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The Periodical Press in Treaty Port Japan Conflicting
Reports from Yokohama 1861 1870 1st Edition Todd S.
Munson Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Todd S. Munson
ISBN(s): 9789004243132, 9004243135
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 6.42 MB
Year: 2012
Language: english
The Periodical Press in Treaty-Port Japan
 The Periodical Press in
Treaty-Port Japan

Conflicting Reports From Yokohama,

1861–1870

By

Todd S. Munson

LEIDEN • BOSTON
2013
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Munson, Todd S.
The periodical press in treaty-port Japan : conflicting reports from Yokohama, 1861-1870 / by Todd
S. Munson.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-90-04-23365-2 (hardback : alk. paper) -- ISBN 978-90-04-24313-2 (ebook) (print)
1. Japanese periodicals--History--19th century. 2. Yokohama-shi (Japan)--History--19th century.
I. Title.
Z186.J3M86 2013
050.952--dc23
2012036709

This publication has been typeset in the multilingual “Brill” typeface. With over 5,100 characters
covering Latin, IPA, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the
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ISBN 978-90-04-23365-2 (hardback)

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Copyright 2013 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.

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Fees are subject to change.

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

For my parents, Bruce and Barbara Munson
 CONTENTS

List of Illustrations ix

Introduction: Yokohama and the Periodical Press 1

1. Joseph Heco and the Kaigai Shinbun 15
2. T
 he Fin De Siècle Press: Bankoku Shinbunshi and Yokohama
Shinpō Moshiogusa 37
3. A
 lbert W. Hansard and the Japan Herald: Conflict, Controversy,
and the “Inside Story” 67
4. “ A Sojourner Amongst Us”: Charles Wirgman and the
Japan Punch 93
5. T
 he Strange Case of “Fisher vs. Rickerby”: Press, Scandal,
and Satire in Treaty-Port Japan 127
Conclusion155
Bibliography 161

Index 169
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

1–1. Front cover of Kaigai Shinbun 22

2–1. C harles Wirgman illustration from Bankoku Shinbunshi
(April 1869) 48
2–2. Illustration from Bankoku Shinbunshi (May 1869) 49
2–3. Illustration from Moshiogusa (July 24, 1868) 58
2–4. Illustration from Moshiogusa (January 28, 1869) 61
4–1. Front cover of the Japan Punch 96
4–2. First page of the Japan Punch (1862) 97
4–3. Illustration from the Japan Punch (1862) 98
4–4. Illustration from the Japan Punch (1862) 98
4–5. Illustration from the Japan Punch (1862) 100
4–6. Illustration from the Japan Punch (1862) 101
4–7. Illustration from the Japan Punch (1866) 105
4–8. Illustration from the Japan Punch (1866) 107
4–9. Illustration from the Japan Punch (1865) 108
4–10. Illustration from the Japan Punch (1866) 110
4–11. Illustration from the Japan Punch (1867) 112
4–12. Illustration from the Japan Punch (1865) 114
4–13. Illustration from the Japan Punch (1866) 116
4–14. Illustration from the Japan Punch (1866) 117
4–15. Illustration from the Japan Punch (1868) 120
4–16. Illustration from the Japan Punch (1868) 122
4–17. Illustration from the Japan Punch (1868) 122
4–18. Illustration from the Japan Punch (1868) 124
5–1. Illustration from the Japan Punch (1865) 147
5–2. Illustration from the Japan Punch (1865) 148
5–3. Illustration from the Japan Punch (1865) 149
5–4. Illustration from the Japan Punch (1865) 150
5–5. Illustration from the Japan Punch (1865) 151
 INTRODUCTION

