر از و االسلم مرو فات ‪ 2 ۳۹‬وو > شارعە سی‬
‫هه او رار و او ‪ ۱‬ا معر ت ادرو اسو افر ارا جن مانم اوالز ‪ ۱۸۹‬ماده دلسزل‬
‫آشارت معهوده‌سله افراری معتر در ‪ ۰‬اما ناطق اوالن کسثه‌نك امار له اوالن‬
‫‏ ند بده او الن‪ E‬افراری معتبر دکندر ‪ ۱5۸۵ ۴‬ا مشاعی افرار و جي له که‬
‫ف ‪‎۱‬ی ‪ | E HES‬رمالك عمار له مرف و‬
 ‫اول حق افرار لکش او الز ‪۳۵‬ج یمه یات الیش | ‪ ۱‬ا احکای ‪۳۳9‬‬
‫‪ 1 2‬خر ‪ ( 2‬ماننده اولوت او جح فصل مشعلدر ( ‪ ۱ | 1‬احکام عو مه باننده ‪3‬‬
‫‏ شه ‪e1‬‏ حه ‪-‬درق ان سا أ گم‪A‬‏ و کد ی افراربه الز ام‪ ۱ 2 ۷ E‬ا کش ماده‬
‫لدی اا ی اول که وی فال ناک ما ابدی ‪ 5‬صاندی دعس او لدی سا ار ‪ ۵‬او‬
‫کیاد دع و اس ا سات و دی حکم اشد ده ینمی ی بالعه رجو ‪ 2‬اله یی ان ار‬
‫داد ایر واکرحه حاں عا کمده اول شی باتعك مالی اد وکی‪:‬افرارانر مستمك‬
‫دعو استی انحاز ی اس ده تسا ك حکمتله تکذیت اور ند می ماه بر کسه‬
‫‪ : 4# 17 1 ۱‬و ‪ِ ۱ ۲ ۰‬ء ‪ )| 1 1 1 8‬ناطق اوالن که ه فالنك سنده شو قدر‬
 ‫‏ زر دوو وق عبادده ‪ ۱‬و دو ‪ 27‬او الز مو له که‪ E‬ادو کندن اقر ‪ ۱‬ر نك‬
‫‏ ادم ^ ‪C2 PAE۱‬‏ وال ن کسنه ده شو ودر یوش دیم ‪ 0‬و ار در ‪ ۳‬صکر ‪ ۵‬أ‪E‬‬
‫اعتمار او یوت او رار له الز ام او | ور ‪ ٩ ۱ ۳‬بر كمس و قوعبوالن اقر ار نده‬
‫کاذت او دی ادعا | تھ مذال بر کیمسد فلر ندن شو ودر یوش استعر ص | تدم‬
‫و مقرله انك کاذب دکل ادو کنه حلیف اولنور ‪ ¥ 4 ۰ 2 € ۰ ۴ ۰ ۳۹ ۱‬دو روطعه‬
‫مهد و رد دن صمدر ه و اوما او ودر صو س استةراض اتدم دو تن ‪ 2‬و و دم‬
‫الدج ده ه‪.‬و ز مبلغ من وری ادن ادم د ىه ا نك و افرار نده کاذبت او لدیفند و‬
‫در له عاف ‪ 1‬و لور ‪ °10۹‬ماده چ بر کیمسد دیگر کسنه به د هر و سو ودر‬
‫‏ دحی اول اله حق پم دکلدر‪ et‬وش اال حعك ) واردر دو افر ار اشد کده اول‬
‫‪ Sarasa‬فالن *عصکدر دو اه رار و او خص دی ار ی اناسة او الی نی بر ال ‪0 3‬‬
‫‪HF rae ¥ ase N E 00‬‬
 ‫اک لکن‌حق فبذی اولکی مقر لهڭ او لور تیه مقرله انی مد وندن‬
‫معاالبه اناسه | ادا اعك اوزره ‪ ۱‬مد بو بد کت او لماز ‪ .‬سو قد رکه مد ون‬
‫‏ | اندر سه دمیی ری ‪ ۱‬و‪ RA‬کندیرضاسرژه اول د دے ین ایکصی ‪ ۳۹‬رلهه‬
‫وت اولی و مر له أ کڪ رار مد بو ندن مط اله ادەن ( فصل نی ) ‪ ۱‬فی »لت و‬
‫نام مستعار باننده‌در ( ‪ ۱‬ماده مقر کر افرارنده مقر ى نفسنه مطاف فیالرسه‬
‫‪٠‬‏ ای ھەر هد هرد و اولوت تسام و بض او رگد تمام اوالز وا کر نفسنه مضاف‬
‫‏ ال که‪E‬‏ ا‪ E‬فبالزسه مقربه قبل اال رار م هو ترلهك مکی اولدیغی ‪2‬‬
‫ندمده‌اوالن ‪ ۵‬امو ال و اشیام والن ‪ 2‬ار بم ‪ 2‬علز ود م و قدر د ىب‪ 4‬او ل وفت‬
