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ST ANTONY’S SERIES

Norms, Storytelling
and International
Institutions in China
The Imperative to Narrate

Xiaoyu Lu
St Antony’s Series

Series Editors
Dan Healey
St Antony’s College
University of Oxford
Oxford, UK

Leigh Payne
St Antony’s College
University of Oxford
Oxford, UK
The St Antony’s Series publishes studies of international affairs of contem-
porary interest to the scholarly community and a general yet informed
readership. Contributors share a connection with St Antony’s College, a
world-renowned centre at the University of Oxford for research and teach-
ing on global and regional issues. The series covers all parts of the world
through both single-author monographs and edited volumes, and its titles
come from a range of disciplines, including political science, history, and
sociology. Over more than forty years, this partnership between St
Antony’s College and Palgrave Macmillan has produced about 400 publi-
cations. This series is indexed by Scopus.

More information about this series at

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 Xiaoyu Lu

Norms, Storytelling
and International
Institutions in China
The Imperative to Narrate
Xiaoyu Lu
School of International Studies
Peking University
Beijing, China

ISSN 2633-5964     ISSN 2633-5972 (electronic)

St Antony’s Series
ISBN 978-3-030-56706-4    ISBN 978-3-030-56707-1 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-56707-1

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 To my parents
And Anna and Andrew
 Acknowledgements

As an expansion of my doctoral research, this book is indebted to the

Department of Politics and International Relations and St Antony’s
College at University of Oxford. My supervisor Patricia Thornton has
shown great patience and understanding throughout my master’s and
doctoral years. The earlier drafts have benefited tremendously from the
reviews of Rosemary Foot, Miriam Driessen, Rana Mitter and Emma
Mawdsley, support from the Dahrendorf Programme with Timothy
Garton Ash and the Project on UN Governance and Reform with Sam
Daws. The DPhil peer networks including Muzhi Zhou, Will Allen,
Sharinee Jagtiani, Maryhen Jimenez Morales, Endrit Shabani, Yang Yi,
Flair Donglai Shi and Jodie Yuzhou Sun and the Winchester Writing Club
have supported me throughout the most difficult times. I deeply appreci-
ate the mentorship from Amy King and Evelyn Goh at the Coral Bell
School of Asia Pacific Affairs at the Australian National University. The
Strategic and Defence Studies Centre and Australian Research Council
funding (DE170101282) have generously supported my postdoctoral
research fellowship and my book revision during the outbreak of Covid-19
and the lockdown in Wuhan.
Needless to say, my research would not be possible without the open-
ness of the UNDP office, and here I especially thank the UN resident
coordinator Nicholas Rosellini, UN country director Agi Veres, deputy
country director Patrick Haverman and team leaders including Gu Qing,
Carsten Germer, Niels Vestergaard and Madam Ge. Colleagues including
Andrea Pastorelli, Wu Di, James Yang, Liping Li, Haoran Zheng, Wang
Rui, Shuwen Zhou, Weizhu Sun, Ruoqi Zhu, Zeng Meng and Li Ming

vii
viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

have shown me a great level of professionalism and the most welcoming

atmosphere. Also, I will never forget the days and nights living in the
Hutong district in Beijing, in companion with Lao Qu, Eva Ren and
Donnie Woo. They have made my days in Beijing memorable. I specially
thank Yao Hui, a decade-long friend, who has always been the first to
review my non-academic writings and the most encouraging figure
throughout the years. There are numerous civil society organisations and
governmental offices that I have worked with, and individuals who have
been informative and candid in our conversations, though I will not name
them here due to confidentiality and anonymity. This research received
funding and grants from the China Scholarship Council, Vice-Chancellor’s
Fund, BA International Development Award, Carr and Stahl Fund,
Gilbert Murray UN Study Award.
Lastly, I must thank my family for their unyielding support, mixed with
occasional (and quite reasonable) concerns over the job prospects of a
degree in politics. Without them, none of these will ever be possible. More
and more have I realised the influence of my parents. My wife Anna
Yates-Lu, who graduated her PhD early while pregnant, has been an aca-
demic model of grit and integrity. It is difficult to imagine the completion
of this project without her support. Our son Andrew has adapted to his
parents’ frequent travels and field trips since birth and cured my insom-
nia—after waking up three or four times every night for a year, I can
almost fall asleep at any time of the day. Parenting has been another impor-
tant learning subject during this research project. This book, to some
degree, is dedicated to all these people and the days spent together.
 Contents