YOKOHAMA AND THE PERIODICAL PRESS

On the evening of June 30, 1859, Eugene Van Reed and Joseph Heco arrived
in Yokohama Harbor on board the Wanderer, a small sailing vessel. The
son of a California gold-dust broker and real-estate agent, Van Reed first
chanced to meet the former Japanese castaway (then still using his origi-
nal name Hamada Hikozō) in San Francisco in 1853.1 Though the two soon
parted ways, they met again in Hawaii in 1858 while awaiting passage to
Japan. Van Reed, intrigued by the commercial possibilities in the orient,
had been hired by the American trading firm Augustine Heard and Co.,
while Heco had signed on as an interpreter at the American Consulate in
Kanagawa. Within mere months of his arrival, Van Reed had established
himself as a veteran “Japan hand,” establishing private business deals with
the domains of Echizen and Satsuma, publishing a Japanese grammar
book, maintaining two residences in the foreign settlement, and becom-
ing the subject of more than one Japanese woodblock print.2 By 1865 he
had, improbably, sought and secured employment as the Japanese consul
general of the Kingdom of Hawaii, overseeing the forced immigration of
approximately 150 Japanese laborers to the Hawaiian Islands. In addition
to these commercial and diplomatic activities, Van Reed found time to
publish a Japanese-language newspaper, Yokohama Shinpō Moshiogusa
(“Yokohama News Anthology”), which ran for the three years. He died in
1873 at age thirty-eight, while en route to the United States to seek treat-
ment for his chronic tuberculosis.

1 The primary English-language source of information on this understudied figure is

Albert A. Altman, “Eugene Van Reed, Reading Man in Japan,” in Historical Review of Berks
County 30.1 (winter 1964–1965), pp. 6–12, 27–31. In Japanese, see Itō Hisako 伊藤久子,
“Ishoku no kyoryūchi gaikokujin Buan Rīdo 異色の居留地外国人ヴァンリード,” in Kaikō
no hiroba 開港のひろば no. 10 (February 1, 1985), p. 51; and “Buan Rīdo wa ‘akutokushōnin’
nanoka ヴァンリードは ‘悪徳商人’ なのか,” in Yokohama kyoryūchi to ibunka kōryū
横浜居留地と異文化交流, ed. Yokohama Kaikō Shiryōkan 横浜開港資料館 et al.
(Yamakawa Shuppansha 山川出版社, 1996), pp. 119–157.
2 See, for example, Anne Yonemura, Yokohama: Prints from Nineteenth-Century Japan
(Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1990), p. 104.
2 introduction

The life of the Hamada followed a different trajectory, but one that
stopped along many of the same points.3 Born near Kobe in 1837, Hamada
was lost at sea at age thirteen, after his stepfather’s ship was caught in a
storm. After two months adrift, the castaways were rescued by an American
merchant vessel and deposited safely in San Francisco. The American gov-
ernment used their repatriation as a pretense to open trade negotiations,
and plans were subsequently undertaken to return Heco and his compan-
ions on board Commodore Perry’s “black ships.” Upon arrival at Hong
Kong, however, Heco opted not to go forward—his inadvertent violation
of the Japan’s seclusion policy may have meant the death penalty, after
all—and went back to California. He then spent several eventful years in
the United States, during which time he was baptized a Christian, became
a naturalized citizen, mastered the English language, met two presidents
(Franklin Pierce and James Buchanan), and adopted the name of “Joseph
Heco.” By 1859, he was ready to begin a new adventure and once again set
sail for Japan. Shortly after his arrival in Yokohama, however, Heco realized
that years of exposure to foreign culture had made him a target of sonnō jōi
(“revere the emperor, expel the barbarian”) terrorists, so he decided to
return to America in 1861. “It was a well-ascertained fact that several ronin
deemed me worth of their attention, and were on the outlook for me to cut
me down,” he noted in the September 16, 1861, entry of his English-language
biography.4 Heco spent another full year in the United States, meeting a
third president (“[Lincoln] was tall, lean, with large hands”), then came to
Japan to stay in 1863. While pursuing business ventures in Yokohama, he
founded the first true Japanese periodical, the Kaigai Shinbun (“Overseas
News”), in 1865. Compiled with the help of assistants—Heco could speak
Japanese, but not read or write the language—the Kaigai Shinbun boasted
a mix of international news, American history, and passages from the Old
Testament. Heco published his newspaper in Yokohama until January
1867, when commercial interests drew him to Nagasaki, Kobe, and eventu-
ally Tokyo, where he lived quietly until his death in 1897.

