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Sex and the Eighteenth Century Man Massachusetts and
the History of Sexuality in America 1st Edition Thomas
Foster Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Thomas Foster
ISBN(s): 9780807050385, 0807050385
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 3.34 MB
Year: 2006
Language: english
 and the - 
Sex and the
Eighteenth-Century Man
00 Massachusetts and the
History of Sexuality in America

 . 

Beacon Press, Boston

Beacon Press
25 Beacon Street
Boston, Massachusetts 02108-2892
www.beacon.org

Beacon Press books

are published under the auspices of
the Unitarian Universalist Association of Congregations.

© 2006 by Thomas Foster

All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America

09 08 07 06 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

This book is printed on acid-free paper that meets the uncoated paper
ANSI/NISO specifications for permanence as revised in 1992.

Text design by Yvonne Tsang

at Wilsted & Taylor Publishing Services

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Foster, Thomas A.
Sex and the eighteenth-century man : Massachusetts and the history of
sexuality in America / Thomas A. Foster.
p. cm.
Includes index.
ISBN 0-8070-5038-5 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Men—Sexual behavior—
United States—History—18th century. 2. Men—United States—History—
18th century. 3. Men—United States—Social conditions—18th century.
I. Title.

HQ28.F68 2006
306.7081
097309034—dc22 2006012858
For Marlon
 0 Contents

 ix

1. Household
Chapter 1 “He Is Not a Man, That Hath Not a Woman” 3
Chapter 2 Sex and the Shattering of Household Order 23

11. Community
Chapter 3 Rape and Seduction: Masculinity, Misogyny,
and Male Sexuality 53
Chapter 4 Sex and the Community of Men 77

111. Sexualities
Chapter 5 “Half-men”: Bachelors, Eƒeminacy,
and Sociability 101
Chapter 6 “When Day and Night Together Move”:
Men and Cross-Cultural Sex 129
Chapter 7 “The Paths of Monstrous Joy” 155

 175
 181
 183
 219
 0 Introduction

Sex and Men

Popular images of white manhood in colonial America include that of
hearty settlers, shirtsleeves rolled up, farming or laboring; of minutemen
and soldiers readying muskets for battle; of elite gentlemen with powdered
wigs and quill pens; or perhaps the Founding Fathers. None of these images
immediately draws to mind sexual behaviors or sexuality. But in colonial
America, sex was an integral part of manhood.
Most Americans don’t think of sex as part of this picture because sex is
generally believed properly to belong to the realm of private behavior and
to be part of personal identity. Thumb through any college-level U.S. his-
tory textbook or browse the history shelves at your local megachain book-
store, and you will find general histories of colonial America so tied to the
public, especially to politics, war, and state formation, that sex is seen as out
of place.
But as many historians have now shown, in colonial America sexual ac-
tivity was very much a public concern. In fact, it was the business of the
state. It was regulated, controlled, discussed, and crafted as part of an eƒort
to create social stability and define racial, class, and gender social bound-
aries. Additionally, early modern culture did not cordon oƒ the sexual as a
private realm of individual behavior and identity. The classic Puritan ser-
mon, the jeremiad warning that the sexual sins of individuals signified social
corruption and collective spiritual peril, is but one example of the way that
the social and sexual remained intertwined in early America. Sex was not
only symbolic of an interior moral state but emblematic of the moral condi-
tion of society.1

ix
x - Introduction

Many also don’t think of sex as part of the picture of white manhood in
colonial America because normative men are associated with that which is
public and important, with their sexual selves held in check. The portrayal
of such men remains generally unconcerned and unassociated with sex and
sexuality. But while normative masculinity asserts itself as not associated
with sex and sexuality, it is, of course, partly defined by appropriate sexual
desires and behaviors. And even though sex is most often used to define and
denigrate so-called deviant male types—men of color, homosexuals, and
those for whom sexual urges are said to be uncontrollable—those images
are not simply about defining minority deviant subjects. They operate pri-
marily to define normative manliness.2
Recognizing the relationship of sex and sexuality (the desires, behav-
iors, and identities associated with eroticism) with manliness (the embodi-
ment of qualities considered befitting a man) brings us one step closer to
understanding not only manhood in early America but the continued prob-
lems associated with constructions of manhood today. The emphasis on
masculine strength and dominance, many claim, leads to an inability to cope
with emotions and intimacy in sexual relationships, misguiding many men
to wall themselves oƒ and to seek masculine achievement through reckless
sexual conquests. In this line of thinking, then, the continued association of
femininity with emotional sensitivity and of masculinity with sexual grat-
ification creates a host of contemporary social problems ranging from fa-
therless families to the spread of sexually transmitted diseases, and HIV and
AIDS to sexual harassment, sexual assault, and rape. The paradox of man-
hood is thus how to embody idealized force without overstepping ever-
shifting social bounds. This perilous situation has led many to surmise that
masculinity is in crisis because of a set of new social constraints forged in
the women’s rights movement, which challenges male supremacy and ad-
dresses social gender inequalities.
Di~culties with the idea and embodiment of manhood, however, are
not new. Whatever changes men’s roles in society have undergone in recent
years, the problem of demonstrating masculine sexual strength and power
without violating boundaries is an old one. Even the founding generations
confronted a troubled relationship of sex and manliness.