1 Introduction  1

2 Neither Local nor Global 31

3 Entering the UNDP 55

4 Norm Metamorphosis 81

5 Personalising Human Rights105

6 Learning Rule of Law137

7 When the Local Returns167

8 Conclusion: The Liminal Raconteur203

Bibliography215

Index243

ix
 Abbreviations

ACCA21 Administrative Centre for China’s Agenda 21

BRI Belt and Road Initiative
CAITEC Chinese Academy of International Trade and Economic
Cooperation
CAT Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or
Degrading Treatment or Punishment
CBD China Development Bank
CCIEE China Centre for International Economic Exchange
CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination
Against Women
CICETE China International Centre for Economic and Technical Exchanges
CIIL Chinese Initiative on International Law
CPD Country Programme Document
CRPD Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities
CSOs Civil Society Organisations
DAC Development Assistance Cooperation
EPTA Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance
GED Governance for Equitable Development
IPRCC International Poverty Reduction Centre in China
LGBT Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender
MAPS Mainstreaming, Acceleration, Policy Support
MDGs Millennium Development Goals
MOST Ministry of Science and Technology
NDRC National Development and Reform Commission
NDRC State Forestry Agency and National Development and Reform
Commission
NPC National People’s Congress

xi
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xii ABBREVIATIONS

OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development

PEG Poverty, Equity and Governance
PFLAG Parents, Families and Friends of Lesbians and Gays
R2P Responsibility to Protect
RCO Resident Coordinator Office
RETL Re-education Through Labour System
ROAR Results-Oriented Annual Report
RR Resident Representative
SDGs Sustainable Development Goals
SOGIE Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity and Expression
SPC Supreme People’s Court
SSC South-South Cooperation
TRAC Target for Resource Assignment from the Core
UNCT United Nations Country Team
UNDAF United Nations Development Assistance Framework
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
UNICEF United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund
UPR Universal Periodic Review
USAID US Agency for International Development
 About the Author

Xiaoyu Lu is an Assistant Professor at the School of International Studies

at Peking University, China and was recently a Research Fellow at the
Strategic and Defense Studies Centre at the Australian National University,
Australia. He received his MSc and DPhil degrees in Politics at St Antony’s
College, University of Oxford, and worked as a Policy Consultant at the
United Nations. His field-oriented research focuses on international
development, conflict and security.

xiii
 List of Tables

Table 4.1 UNDP discussion paper, “Sustainable development goals in

motion: China’s progress and the 13th five-year plan” (June
2016)94
Table 7.1 UNDP China Trilateral Project Highlights (UNDP China
2014c)181

xv
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

It was a cold winter afternoon in Beijing. The events assistant in the United
Nations Development Programme (UNDP) refilled the teacups for the
guests in the small conference room for the third time. The meeting
between the UNDP and the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender
(LGBT) community-based organisations was running over time due to an
escalating debate.1 The central question dividing the participants was
whether and how to reconcile the national and international frameworks
on human rights.
This meeting was set up to discuss the Chinese Initiative on International
Law’s (CIIL’s) report regarding the Universal Periodic Review (UPR).
The UPR is an international human rights mechanism under the auspices
of the UN Human Rights Council, in which states are examined by other
states and civil organisations on their human rights records. The Chinese
government had previously accepted the recommendations from Denmark
and Ireland in addressing discrimination on the basis of Sexual Orientation,
Gender Identity and Expression (SOGIE) in 2013. Accordingly, the

1
I am aware of the limitations of the term LGBT in including the diversity and fluidity of
sexual orientation and gender identity. The choice of this term instead of LGBTI, LGBTQI
or SOGIE is mainly to be in line with the UN projects and meetings I attended and the more
common use of this term by interview participants. I recorded this meeting in fieldwork
notes (13 January 2017).