3 In contrast to Eugene Van Reed, Heco’s life has been well chronicled by scholars, fore-
most among them Chikamori Haruyoshi 近盛晴嘉; his Josefu Hiko ジョセフ＝ヒコ
(Yoshikawa kōbunkan 吉川弘文館, 1963) has assumed the position of standard biography.
Heco himself wrote two autobiographies, one in each of his languages. In English, see his
two-volume Narrative of a Japanese, ed. James Murdoch (San Francisco: Japanese
Publishing Association, 1950); in Japanese, see “Amerika Hikozō hyōryūki アメリカ彦蔵漂
流記,” in Kinsei hyōryūki shū 近世漂流記集, ed. Arakawa Hidetoshi 荒川秀俊 (Hōsei
Daigaku Shuppankyoku 法政大学出版局, 1969), pp. 233–283.
4 Ibid., p. 278.
 yokohama and the periodical press 3

This study is not a biography, and these figures have not been sketched
as part of a larger study of the pioneers of early Yokohama—valuable a
subject though that might be. Rather, I have elected to introduce them
here because they so aptly reflect the issues under consideration in this
book, which is an analytical survey of the periodical press of bakumatsu
Yokohama. In the lives of these two men, we witness in small the invari-
ably intercultural nature of imperialism. Their narratives are illustrative of
the then-emerging cultural, social, and/or economic globalisms that have
become so common in our twenty-first century. Van Reed and Heco made
homes, friends, careers, and fortunes at opposite ends of the globe in the
course of their lives: Van Reed as entrepreneur, diplomat, and publisher in
San Francisco, Honolulu, and Yokohama; Heco as bilingual journalist,
public servant, and international businessman. As both men maneuvered
between cultures and languages, so too did they innovate uses of print
media during their stay in Yokohama, at a time when that community was
expanding and defining itself as Japan’s most cosmopolitan entrepôt.
Their newspapers provided Japan with a new arena for the timely exchange
of ideas, opinion, and fact at a critical juncture in that country’s history.
And while both Van Reed and Heco played crucial roles in Yokohama’s
development as a seedbed of the periodical press, they were only two of
many such publisher/editor/journalists, among them Albert Hansard, of
the English-language Japan Herald; Kishida Ginkō, of the Shinbunshi and
Yokohama Shinpō Moshiogusa; the Reverend M. Buckworth Bailey, of the
Japanese Bankoku Shinbunshi; and the satirist and illustrator Charles
Wirgman, whose Japan Punch frequently took Yokohama’s periodical
press as its satirical subject.
In Chapters One and Two of this book, I pursue a close reading of the
three Japanese-language newspapers published in Yokohama by foreign-
ers, pursuing issues of authorship, tone, audience, and agenda. Falling as it
did between the cracks of control—a factor of the settlement’s extraterri-
torial privileges, as well as the waning influence of the Tokugawa state—
the Yokohama community arrogated unto itself an unprecedented degree
of press freedom in the 1860s, making it perhaps the most open and eclec-
tic publishing locale in Asia. Unfettered by legal barriers, these newspa-
pers espoused the tenets of “civilization and enlightenment” during the
waning years of the Tokugawa shogunate. Modern technology, interna-
tional diplomacy, and even the history of Christianity were all given ample
space in their pages (pages, it should be noted, that were actually pub-
lished and distributed to a consumer audience, not furtively recopied in
some scholar’s library). As such, these sources mark quite a contrast to the
4 introduction