In early America, Anglo-American manhood was tied closely to ownership

of property and to marriage. This social position brought with it authority
over household dependents, including women, children, slaves, and ser-
vants and entitlement to “fraternal respect” and “civic standing.” This book
 Introduction 0 xi

demonstrates that male social roles, including master and servant, suitor,
husband, and father, all had sexual aspects. I focus on how sex figured in the
two most important areas of an eighteenth-century man’s life: his calling, or
career, and his household. Although I focus on these two most important ar-
eas, it will become clear that discourses of male sexuality were unbounded,
taking place in virtually all areas of early modern life, linking so-called pri-
vate sexual behaviors to more public cultural, political, economic, and com-
mercial concerns.3
This book starts by examining eighteenth-century marital sexuality and
its bearing on norms of manliness. It also identifies talk about sex and the
role it played in forging relations among men, especially in creating bonds
crucial for securing connections that were critical for commercial and eco-
nomic networks. I also pay close attention to portrayals of the sexuality of
marginalized men, including Africans and Indians, transients, and other
cultural outsiders; to criminal sexuality, especially rape and sodomy; and to
the cultural emergence of nascent sexual types—the bachelor, the eƒemi-
nate, primping fop, and the sodomite. Representations of cultural outsiders,
sexual crimes, and deviant sexual types yoked sexuality and manliness to
larger concerns about orderly social relations among men and about com-
merce and morals; newspaper coverage about rape, for example, developed
and popularized the image of the black rapist while using that image to
solidify racial bonds based on an understanding of normative white male
sexuality. These representations were especially important as foils that im-
plicitly defined, by way of contrast, normative manliness and its relation to
sexuality.
Our contemporary ideas about manly sexual behaviors and desires are in
part developed in the public sphere, in the amalgamation of discourses un-
evenly combining religious beliefs and more secular messages. This mixture
creates both dominant models and deviant or alternative models of sexual
masculinities; titillating stories about sexual conquest, for example, fore-
ground a moral lesson about the centrality of self-control for male sexuality
for proper manliness but also give celebratory voice to the minority figure
of the rake or libertine. Such a public arena first appears in the eighteenth
century and in the realm of secular print. In Boston, which had both a vi-
brant and a dedicated Christian Congregational culture and a secular and
commercial print culture, a public sphere through newspapers in particular
began to form nearly a generation before the next largest cities of Philadel-
phia and later New York. Focusing on how sex figured in the lives of our
Founding Fathers and their ancestors in arguably the most formative cen-
xii - Introduction

tury of this nation’s history broadens our understanding of their cultural

world. We cannot understand manhood in America today or in the past
without coming to terms with the often troubled sexual aspects of mas-
culinity.4

Eighteenth-Century Sexuality
When studying sex and manliness in eighteenth-century Massachusetts to
show the ways that a particular place and time configured manliness, I made
a startling discovery. Long before turn-of-the-twentieth-century psycholo-
gists began framing some individuals as sexual deviants with particular per-
sonalities, case histories, and interior selves, many early Americans made
similar connections between personhood and sex interests and behaviors. It
is true that they did not employ the same language and did not consistently
view some as “gay” and others as “straight.” But they certainly viewed sex-
ual desires and interests as potentially part of an individual’s makeup.
This is a surprising discovery because current understandings of the his-
tory of sexuality has emphasized a model of “acts” rather than “identities”
to describe the way early Americans thought about sexual behavior and
identity. In this model one’s sexual acts did not reflect a larger sexual orien-
tation or identity. Rather, some sexual behavior was defined as transgressive
because it disrupted social authority relations, especially among men. More
generally, any individual was potentially capable of sinful sexual acts, such
as fornication and sodomy. Seventeenth-century Harvard instructor Mi-
chael Wigglesworth, for example, wrote about his lust for male pupils as
part of a terrifying package of sinfulness that plagued him. Like drunken-
ness or other immoral excesses, sexual behaviors were viewed as behaviors,
rather than part of a broader personality or deeper psychological essence.
Sex was not who a person was; it was merely what he or she did.5
This book, however, alters this narrow view of sex in early America.
Instead, sexuality in eighteenth-century Massachusetts appears to be an in-
consistent and shifting mixture of acts and identities. It is true that for much
of the preindustrial era, the dominance of biblical conceptualizations of
sexuality contributed to the broader cultural notion that certain sexual be-
haviors (sodomy, for example) were universal rather than indicative of a
sexual minority. Moreover, this model fostered a belief in reform and re-
demption rather than acceptance or rejection of a minority subject.
Other evidence, however, suggests that at times eighteenth-century
connections between sexual acts and inner disposition look more like mod-
 Introduction 0 xiii