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

Switzerland AG 2021
X. Lu, Norms, Storytelling and International Institutions in China,
St Antony’s Series,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-56707-1_1
2 X. LU

LGBT organisations were preparing this mid-term report following up the

implementation of these recommendations in China. As part of a regional
project on LGBT rights, the UNDP China office acted as a safety umbrella
under which civil organisations came together and coordinated action plans.
The participants immediately protested when the CIIL proposed to
integrate the UPR report with the National Human Rights Action of
China (2016–2020)—a governmental plan published months before. An
officer from a community organisation voiced her doubts about the pos-
sibility of reconciliation. She reminded the participants of China’s most
recent stance when it voted against the UN resolution to establish an
independent expert on SOGIE issues in June 2016. On this basis, she
argued that advocacy from the international level could easily be rejected
and resisted by the government and that it would therefore make more
sense to focus on the domestic context alone should the national plan be
mentioned. Representatives of a gender-focused health institute partially
agreed with this suggestion, while preferring to use the report as an “addi-
tional note” alongside the national action plan and extend the official defi-
nition of discrimination to include SOGIE sensitivity. The need to draw
on the national human rights framework and to engage with the govern-
ment soon drove the discussion towards the specification of localisation
strategies, including the preparation of two versions of the report for dif-
ferent audiences.
However, it was not long before the current towards localisation was
reversed. CIIL questioned how far we could proceed whilst solely focused
on the national framework. “It is not a question of keeping 30% or 70% of
the UPR reference,” the director of CIIL emphasised; “It won’t make any
sense if we do not discuss fully the international aspect.” This raised the
question of the objective of the report, when all participants agreed on the
aim of persuading the government to accept the norm and protect the
rights of the LGBT community. The vote of the Chinese government
against setting up the UN SOGIE expert was then reinterpreted as an
expression against this specific institutional proposal, rather than as an
overall rejection of the SOGIE agenda. The subject of discussion thereaf-
ter shifted to measures for connecting the national and international
frameworks. The Yogyakarta Principles and official UN covenants were
considered as the global normative basis.2 Instead of making reference to

2
The Yogyakarta Principles on the Application of International Human Rights Laws in
Relation to Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity were drafted by an expert meeting in
 1 INTRODUCTION 3

the covenant on civil and political rights, the director of a community

organisation suggested the usage of the covenant on economic, social and
cultural rights and the “right to development” as a framework more
amendable to the government. Nonetheless, potential engagement with
foreign governments and embassies was treated with caution. International
pressure, especially the follow-up monitoring from Western governments,
was unanimously discarded as “ineffective” and “useless,” and everyone
found the implication of foreign governments “teaching Chinese authori-
ties” appalling. In the end, this planned one-hour meeting turned into a
three-hour discussion until it was interrupted by dinner. Although the
meeting had not reached an agreed action plan, participant organisations
came to the conclusion that there was no baseline from which to argue for
policy changes in China. The foundation for advocacy should be “cases,”
especially regarding case collection in the areas of education and employ-
ment mentioned in the last UPR review, and the focus ought to be on how
to “turn the cases into effective appeals.”
Such moments never ceased to intrigue me since I began my fieldwork
at the UNDP China. Unlike the formal portrayals of diplomatic proce-
dures or sessions of UN conferences, these meetings, workshops and dis-
cussions that unfolded on daily basis were messy, precarious and often
disorienting. The views and stances of actors involved were constantly
shifting and fluctuating and resulted in unintended designs and dynamics
in the travelling of norms. The LGBT project marked my entry into this
complicated reality, as the first UNDP project in which I participated. The
project team maintained an intimate and trusting relationship with local
partners that rendered the contradictions and complexities in norm diffu-
sion pronounced. Nonetheless, as my stay at the UNDP extended with
involvement in and exposure to other projects, I realised that these
moments occupied a predominant place in the everyday workings of the
office. Norm diffusion was rarely a smooth and simple process of a global
norm “coming down” to the local, or of local actors “repacking” global
scripts. It involved constant back-and-forth movements and ideational
juxtapositions between the spatial and temporal domains defined by the

Yogyakarta, Indonesia, in 2006 (with additional principles and state obligation comple-
mented in 2017). Though not an international convention, the Principles highlight the
aspects of the existing international human rights law regarding LGBT rights and have been
adopted among activist organisations and cited in UN documents.
4 X. LU