proclamations emanating from the imperial court during the decade of

the 1860s, to say nothing of the “expel-the-barbarian rhetoric” espoused by
xenophobic samurai intent upon driving the foreigners out of Japan at all
costs. Chapter One examines the careers of Joseph Heco and Kishida
Ginkō, from their earliest efforts to the landmark Kaigai Shinbun of 1865.
As we shall see, the Kaigai Shinbun was no simple newspaper, but a fasci-
nating digest of technology, religion, history, and international affairs.
Chapter Two carries Kishida’s story forward to his partnership with Eugene
Van Reed. Their Yokohama Shinpō Moshiogusa ran from 1868 to 1870 and
boasted political cartoons, essays on foreign policy, and special reports
from Hawaii, among other unusual features. This chapter shares its focus
with another “multinational” publication, the Reverend M. Buckworth
Bailey’s Bankoku Shinbunshi (“News of the World”), and explores Bailey’s
efforts to bridge the gap between the Europeans and the Japanese.
Chapters Three through Five explore the world of Japan’s nascent
English-language media—the Japan Herald, the Japan Times, and the
satirical illustrated journal Japan Punch—with an eye toward synchronic-
ity and context. Whereas most studies in Japanese media history have
tended to focus on institutional development—looking backward, with
the telos of the modern newspaper foremost in mind—here we focus on
periodical press as its readership “on the ground” would have understood
it: as a community of fiercely independent, idiosyncratic vehicles of
expression, freed not only from the restraints of government interference,
but also from the bounds of convention and occasionally even good taste.5
In his masterful study of the Meiji Period press, James Huffman notes that
“the press … is a narrator, a storyteller whose decisions about what to
ignore and what to include do far more to shape our vision of public real-
ity than most of us realize.”6 In this section we will trace the emergence of
the English-language press in a time of conflict and confusion, excitement
and fear—and in so doing follow the narratives vying to represent the
“public reality” of Yokohama and Japan.

5 The literature on the history of Japanese newspapers is voluminous; interested read-

ers may begin with the works of Ono Hideo 小野秀雄. For a representative English work,
see D. Eleanor Westney, Imitation and Innovation: The Transfer of Western Organizational
Patterns in Meiji Japan (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987).
6 James L. Huffman, Creating a Public: People and Press in Meiji Japan (Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press, 1997), p. 6.
 yokohama and the periodical press 5

Chapter Three introduces the English-language newspapers of baku-

matsu Japan.7 In contrast to their Japanese language counterparts,
Yokohama’s English-language papers embraced the rhetoric of rivalry;
the internecine squabbling of the Japan Herald, Japan Commercial News,
and Japan Express fostered divisiveness among their audiences as much as
they fostered any sense of community. These newspapers maintained no
pretense of impartiality, but rather flaunted their subjectivity in order to
establish identities and generate sales. As Michael Schudson noted in his
study of the American press, “objectivity is a peculiar demand” to make of
institutions that are “dedicated to economic survival,” and the Yokohama
press was no exception.8 Chapter Four turns to the early years of the Japan
Punch, a satirical journal written and illustrated by Charles Wirgman from
1862 to 1887. By the end of its long run, the Punch had made Wirgman a
local celebrity and a beloved figure in Yokohama, and to have been carica-
tured in its pages became something of an honor. The early years of the
journal, however, were another matter altogether—its pages became filled
with the kind of scathing criticism, witty insults, and insider jokes that
render the texts nearly indecipherable today. Accordingly, most modern-
day attention to the Japan Punch has focused on the function of Wirgman’s
drawings as windows onto early Yokohama life, but it will be the task of
this chapter to revive his long-dormant social and political commentary.
Chapter Five brings the book to a close with a fascinating court case deeply
rooted in the 1860s Yokohama mediascape, involving not just the Japan
Punch but also the two English-language newspapers printed in the settle-
ment, the Japan Herald and the Japan Times.
Before we proceed to a short history of the Yokohama settlement, a few
caveats are in order regarding this study. First, although a nascent periodi-
cal press did briefly exist in Edo during the late 1860s, it has been exhaus-
tively written about by others and will not be treated here.9 An exclusive
focus on Yokohama will allow us to see the settlement refracted through

7 There were no Chinese-, Dutch-, French-, Russian-, or German-language newspapers

or magazines published during our period. George Bigot’s Tobaé—Journal Satirique was
the first non-Japanese/non-English periodical in Japan, and it did not debut until 1887.
8 See Discovering the News: A Social History of American Newspapers (New York: Basic
Books, 1978), p. 3.
9 See Altman, “Shinbunshi: The Early Meiji Adaptation of the Western-Style Newspaper,”
in Modern Japan: Aspects of History, Literature, and Society, ed. W.G. Beasley (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1975), pp. 59–60. Also Ono Hideo, Nihon shinbun hattatsu shi
日本新聞発達史 (Osaka Mainichi Shinbun-sha 大阪毎日新聞社, 1922), p. 26.
6 introduction