ern orientations. Eighteenth-century understandings of the connections be-

tween moral selves and exterior comportment had a deep impact on the way
that early modern Americans thought about sex. Sexuality in eighteenth-
century Massachusetts could be revealed in a man’s external persona or
outward appearance, his social comportment, including dress, speech, and
manners, or his sexual behaviors. All were understood to indicate interior
moral states and character. Understandings of the normative body made
the same link: physique, fitness, and health could indicate interiority, in-
cluding character and morality. The implication is clear: contrary to a strict
model of acts, an eighteenth-century self contained an interiority.6
In this book I conclude that the general use of the acts-versus-identities
narrative describes only the shift that occurred in certain circles. That nar-
rative compares o~cial colonial languages of church and court that empha-
sized sexual acts and behaviors that needed to be corrected with the medical
and psychological languages of the late nineteenth century, which viewed
sexual behaviors as indicators of interior states and even personality and
character. In many ways the model that this book challenges compared
colonial apples with modern oranges.
In part this comparison is a direct result of sources consulted by histori-
ans. The most prevalent sources, colonial sermons and draconian court pro-
nouncements, were compared to the burst of sexological and psychological
writings of the early twentieth century. However, when we trace the dis-
courses of church and court, for example, we find more continuity from the
colonial era to today than dramatic change. By looking at newspapers, per-
sonal papers, and the testimony of those in courts, rather than simply the
legal statements of colonial governments, a broader understanding of sex-
uality in early America becomes possible.
Using acts versus identities as a paradigm for conceptualizing the diƒer-
ence between preindustrial and modern understandings of sexual behavior
and identity not only short-circuits investigations in sex and sexuality in
early America but also encourages the disregard of complexities today. Al-
though the paradigm accurately signals the rise of psychological and sexo-
logical discussions of sexual orientations, the stark comparative framework
encourages the kind of oversimplification that leads many to assume sex
could only be, and was always thought of as, an act in colonial America and
is only and always thought of as part of an identity or corresponding sexual
orientation today.
In both secular and religious discourses today many still do not adopt
contemporary models of sexual orientation. Many religious discourses in
xiv - Introduction

modern America continue to view same-sex sexual behaviors as momentary

and not as indicators of unique personhood. The rhetoric of many who re-
ject homosexuality, for example, draws on an understanding of sex that de-
nies orientations and focuses instead on sexual acts as sinful or immoral
behaviors to be stopped. Similarly, today many individuals also personally
feel that their sexual behaviors are simply acts, unrelated to their sexual
identity or broader personhood. For these men, their sexual behaviors are
simply “acts” unrelated to identity or their sexual orientation. Men who
identify themselves as heterosexual but who have sex with other men for ei-
ther pay or pleasure, for example, confound those who assume sexual orien-
tations to be rigid and definable. Thus, the paradigm also feeds a false sense
of understanding about neatly contained modern categories of sexual ori-
entation and encourages people to ignore the endurance of both acts and
identities models today.

Why Massachusetts?
From the vantage point of the early years of the United States, Boston ap-
pears unflatteringly to be a stagnant port city, its population static and its
economy anemic. But before Boston was eclipsed by New York and Phila-
delphia, it was not only the central hub for Massachusetts and the rest of
New England, but for much of the first half of the eighteenth century the
largest port city in the British mainland colonies. In the 1730s its population
of roughly seventeen thousand inhabitants, almost entirely Anglo-Saxon
and Protestant, was nearly double that of either New York or Philadelphia.
Boston was home to a substantial merchant class whose wealth was derived
from shipping and trade, from war, and from slavery. The Bay Colony was
also linked to the British Empire through the world of print, especially
newspapers, which reported news and reprinted articles from abroad, and
through imported fiction and other books.
As a hub of British commercial imperial activity and colonial print cul-
ture, eighteenth-century Boston’s sexual culture was a mix of local and
metropolitan ideas about normative sexuality. As a provincial city still heav-
ily influenced by Puritan religious culture, Boston was, however, ambiva-
lent about its cultural ties to the British Empire. Boston’s print culture
sometimes portrayed London as a desirable model of eighteenth-century
urban and refined sociability. Narratives of sexual immorality in London
and Europe, appearing in newspapers, sermons, and other literature, also
warned Bostonians, however, of the corruption and vice that accompanied
commerce and urban development. These depictions characterized Bos-
 Introduction 0 xv

ton’s sexual culture as, by contrast, more chaste, yet vulnerable to the same
corrupting forces.
Despite the cultural importance of an enduring Puritan influence, Bos-
ton’s status as a major provincial port meant that diverse cultural and social
vantage points and interests intersected in discourses of sexuality and man-
hood. Publications and sermons produced by learned ministers and public
o~cials articulated o~cial views, and court testimony and depositions give
us access to lay perspectives as well as legal norms. Both o~cial and lay per-
spectives intermingle in newspaper accounts of court cases. A comparison
of diƒerent records reveals a range of cultural models of manliness and
normative male sexuality that circulated between the overlapping arenas of
pulpit, court, and print. Although legal statutes that pertained to sexual
crimes retained a draconian Puritan tenor, popular sentiment was often not
harshly punitive. Lay reactions to long-term, same-sex sexual interests and
to consensual interracial sexual relationships ranged from a derisive dis-
missal to a fragile tolerance, and the individuals in these relationships were
clearly prepared to risk both popular derision and o~cial condemnation.
Massachusetts was not home to a visible subculture of foppish men; nor
was it the location for a large number of prosecutions for rape or sodomy.
It wasn’t even a place with an especially diverse ethnic and racial popu-
lation. Still, in the early eighteenth century “fops” and “sodomites” were
culturally significant figures or types—so much so that we can speak of
a discourse of eƒeminacy and a religiously based discourse of sodomy in
Massachusetts. Similarly, though prosecutions for rape and other violent
sexual crimes were low, narratives of sexual assault had cultural resonance
and were at times linked to a discourse of racialized sexuality. Thus, it did
not require a visible local subculture of eƒeminate men or sodomites or a
high incidence of rape or interracial sex to make such subcultures and be-
haviors the object of cultural concern.
Early eighteenth-century culture in Massachusetts was marked by an
amalgam of older Puritan notions regarding how best to build and maintain
a godly society and newer eighteenth-century discourses about commerce
and manners. As Richard Gildrie has argued, new standards of “American
Puritanism” emerged in the convergence of orthodox Puritan and secular
concerns. As a result, a significant Puritan influence endured in New En-
gland culture through the Great Awakening in the 1740s. This combination
of secular and religious discourses linked local anxieties about consump-
tion, urban development, and commerce to sexual comportment. Newspa-
per commentaries, for example, drew upon (and reinvigorated) culturally
powerful, religiously based new concerns about distinctions between true
xvi - Introduction