‫امو‪‎‬الس اوادی ‪O TEK 3 2‬‏ امو ار نب اول کسنه به هه‪ E‬بك نله مو حو د او‬
‫‏ و ب اصال ا ی ا‪ E‬ال و ایا‬
 ‫ر دسبه او[ و الر س او لددعی او ادن ‪ 0‬ده عات اولنان دد ‪1 ۳1/‬‬
‫انکدر دیالن كاف اموال واشیایی اول کسنه نه افراز هللا فی مال اعش اولور‬
‫فقط و ز ار ارندن ه بعض اشیابه ماالت او لسه اشیو اد رادی | اول اشبانه‬
‫‪‎res. sas‬‏ شو دم اند ه او الن جیع اموال و اسیام والن ‪ )۳‬ور‪ E‬شامل اوالز‬
‫کبیا او علکدر نم عالقه م بوقدر دیسه اولوقت دکان هت دور اڪنده مو حو د‬
‫او تن کو امو ال واشیاسی اول م‪ 8‬حر بو اوغلنه هبه اعش او لوب ‪ ۳‬الزم‬
‫کاور وا کر شو دکام احنده اوالن جیم اموال و اشیام فالن کہیر او علکدر بنم‬
‫عالقه‌م وقدر دیسه اولوقت‪.‬د کان مذ گور اند ه موجود او الن جیع امو ال‬
‫واشیایی او ل | بول* او غلنه اقرار اله نی ملك اش او لور فقط اندن صکره‬
‫اول دکاه بعض اشیافویسه وافراری او الشیابه شامل اوالز ‪ ۱‬و کذالث ود‬
‫فالن برده‌ی دکام زو‬
 ‫ماده ‪ ۴‬بر کته ناسند بدنده اوالن بر جلك ‪۱ ۰ ۱ CIA é e 1 04۲ ۱‬‬
‫‏ بمم عارقەم وودر و سند ده حرو ارج‪ FE AS,‬والن ‪ ean 0‬دکان حفنده و دکان‬
‫‏‪ ES‬مدد از در دوب باخود باد ؟ ردن صاون الدیعی ‪ 9‬د ون ‪ ۳‬عون ود کی فالن‬
‫ا ڪون المشدم من اولهرق و دار اه دج انك مالحا وستندنده ا ەسە تعار‬
‫اوله‌رق ورد او غشدر د اك اول دکاں نفس اال عم ده اول کسنه‌نك‌ملکی او‬
‫لدیفی او راز اش اولوز ‪ ۳ 1‬ماده ‪ ۱ ۱‬نزن کے ناسید فالن کسنه دمتنده اوالن‬
‫احق ھرتقدر سندده نے ناغه حرر اسه دہ میلغ م‌ ور ‪ ENE GR‬سو ودر وش‬
‫فان تاد رده امعم مستعار در داسه میلغ من لو ‪ ۱‬نفس اال مر ده‌اول کجنه نك‬
 ‫‏ ‪ 3‬ا اة | مم ضءو ت لول‪ ESE‬تفر اه ) فصل تالث ( ‪‎E, 1‬هم ‪Qa‬‬
‫خسته لکد رکه کنیا | نده‌او لوم ټورةوسی او لدیغی حالده خسته ذ کوردن‬
‫ابسه خاله‌سی خارحنده | واناندن اسه خاهسی داخلنده اوالن فصا کو‬
‫رمکدن عاجز اولوت وحال اوزره رسنه مرور اعدن وفات ‪ 1‬ابا فراش اولسون‬
‫وکر اولسون وا کر مینك م‌ضی عتد او لوده داعا برحال اوزره بر سدد ‪ 3‬ادسد‬
‫‏ اولوت تصمرفاتی ات‪ ET 12 E‬اول مم دصرك م ھی هون و حالن عبر او ادقه‬
‫کر کے مض موت بل او ‪Gs‬‏ ای)‪(Rg sm‬‏ سح‪xar‬‏ سس[ لس مسصيل‪r ۱‬‬
‫النور ‪ ۱ 4‬اده رتسم ‪ «20‬ححح " تصر‌فاتی کسدر | ‪ ۴۳‬ف دی رن ها عبر او او‬
‫نده بر س‪ 4:‬کمددن ‪ ۱‬ور او لتان آدمك و ادود زو چندن بشه واری ‪ 23‬ایال قاد‬
‫‪(‎‬مه ‪‎(GE E a‬نا مص «و اد ‪ ۵‬افزارزی روع و صت او له‌رق معتبر او لور ‪ ۱ ۱‬تاه‬
‫‪24‬‬
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