the prism of its media culture: the conflict, dissention, hopes, and fears of
a community geographically bound on all sides by water, but culturally
and politically held together by only the most tenuous of connections.
Second, although the history of the Japanese news media (and that of
Japan’s treaty port press) obviously extends well beyond the 1860s, I have
chosen the endpoint of 1870 for two reasons. First, the end of the Tokugawa
period marks an obvious historical transition than cannot be ignored.
More importantly for our purposes, however, by 1870 a moment had clearly
passed in the history of Japan’s periodical press, as Yokohama no longer
stood alone as a foreign enclave. Osaka, Niigata, Kobe, and Edo had opened
to foreign residence in 1868–1869, and within months each boasted
English-language newspapers of their own. At the same time, Japanese-
language newspapers—after their own short bloom in Edo/Tokyo in the
spring and summer of 1868—found themselves subject to new, restrictive
press regulations, as the power vacuum created by the fall of the Tokugawa
was replaced by the efficient bureaucracy of the Meiji state. A moment
had passed.

Yokohama—A Brief History of the First Decade

Although the tale of Commodore Matthew Perry’s mission to “open” Japan

to foreign trade in the 1850s has been told several times over, the port of
Yokohama is less familiar to Western audiences. Yokohama, meaning
“beach that juts out sideways,” was originally a small fishing village of
some eighty households, perched on a narrow sandbar some thirty kilo-
meters south of Edo. Perhaps presaging its role as an international trading
hub, the village had long enjoyed a connection to global trade: its primary
crop of sea cucumbers was sent to Edo, Nagasaki, and finally China. The
crisis of the 1850s forever changed the area, as the villages whose families
had farmed and fished there for generations were promptly evicted and
replaced by shogunate officials, Japanese merchants, and eventually for-
eigners themselves.
On the heels of the Perry mission of 1853–1854, the Japanese govern-
ment ordered an end to its isolationist prohibition against the construc-
tion of seagoing vessels and established a shipyard in Yokohama in 1854 for
the building of a warship built along western lines. Bakufu administrators
often visited the area in order to monitor construction, and in 1857 Iwase
Tadanari—impressed by the area’s deep-water bay—recommended it be
 yokohama and the periodical press 7

chosen as the port stipulated by the treaty agreement.10 He argued that a

port that was close—but not too close—to the Shogun’s city of Edo would
be of great economic benefit to the city, as otherwise wealth might drain
away to Osaka.
American consul Townsend Harris, who had arrived in Japan in 1856,
was given the task of encouraging the Japanese to sign a commercial treaty
with the United States. Without the benefit of a large fleet offshore to back
him up—such as the one Perry enjoyed while negotiating the initial agree-
ment a few years earlier—Harris was made to wait over two years before
the bakufu agreed to sign a commercial treaty with the United States. The
resulting Treaty of Amity and Commerce (1858) allowed for the setting of
tariffs and import duties, the formal exchange of diplomatic representa-
tives, and the eventual opening of several ports for trade and residence by
American citizens, who would in addition enjoy the right of extraterritori-
ality.11 Foreigners would not be able to own land and would only be per-
mitted to travel a “walking distance” of approximately twenty-five miles
without special permission. These treaty rights were soon thereafter
extended to the Netherlands, Great Britain, France, and Russia.
Harris did not consider Yokohama a promising location for a port.
Rather, his preference was for Kanagawa, a post station along the busy
Tokaido highway leading to Edo. In advance of the July 1, 1859, commence-
ment date, he moved from his remote outpost on Shimoda and opened up
an American Consulate there, as did the British minister.12 While the dip-
lomats were settling into Kanagawa, however, the bakufu—following
Iwase’s recommendation—had been constructing piers, a custom-house,
and rental units for foreigners across the bay. When the first American
merchants made anchor on June 30, they found that Yokohama offered
everything they needed and quickly settled there. The fact that the port
offered a deep anchorage close to shore helped to convince any doubters,