refinement and dissolute or eƒeminate attachment to luxury and fashion.

Here religious and secular preoccupations became fused in narratives of
same-sex sexuality, rape, eƒeminate appearance, the meaning and purpose
of marital sexuality, and racialized sexuality.7

Sources
On September 25, 1690, Publick Occurrences was published in Boston, but it
was immediately suppressed. America’s first newspaper had lasted just one
issue. Only four years into the eighteenth century, the Boston News Letter
made its debut. It was the first continuously published American newspaper,
appearing some fifteen years earlier than the first newspaper in Philadelphia
and more than twenty years before the first issue of the New York Gazette.
By 1719 Boston was home to another newspaper that would survive most of
the colonial era, the Boston Gazette. By 1735 two other papers, the Boston
Evening Post and the Boston Post Boy, would compete for readership. In ad-
dition to these four main papers, four shorter-lived papers would appear
as well. Thus, between 1721 and 1741 Boston had no fewer than five news-
papers in any given year—producing, as Charles Clark points out, a com-
bined output totaling one copy of a newspaper for every four Bostonians, or
one copy for every sixty-seven residents of Massachusetts. Boston papers,
like other early American newspapers, were generally two- to four-page
weeklies. They contained a variety of news and information, much of it se-
lected and reprinted from European presses; other news came from local
sources. By midcentury a newspaper’s circulation was six hundred copies
per week, on average. By the Revolutionary era an explosion in print
brought newspapers to smaller towns and communities throughout Mas-
sachusetts. And as scholars have pointed out, actual readership in the rela-
tively literate New England colonies went far beyond the number of issues
printed or sold: coƒeehouses and taverns were popular places for towns-
people to gather, exchange information, read aloud, and share newspapers.8
As I have suggested, Massachusetts newspapers popularized religious
views, but they also joined them with secular, commercial, and social con-
cerns. Local news of court proceedings, of items for sale, and of banking
and shipping made newspapers an important site for the cultural production
of linkages between sexual, commercial, and political concerns. By placing
notices of rape cases, foreign sodomy trials, and commentary on courtship
and marriage alongside notices of political events and shipping schedules,
printers incorporated sexuality into discussions of public concern. By re-
printing news from Europe and elsewhere, newspapers also tied the Bay
 Introduction 0 xvii

Colony to the British Empire. Newspapers connected both the very local
and the very broadest of imperial perspectives. In so doing, these publica-
tions both tied residents to the British Empire and allowed them to explore
the vexed question of their social and cultural distinctiveness.
Massachusetts’ presses printed more sermons than any other colony in
the eighteenth century, and the Bay Colony published more sermons than
any other print genre. These sermons are a terrific source for the examina-
tion of o~cial religious discourses. The Puritans’ descendants, like their an-
cestors, viewed sexual desires as natural urges to be channeled into marriage
and regulated within its confines; the mastery of one’s sexuality led not only
to the stable marriages upon which the Christian social order rested but also
to Christian oƒspring, who ensured the continuation of that order. O~cials
thus condemned extramarital sexual behavior, yet appreciated sexual plea-
sure not only for the purposes of procreation but also because it enhanced
emotional bonds between husbands and wives. Sermons also reveal per-
ceived connections between sexual morality and threats to cultural and so-
cial order. A man’s sexual behavior jeopardized not only his own moral
standing but, equally important, the Puritans’ standing as a covenanted
community. By examining locally written, locally reprinted, and even im-
ported sermons, I can analyze the Christian views of male sexual comport-
ment and masculinity that held sway in the Bay Colony.9
Although eighteenth-century courts gradually decreased their policing
of moral behavior, they still remained important arenas for the articulation
of community definitions of sexuality and its relation to social order. It is
true that by the middle of the eighteenth century, courts diƒered signifi-
cantly from their seventeenth-century counterparts in the attention they
paid to English forms of law. Seventeenth-century courts relied heavily on
substantive notions of justice designed to preserve a Puritan moral and so-
cial order, whereas eighteenth-century courts increasingly followed English
precedent and were more concerned with adhering to procedural rules.
Nonetheless, Massachusetts courts throughout the eighteenth century con-
tinued to hear cases about sexual crimes: capital crimes such as sodomy,
rape, and incest were tried by the Superior Court of Judicature, and lesser
crimes, such as sexual assault and fornication, were tried at the county level
in the Court of General Sessions. The extant testimony from depositions,
court record books, and petitions from court cases involving these sex-
ual crimes provide an excellent source of information on the conjunction
of o~cial and popular attitudes about male sexuality and its bearing on
eighteenth-century masculinity.10
A wide range of imported literature, also very valuable for the study of
xviii - Introduction