local and the global, upholding the differences and narrating the
entanglements.
Let us return to the thick description of the meeting above, which
described how the UNDP and other norm translators attempted to forge
a common advocacy strategy pertaining to human rights. The local-global
tension was at the centre of this discussion, and the translators kept mov-
ing between the strategies of localisation and globalisation, reinterpreting
local policies and selecting global normative elements, in order to strike an
acceptable balance between the two. Such practices reflect what Anna
Tsing (2011) calls “friction” in local-global encounters, a process that
situates ideas and norms in contestation, negotiation and appropriation,
and requires the sustained efforts of creative agents to reconstruct these
norms across unequal and unstable interconnections. “Friction” is not
equivalent to hindrance: instead, it is only through these frictions that
movements of norms across boundaries become possible, their contents
rendered locally identifiable and universally engaged, and political mobili-
sation and development interventions become feasible. The UNDP and
other agents with whom I interacted are caught in these frictions on an
everyday level, and how they respond and react sheds light on the micro-­
dynamics of norm diffusion.
The context of China brings in another dimension to these dynamics.
As an emerging power, China adopts a double role in the process of norm
diffusion. The socialisation of the state into global norms is accompanied
by its power to resist and reshape the frameworks, and its agenda of insert-
ing local ideas into the international regime as part of its “discursive
power” (huayu quan, 话语权; Pu 2012; Johnston 2014). This presents a
complicated picture of norm diffusion beyond the one-directional and lin-
ear model and underlines multi-dimensional movements of norms within
feedback loops that include top-down introductions of global scripts, as
well as bottom-up adaptations and creations of local norms returning to
the international level. Therefore, in the discussion above, the concepts of
“foreign” and “the West” were carefully disassociated from the universal
implications of the LGBT norms in order to allow local connections to
emerge and the national governments to engage with them.
Two observations stand out in the everyday and multi-dimensional fric-
tions of norm diffusion. One is the absence of references to norms in the
form of international conventions and treaties. The standard analysis of
norm diffusion focuses on particular transnational documents as the yard-
stick of norm acceptance or resistance, but in micro-level practices, these
 1 INTRODUCTION 5

conventions are only briefly mentioned and largely negligible. An extreme

case I encountered was when a UN programme coordinator, specialising
in gender projects, once raised the question asking what the Convention
on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women
(CEDAW) is. This cannot be regarded simply as a matter of professional
competence, as in daily work one rarely negotiates with other actors
through the usage or presentation of these formal texts. Normative mes-
sages are dissected and fragmented into specific concepts and projects,
embedded in the “cases,” “experiences” and “lessons” narrated by the
actors. The actors in everyday practices of micro-level norm diffusion were
not short on abstract international conventions, of which there was already
an abundance; but they were instead in a constant need of specific cases
and stories to support their claims and render their ideational preferences
legible in contexts.
A further observation is that, through the contestation, negotiation
and recursive interactions between local and global norms, the boundaries
between the two are gradually transgressed and conflated, to the extent
that it is no longer easy to draw a clear distinction between them. Is the
responsibility to protect the LGBT community part of transnational lib-
eral norms, or does it have resonances in the genealogies of national legal
framework? Is the “right to development” an element of global human
rights activism, or an idea endorsed by the Chinese government to deflect
criticism of its national priorities? Entanglements emerge out of the narra-
tives of the actors, linking the normative preferences and frameworks
between the two domains, challenging the existing moral borders and
placing ambivalence at the centre of interactive processes. It may frustrate
and disappoint researchers that norm diffusion arrives at such undefined
and ambiguous terrain, without tangible and measurable outcomes.
However, it is exactly the entanglements and ambiguities of these local-­
global encounters that reveal the fine-grained, obscure and elusive work-
ings of norms in-the-making that is the focus of this book: how do norms
diffuse at an everyday level in the context of an emerging power? What is
the role of international institutions and how do they transform unfamiliar
beliefs and abstract concepts into the familiar and the specific whilst caught
in the multi-layered frictions of local-global encounters?
This introductory chapter summarises the path that this book under-
takes in order to explore these questions, and the theoretical and method-
ological landscape it traverses along the way. It reviews the existing
literature and underscores how the embedded local-global dichotomy has
6 X. LU

not fully addressed both the micro-level and multi-dimensionality of norm

diffusion. Using the UNDP China as the site for an in-depth ethnographi-
cal analysis, I identify the ubiquitous role of stories and narratives in every-
day practices of translating and appropriating norms. From there, this
book draws on theoretical inspirations from anthropology and political
sociology to further shed light on how storytelling works in an institu-
tional context, and particularly how personal stories and stories of country
experiences are strategically employed by actors in building the intercon-
nections across normative domains and orders. As the narratives described
and analysed, this book is also transgressive, moving between international
relations, anthropology, sociology and development studies in order to
address a subject of interdisciplinary and boundary-crossing nature.