sexual culture, most of it coming from London, made its way into Mas-
sachusetts. Although Boston retained a provincial wariness of imported
novels, other imported books and serials such as The Tatler, The Spectator,
and The Guardian were very popular. (These continued to be imported and
read throughout the eighteenth century.) The impact of these imports, with
their emphasis on manners and sociability, can be seen in a number of
provincial publications. Local newspapers such as the New England Weekly
Journal and the New England Courant at times echoed the style and content
of The Spectator and The Tatler—at least in comparison with the more con-
ventional and o~cial style of the Boston Evening Post, the Boston Gazette,
the Boston News Letter, and, later, the Independent Chronicle. The earlier
Weekly Journal and the Courant are both examples of what Charles Clark
calls the “literary newspaper.” These papers more often included longer es-
says—usually on manners and social intercourse—than the main papers,
which tended to confine themselves to briefer items and to editorialize less.
Bostonians’ interest in imported books and serials, like the reprinted news
items in Boston papers, illustrates the melding of local and broader
metropolitan cultural norms and preoccupations.11

In eighteenth-century Massachusetts, Anglo-American manhood was

largely equated with becoming an independent householder; it was tied
closely to marriage and conferred manly prerogatives, including patriarchal
authority over women, children, slaves, and servants. Part 1 examines the
sexual component of this social position. Chapter 1 argues that sex was in-
deed a crucial part of securing and maintaining that social position and ex-
amines changing understandings of sexual intimacy within marriage. Such
discussions were fueled by a tension between the belief that sexual inter-
course in marriage was primarily about procreation and an increasing em-
phasis on sexual pleasure as a way of nurturing and expressing love within
marriage. Finally, this chapter examines the years following the American
Revolution, when newspapers and other print genre contained an outpour-
ing of discussions aimed at glorifying marriage and returning men to home
and hearth. By the end of the eighteenth century, the biblical edict to go
forth and multiply had changed from a mission with implications for secur-
ing an outpost of the British Empire to one of generating a nation of virtu-
ous American men.
Chapter 2 examines the ways in which a man could fail sexually in his
most important social role, that of husband and head of household. Exam-
ining divorce, infidelity, adultery, and incest, it argues that the manly pre-
rogatives of husband and head of household depended significantly on his
 Introduction 0 xix

ability to adhere to norms about male marital sexual performance as well as

on his mastery over his wife’s (and other dependents’) sexual behaviors. A
wide variety of sources singled out men who failed to meet expectations re-
garding male sexual behavior as well as male mastery over dependents. By
the end of the eighteenth century the implications for disrupted households
had shifted; a man’s failing had gone from being one that threatened godly
social order to one that inhibited the development of an Anglo-American
republic.
Part 2 examines sex, manliness, and the broader community. Chapter 3
explores how discourses of seduction and rape reflected notions of appro-
priate and deviant masculine behavior as it pertains to control over sexual
and emotional desires. These discourses also reveal paradoxes in gendered
norms of sexual comportment. In the culture of eighteenth-century Mas-
sachusetts, women were seen both as innocent victims and as lewd and se-
ductive. Dominant, aggressive male sexuality was idealized, yet men were
also supposed to exhibit self-mastery and restraint. Men could be seducers
and even rapists, yet commentators also frequently pointed to the vulner-
ability of men in romance. During the Revolutionary era, depictions of
rapes committed by British and Hessian troops underscored cultural con-
nections between American republican virtue and manly self-control. By
the end of the eighteenth century, increased individual freedoms, especially
among young people, however, generated greater concern over seduction
and abandonment.
Although marriage and family were central for formulating manly
norms and ideals, in eighteenth-century Massachusetts a variety of actions,
including sailing, soldiering, and succeeding within commercial networks,
largely excluded women and relied upon masculine ideals that developed
in a self-consciously all-male world. Chapter 4 examines sex and the social
order of male respectability. It probes the social and cultural function of
sexual reputation and shared sexual values in the formation of male rela-
tionships based on trust and sexual self-control. Mutually shared under-
standings of normative manly sexuality could forge ties that were crucial
for developing fraternal respect and civic standing. But sex was also a threat
to masculine social order. Throughout the eighteenth century, court records
and printed discussions presented a variety of sexual transgressions involv-
ing women, children, and servants as wrongs committed by one man against
another.
The final part focuses on specific illustrations of figures that crystallize
connections between sexual acts and interior states of character and manli-
ness. Chapter 5 examines bachelors as male figures who frustrated manly
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Telegrams; 'Blinds' Dublin Brothers. Designers & Sole

Makers of the "in Acelcj c" |Lace Blinds
 p/v 1/ J^ CONAN, MAULE & CO Phone : Dublin 3319.
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Photo hy^ [Lafayette, Dublin HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF

ABERCORN Governor-General of Northern Ireland
 Photo byl [Lafayette, Dublin HIS EXCELLENCY TIMOTHY
MICHAEL HEALY Governor-General of the Irish Free State
 THOMS IRISH who's who A BIOGRAPHICAL BOOK OF
REFERENCE OF PROMINENT MEN AND WOMEN IN IRISH LIFE AT
HOME AND ABROAD. 1923 BOSTOIC COLLEGE LIBRARY CHKSTNUT
hill, MA5S. DUBLIN ALEXANDER THOM & CO. LTD. CROW STREET
LONDON DANIEL O'CONNOR 90 GREAT RUSSELL ST. W.C.I
 IRISH INDUSTRY "Jhe Contented MsltT K PETERSON'S PIPE
We Make Them All First-class Tobacconists over the world sell them.
If you don't smoke one, smoke one and you'll smoke no other. KAPP
& PETERSON, LTD., DUBLIN IN IRELANi^.
 PREFACE This First Edition of " Thorn's Irish Who's Who "
contains life sketches of upwards of 2,500 Irish men and women, at
home and overseas, who are conspicuous in the Nation's History,
and includes leaders of thought and action in all fields of
enlightenment and civiUzation. Neither labour nor expense has been
spared in an effort to make the book as authoritative as possible,
but no claim is made to completeness. The difficulties that confront
the Editor of a volume of this description are much greater than may
appear to a casual observer. In the first place there is always present
the desire to avoid invidious Belection, and in the second, the
danger of omitting, through oversight, names whose absence might
naturally occasion surprise. This appHes especially, and for obvious
reasons, to a First Edition, and therefore we issue this publication
with an apology for errors which are unavoidable, and of whose
existence we are unaware. We cordially invite the cooperation of the
Irish Public everjrwhere, in enabling us in subsequent editions to
correct such errors of omission or commission as we may have
unwittingly made. Our aim is to make this Directory complete, and to
enable the wayfarer or the scientific inquirer to discover immediately
and without inconvenience " Who's Who " in the homeland and
abroad. When it is borne in mind that the sun never sets on Ireland's
sons and daughters, it will be apparent that such co-operation as we
invite is vitally important.
 PREFACE We respectfully present this Volume as a chapter
in the contemporary history of the Irish Nation. Most books of
reference become obsolete by flux of time. This volume will become
enhanced in value as the years pass. Ireland is emerging from the
throes of revolution, the ultimate effects of which none can
appreciate or forecast. When the historian of the future undertakes
to chronicle the stirring events of which the passing generation is
witness, we venture to suggest that the names and history of the
outstanding personahties of 1922 will be of priceless value. What,
for example, would the historian of to-day not give for an " Irish
Who's Who " relating to the year that marked the passing of the Act
of Union ? Our immediate appeal is to the Statesman, the Man of
Letters, the Clergj^man, the Artist, the Journalist, the Lawyer, the
Scientist, and last, but in many respects first, the Man of Commerce.
To these and to the general pubUc we hope the book will prove
useful. The Publishers. December^ 1922.
 ABBREVIATIONS A.A.Q. ... Assistant- Adj ataut- General . b.
A.B. Bachelor of Arts. B.A. A.C.A. ... Associate of the Institute of
B.A.I. Chartered Accountants. B.A.O. Acad. ... Academy. Earr.
A.C.1.8. Associate of the Chartered InBart, or stitute of Secretaries.
Batt. or A.D. Anno Domini. B.C. A.D.C. ... Aide-de-camp. Ad eund.
Ad eundem gradum (admitted B.Ch. to the same decree ). B.C.L.
Adj. Adjutant. S.C.S. Ad lib. ... Ad libitum (at discretion). B.D. Adm.
... Admiral. Sd. A.D.O.S. Assistant Direr;tor oi B.E. Ordnance
Sto^e^i. B.Litt. A.D.V.S. Assistant Director of VeteriB.N.C. nary
Services. S.C.S. A.F.C. ... Air Force Cross. B.S.O. A.G. Attorney-
General ; AdjutantSrev. General. Brig. A.I.F. ... Australian Imperial
Forces. B.S. A.I.Q. ... Adjutant-Inspector-Gcneral. B.S.C. A.K.C. ...
Associate of King's College, B.Sc. London. B.Th. A.L.I. ... Ar^'vll
Light Infantry. B.v.rvi. A.M. Ante Meridiem (before midday) ; Anno
Mundi (in the Year of the world) ; Master O.A. of Arts. A.M.I.O.E.
Associate Member of InCantab. stitute of Civil Engineers. Capt.
A.M.I.E.E. Associate Member of InCav. stitute of Electrical EngineC.B.
ers. C.S.E. A.O.D. ... Armv Ordnance Departnieut. A.P.D. ... Army Pay
Department. CO. A.Q.M.Q. Assistant-QuartermasterGeneral. C.C.C.
A.R.A. ... Associate of the Royal C.O.3. Academy. C.E. A.R.A.M.
Associate of the Royal C.F. Academy of Music. C.H. A.R.C.A.
Associate Royal Cambrian Ch. Academy. Ch.B. A.R.C.O. Associate
Royal Collej?e of Ch.Ch. Organists. Ch.Col A.R.C.S. As.sociate Royal
College of Ch.JVI. Science. Chm. A.R.E. ... Associate of Royal Society