Everyday Norm Diffusion

Norms are defined as “shared expectations about the appropriate behav-
iour held by a community of actors (Finnemore 1996, 22; also see Keck
and Sikkink 1998; Khagram et al. 2002)”.3 Norm diffusion refers to the
interdependent processes that are conducive to the spread of norms, a
definition that separates diffusion from its association with adoption
(Gilardi 2013, 454). Instead of presenting the outcome as a binary
between rejection or adoption, the arrival of a norm is more likely to pro-
duce mixed results, such as partial compliance (Noutcheva 2009) or
incomplete internalisation (Goodman and Jinks 2008), which underlines
the disparities between commitment and compliance (Risse et al. 2013).
Therefore, adoption is less equivalent to diffusion than alternative out-
comes, while diffusion is more accurately conceptualised as a constant pro-
cess of negotiation and appropriation.
Theories of norm diffusion have mainly evolved in three waves. The
first wave of “globalism” emerged at the end of the Cold War, conceptu-
alising norms as universal and cosmopolitan. Scripts and action plans con-
structed at the global level are instantiated in treaties or social movements,
which diffuse along a linear and top-down pathway to socialise local popu-
lations into a broader normative community (Meyer et al. 1997; Boli and
Thomas 1998). Transnational actors are norm entrepreneurs and

3
It is worth noticing that within the literature ideas and norms are often used interchange-
ably, with the recognition that ideas can be held privately without normative implications
while norms are always collective (Goldstein 1993; Acharya 2004, 240).
 1 INTRODUCTION 7

advocacy networks (Keck and Sikkink 1998) that effectively mobilise

material and organisational resources to pressure or coerce passive and
reactionary local actors.
The absence of domestic and local factors in such approaches gave rise
to the second wave focusing on “localism,” which emphasised norm diffu-
sion as a matchmaking and congruence-building process between global
ideas and local contexts. National institutions, ideologies and histories act
as heuristic filters that selectively allow certain global norms to establish a
“cultural match” with pre-existing beliefs and frameworks (Legro 1997;
Cortell and Davis 2000; Checkel 2001). The degree of fit is further sub-
ject to the local agency that adapts or contests the normative resonance.
The “persuadee” comes to the centre of analysis, when local actors con-
sciously choose and reconstruct the global ideas, rendering them compat-
ible or incompatible with local beliefs, institutions and orders (Acharya
2004; Groß 2015; Zimmermann 2016).
Following on from the foregoing approaches, the focus gradually
shifted from the global to the local, recognising the agency of participants
and the involvement of a multiplicity of institutions, complicating our
understanding of norm diffusion. Local and global norms were placed in
a reciprocal relationship with each other, in which translations were envis-
aged as travelling through feedback loops and enabling bottom-up diffu-
sion and norm circulation (Acharya 2011; Acharya 2013; Zimmermann
2019). Portraying norm diffusion as a constant process of negotiation and
adaption, the third-wave “glocalism” used “vernacularisation,” “hybrid-
ity” and “heteropias” to emphasise the mediated outcomes that fall
between the clear-cut domains of global socialisation and constitutive
localisation (Levitt and Merry 2009; Richmond and Mitchell 2012;
Björkdahl and Höglund 2013; Prantl and Nakano 2018). Norm diffusion
is thus the product of non-linear and multi-directional movements of
norms. What emerges from these multiplex interactive processes is some-
thing neither local nor global, with norms absorbing characteristics of
both local and global frameworks to create new ideational arrangements.
Notwithstanding the increasing complexity of these studies, significant
drawbacks remain. On the theoretical level, there is a persistent local-­
global dichotomy implied and embedded in the literature: either, the
global is the powerful and homogenising force that converts the passive
and contextualised local; or, once local agency is restored, all resistances
and interpretations are regarded as effective engagements that reconstruct
the generalised and detached global. The limitations inherent in the binary
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pressed together, as if the words would rush through otherwise, and
your face white and your eyes shining. If any good fortune has come
to you, Gill, please tell me. You know how glad I shall be."
"The good fortune is not mine, it is yours, only it is mine also
because I am so glad for you."
"Then let me hear what it is. I know you too well to believe you
would try to deceive me," Allan answered, as if he were fighting
against a hope he dared not permit himself to hold.
"It cannot be possible that Mrs. Burton has a good word to say
for my play!"
"More than that, Allan, she is very enthusiastic. Now do keep
still and I shall tell you everything I know. The night of her return to
the 'House by the Blue Lagoon', Mrs. Burton was feeling restless and
unhappy over something that was troubling her a great deal, and so
was unable to sleep. She rose up out of bed and wrote a letter to
her husband; when she had finished, as your play was in her desk,
she picked it up and began looking it over, with no thought of
actually reading it at the time. Something interested her, a line, or a
character, and she read on until she had finished. When she lay the
play down and turned off the electric light dawn had come. Still she
remained unable to sleep."
"You mean she was thinking of my play?"
"Yes, Allan, I do mean that, she was thinking of it, but she was
distrusting her own judgment and determined to wait until a day or
more had passed in order to read the play again before arriving at a
decision or speaking to any one concerning it.
"This afternoon she read it for the second time and after dinner
asked Mrs. Graham and Aunt Patricia and me to come into her
sitting-room. She explained that she asked me rather than any one
of the other Camp Fire girls, because of late we have appeared to be
special friends and because accidentally I gave your play its title:
'The Red Flower'. She told me I was to come and tell you how much
she liked it before she spoke to you herself, so that perhaps you
would forgive me for the loss of your poems a year ago.
"Allan, why don't you say something? What is the matter? I
simply go on talking in this stupid fashion because you won't speak."
"I can't, Gill, not for a moment, the wonder and surprise and
happiness are too great. Now Mrs. Burton likes my play I shall be
willing to consign it to the flames from whence it received its name."
"Foolish boy, do you suppose I believe you? I ought not to tell
you this, because I was not given the right, although no one said I
must not speak of it. Mrs. Burton wants to play 'The Red Flower'
next winter, if her manager thinks the play half so fine as she thinks
it. She is to telegraph him in the morning to come to the island and
give her his opinion. If they agree she wants to remain here on the
island in one of the small fishermen's cottages, which can be done
over, and study and work for a part of the summer. There will
probably be changes that must be made, so she wants you to spend
a part of the time here if it is possible for you."
There was no reply, save that leaning over, Allan lifted the
anchor. Then taking both oars he pulled rapidly out into the centre of
the blue lagoon and onward toward the bay.
"Don't be frightened, Gill, I'll not get into a difficulty to-night.
This is the greatest moment of my life and I cannot sit still and
accept it calmly. I want to feel myself a part of all this, of the water
and the sky and of creation itself. Don't laugh at me and don't
trouble to understand, only thank you and know that I would rather
you had shared this moment with me than any one else. We are
friends now, Gill, for all time, whatever may seem to separate us in
the future, we must both recall this hour and the beauty and peace
of the Blue Lagoon!"
 * * * * * * * *

BOOKS BY MARGARET VANDERCOOK

THE RANCH GIRLS SERIES

The Ranch Girls at Rainbow Lodge

The Ranch Girls' Pot of Gold
The Ranch Girls at Boarding School
The Ranch Girls in Europe
The Ranch Girls at Home Again
The Ranch Girls and their Great Adventure
The Ranch Girls and their Heart's Desire
The Ranch Girls and the Silver Arrow
The Ranch Girls and the Mystery of the Three Roads

STORIES ABOUT CAMP FIRE GIRLS

The Camp Fire Girls at Sunrise Hill

The Camp Fire Girls Amid the Snows
The Camp Fire Girls in the Outside World
The Camp Fire Girls Across the Sea
The Camp Fire Girls' Careers
The Camp Fire Girls in After Years
The Camp Fire Girls on the Edge of the Desert
The Camp Fire Girls at the End of the Trail
The Camp Fire Girls Behind the Lines
The Camp Fire Girls on the Field of Honor
The Camp Fire Girls in Glorious France
The Camp Fire Girls in Merrie England
The Camp Fire Girls at Half Moon Lake
The Camp Fire Girls by the Blue Lagoon

THE GIRL SCOUTS SERIES

The Girl Scouts of the Eagle's Wing

The Girl Scouts in Beechwood Forest
The Girl Scouts of the Round Table
The Girl Scouts in Mystery Valley
The Girl Scouts and the Open Road

*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CAMP FIRE

GIRLS BY THE BLUE LAGOON ***
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CAMP FIRE
GIRLS BY THE BLUE LAGOON ***

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