of Painter Etchers. C.I. A.R.i.B.A. Associate of the Royal Institute of
British Architects. C.I.D. A.R.M.S. Associate of the Royal Society of
Minature Painters. CLE. A.R.S.A. Associate Royal Scottish O.I.V.
Academy. C.J. A.R.S.M. Associate Royal School of CM. Mines. CM.
A.R.W.S. Associate Royal Society of CM. Painters in Water-Colours.
C.M.Q. A.S.A.M. Associate of the Society of Art Masters. CO. A.8.C.
... Army Service Corps. Co. Assoc. So. Associate in Science. Col.
A.V.D. ... Army Veterinary Department Comdg ... born ; brother. ...
Bachelor of Arts. ... Bachelor of Engineering. ... Bachelor of
Obstetrics. ... Barrister. Bt. Baronet. Satn. Battalion. ... Before Christ
; British Columbia. ... Baclielor of Surgery, ... Bachelor of Ci\il Law. ...
Bengal Civil Service. ... Bachelor of Divinity. ... Board. ... Bachelor of
Engineering. ... Bachelor of I-etters. ... Brasenose College. ...
Bombay Civil Service. ... Bombay Staff Corps, ... Brevet. ... Brigade ;
Brigadier. ... Bachelor of Surgery. ... Bengal Staff Corps. ... Bachelor
of Science. ... Bachelor of Theology. ... Blessed Virgin Mary. County
Alderman ; Chartered Accountant (Scotland). Of Cambridge
University, Captain Cavalry. Companion of the Bath. ComnuMKior
Order of the British Empire. Catholic Curate ; County Councillor ;
County Court. Corpus Christi College. Ceylon Civil Service. Civil
Engineer, Chaplain to the Forces. Companion of Honour. C^hief.
Bachelor of Surgery. Christ Church. Christ's Ollege. Master of
Surgery. Chairman. Imperial Order of the Crown of In.lia. Criminal
Investigation Department. Companion of the Order of the Indian
Empire. City Imperial Volunteers. Chief Justice. Church Missionary.
Master in Surgery. Certified blaster. Companion of St. Michael and St.
George, Commanding Officer. County ; Company. Colonel.
Commanding.
 The Standard Book of Reference for Ireland. Royal 8vo.
Cloth. 2,350 pages. — THOM'S OFFICIAL — DIRECTORY FOR 1923.
80th ANNUAL PUBLICATION Price njOl' net, or %J /j%J Post Free
(Postage to Canada, 2/7. Postage U.S.A. 2/3). Summary of Contents
: — IRELAND. — Statistics of Ireland. — Go\ernment Departments of
the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland. — Universities, Colleges,
Endowed Schools, &c. — Ecclesiastical Directory, containing Lists of
Clergy and Ministers of every Denomination throughout Ireland. —
Law Directory. — Medical Directory. — Banking Directory. — Postal
Directory. — Principal Irish Societies and Institutions in Ireland. —
Railway, Canal, and Steam Boat Companies. IRISH COUNTIES — Full
information concerning each County, including Members of
Parliament, County Councillors, County Boards of Health, Urban and
Rural Councils, Deputy Lieutenants, Magistrates, all County Officials,
as well as complete Statistical Tables. DUBLIN CITY AND COUNTY.—
Statistics of the Metropolis, with its various Public Institutions. —
The Street Directory ; Alphabetical Directory of Nobility, Gentry,
Merchants, and Traders ; Classified Lists of Manufacturers and
Traders. GREAT BRITAIN AND THE COLONIES.— Index to the
Imperial Statutes and Local Acts. — Officers and Statistics of British
Colonies and Dominions.- — Parliamentary Directory. — The House
of Peers. — The House of Commons. — Civil Service Directory for
Great Britain. — • Officers of the High Courts of Justice for Great
Britain. — Peers. Bishops, Baronets, Knights, Judges, Privy
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arranged with Biographical Notices and Family connexions. —
Statistics of the United Kingdom. ALEX. THOM & CO., LIMITED,
Educational and General Publishers, CROW STREET - - DUBLIN
 ABBREVIATIONS. Comdt. ... Com-ln-Ch Comm. ... Comr. ...
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Cwt. C.Y.M.A. d. D.A.A.Q. D.A.D.Q. D.A.Q. D.A.Q.IVI.Q. D.B.E. ...
D.C.L. ... D.D. D.D.M.S. D.D.S. ... Dele, or d. D.Eng. ... Dep. Dept.
D.F.C. ... D.Q. D.Q.M.W. Diplo. Ditto or do. Div. D.L. D.Litt. or D
D.P.H. .. Dp. D.Sc. D.S.O. .. d.s.p. D.Theol. D.V. dwt. Edin. Educ. e.g.
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Railway. created. Civil Service. Conspicuous Service Cross.
Companion of the Order of the Star of India. Consregation of the
Most Holy Redeemer (Redcmptorist Order). Cvelists' Touring Club.
Commander of the Royal Victorian Order. Hundredweight. Catholic
Young Mens Association. Pence ; died ; daughter. Deputy-Assistant-
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Adjutant-General. Deputy- Assistant-Quartermaster-General. Dame
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of Divinity. Deputy Director of Medical Supplies. Doctor of Dental
Surgery. Cancel. Doctor of Engineering. Deputy. Department.
Distinguished Fljing Cross. (Dei Gratia), by the grace of God ;
Dragoon Guards. Director- General of MiUtary \Yorks. Diplomatic.
(It.), the same. Division ; Divorced. Deputv- Lieutenant. .Lit. Doctor
of Literature. Diploma in Public Health. Doctor ; Debtor. Doctor of
Science. Companion of the Distinguished Service Orcer. died without
issue. Doctor of Theology. (L. Deo volente), God willing.
pennyweight. Edinburgh. Educated. (L. exempli gratia), for example.
East India Company s Service. England. Engineer. Football
Association. Fahrenheit. F.A.I. ... F.B.A. ... F.C.A. ... F.C.I.S. F.C.P. ...
F.C.S. ... F.E.S. ... F.F.A ... F.F.P.S. F.Q.S. ... F.I.A. ... F.I.C. ... F.I.D. ...
F.I.Inst. F.J.I. ... F.L.S. ... F.M. f.o.b. F.P.S. ... F. R.A.I. F.R.A.M.
F.R.A.S. F.R.B.S. F.R.C.O. F.R.C.P. F.R.C.P.E. F.R.C.S. F.R.C.V.S.
F.R.C.P.S. F.R.Q.S. F.R.Hist.S F.R.Hopt.S F.R.I.B.A. F.R.M.S. F.R.Met.S
F.R.N.S.A Fellow of Auctioneers' Institute. Fellow of the British
Academy. Fellow of the Institute of Chartered Accountants. Fellow of
the Chartered Institute of Secretaries. Fellow College of Preceptors.
Fellow of the Chemical Society. Fellow of Entomological Society.
Fellow of Faculty of Actuaries Fellow of the Royal Faculty of
Physicians and Surgeons (Glasgow). „ ^ ■ 1 Fellow of the Geological
Society. ^ , ^ Fellow of Institute of Actuaries. Fellow of Institute of
Chemistrv. Fellow of Institute oi Directors. Fellow of the Imperial
Institute. ^ ^ Fellow of Institute of Journalists. ^, . ^ Fellow of the
Linnean Society. Field-Marshal. Free on board. Fellow of
Philosophical Society ; also of Philharmonic Society. Fellow of the
Royal Anthropological Institute. Fellow of the Royal Academy of
Music. Fellow of the Royal Astronomical Society. Fellow of the Royal
Botanic Society. Fellow of the Royal College of Organists. Fellow of
the Royal College of Physicians. Fellow of the Royal College of
Physicians of Edinburgh. Fellow of the Royal College of Surgeons.
Fellow of the Royal College of Veterinary Surgeons. Fellow of Royal
Faculty of Physicians and Surgeons. Fellow of the Royal Geographical
Society. . Fellow of Royal Historical Society. ;. Fellow of the Royal
Horticultural Society. Fellow of the Royal Institute of British
Architects. Fellow of the Royal Microscopical Society. . Fellow of the
Royal Meteorological Society. . Fellow Royal School Naval
Architecture.
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 ABBREVIATIONS, F.R.P.S. F.R.S. ... F.R.S.A. F.R.S. E.
F.R.S.Q.S. F.R.S. L. F.S.A. ... F.S.A.A. F.S.A.S. F.S.I. ... F.S.S. ...
F.T.C.D. F.Z.S. ... F.Z.S.Scot. Q.B.E. ... Q.C.B. ... Q.C.H. ... Q.C.I.E.
Q.C.iVI.Q. Q.C.S.i. Q.C.V.O. Oen. Q.N.R. ... Qov. Qovt. Q.P.O. ...
H.A.C. ... H.E. H.E.I.C. H.E.I.C.S. Heir app. Heir pres. H.H. H.I.H. ...
H.I.M. ... H.L.I. ... H.M. H.M.I. ... H.IVl.S. ... Hon. (Hon.) ... h.-p. ...
H.Q. ... H.R.H. ... Fellow of the Royal Photographic Society. Fellow of
the Royal .Society. Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts. Fellow of the
Royal Society of Edinburgh. Fellow of the Royal Scottish
Geographical Societj'. Fellow of the Royal Society of Literature.
Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries. Fellow of the Society of
Accountants and Auditors. Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries of
Scotland. Fellow of Surveyors* Institution. Fellow of the Royal
Statistical Society. Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin. Fellow of the
Zoological Society. Fellow of the Zoological Society of Scotland.
Knight or Dame Grand Cross Order of the British Empire Knight
Grand Cross of the ihith. Knight Grand Cross of Hanover. Knight
Grand Commander of the Indian Empire. Knight Grand Cross of St.
Michael and St. George. Knight Grand Commander of the Star of
India. Knight Grand Cross of Royal Victorian Order. General. Great
Northern Railway. Governor. Government. General Post Office.
Honourable Artillery Company. His Excellency. Honourable East India
Company. Honourable East India Company's Service. Heir apparent.
Heir presumptive. His (or Her) Highness. His (of Her) Imperial
Highness. His (or Her) Imperial Majesty Highland Light Infantry. His
(or Her) Majesty. His Majesty's Inspector. His Majesty's Ship.
Honourable. Honorary. half-pay. Hcadouarters His (oV Her) Royal
Highness. H.R.H. A. Honorary Member of Eojral Hibernian Academy.
H.R.S.A. Honorary r\[ember of Royal Scottish Academy. H.S.H. ... His
(or Her) Serene Highness I.A. Indian Army. lb. or Ibid. Ibidem (in
the same place). I.C.S. ... Indian Civil Service. i.e. id est (that is).
I.H.S. ... Jesus Hominura Salvator (Jesus the Saviour of Men), more
correctly IHM, the first three letters of the name of Jesus in Greek.
I.L.P. ... Independent Labour Party. Imp. Imperial. i.m.s. ... Indian
Medical Service. incog. ... Incocnito (in secret). insp. Inspector. Inst.
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