10 Yokohama Past and Present, ed. Katō Yūzō 加藤祐三 (Yokohama City University,
1990), p. 34. The finished ship, the Asahi-maru, was never seaworthy, and it fully earned its
nickname “troublesome ship” (Yakkai-maru).
11 All seven cities did not open en masse in 1859; in fact, Edo and Osaka were not offi-
cially opened to foreign residence until after the Tokugawa government had lost control
over those areas in 1868.
12 The original date was set for American Independence Day (July 4), but because a
later treaty that the bakufu concluded with Russia stipulated an opening date of July 1, the
Americans demanded that the earlier date be extended to them as well.
8 introduction

and within days the shift from Kanagawa was a fait accompli—for all save
Harris, who refused to ever set foot in Yokohama (and never did).
Yokohama was envisioned as a new kind of settlement, with its build-
ings “laid out like spaces on a Japanese chessboard,” in the words of resi-
dent Morookaya Ihee.13 Near the shoreline, at the center of the settlement,
was a custom-house, several administrative offices, and two piers. The
location of this cluster of buildings symbolically conveyed the message
that Yokohama was both a place of commerce as well as an area under
strict control of the Tokugawa government. As viewed from the bay, the
area to the west of the custom-house compound was reserved for the for-
eign settlement, while the land to the east was for the exclusive use of the
Japanese community. The entire area was surrounded by water on all four
sides, as a canal had been dug in order to connect the river at the boundary
of the foreign settlement with an estuary that bordered the Japanese quar-
ter. The fact that Yokohama had been, in effect, transformed into an artifi-
cial island was not lost on Francis Hall, an early resident familiar with the
Tokugawa government’s policy of quarantining the Dutch on the man-
made island of Deshima (also known as Dejima): “once all the foreigners
are removed from Kanagawa, the Japanese will do all they dare to keep us
off from the Tokaido and Desimate us at Yokohama.”14 The only way to
enter Yokohama by land was by one of two (later four) bridges, each of
which housed a guard post that ensured that no arms were brought inside.
“It goes without saying,” Morookaya adds, “that members of the warrior
class, when they arrive to gawk at people from foreign countries, are
strictly prohibited from wearing their swords.”15
In order to ensure sufficient commercial interest in the settlement, the
shogunate required large merchant houses to lease land and establish
branches in Yokohama. The House of Mitsui, Japan’s largest and richest
trading firm, was ordered to build a store in Honchō 2-chōme by the mag-
istrate of foreign affairs in 1859. The shop primarily sold textiles and
provided money-exchange services. In all, a total of thirty-four Edo mer-
chant houses set up branch shops in Yokohama, in addition to twelve
from Kanagawa and six from Hodogaya. The bakufu also began accepting

13 Kinkōdō Morookaya Ihee 錦港堂師岡屋伊兵衛, Minato no hana Yokohama kidan

みなとのはな横浜奇談 (n.p., ca. 1862–1863), p. 9.
14 Notehelfer, F.G., ed., Japan Through American Eyes: The Journal of Francis Hall,
Kanagawa and Yokohama, 1859–1866, by Francis Hall (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1992), p. 392; “Deshima” was an alternate rendering of “Dejima,” hence Hall’s word-
play of “desimate” for “decimate.”
15 Ibid., p. 12.
 yokohama and the periodical press 9

applications from the general public for spaces in the native district,
requiring prospective merchants to provide the shop’s name, owner’s
hometown, and type of merchandise to be sold.16 Successful applicants
leased their land from the bakufu directly, built shops and warehouses at
their own expense, and thereafter paid a yearly fee to the bakufu. The
number of applicants soon reached a hundred, exceeding the expecta-
tions of the government, and by April of 1859, the bakufu announced that
all the land was gone.
The transitional nature of many of these early merchants is revealed by
their applications. Many had no real prospects or set plans, but simply
hoped to make a quick profit and leave (as did many of the early foreign
residents, to be sure). Among the applicants were those who could not
even answer simple questions about what type of merchandise they
wished to sell, or how much land they wished to rent. Many of these men
disappeared after a short time, returning to their home villages, and were
quickly replaced by others of similar mien. In time, however, the settle-
ment congealed into place, and respectable merchants took their place
among the fly-by-night operations that marked Yokohama’s first few
months. Nonetheless, it was many decades before the shops and neighbor-
hoods of Yokohama attained the degree of fixity that marked other
Japanese cities. One Yokohama shop clerk noted in his diary that he pre-
ferred Yokohama to Edo, because there were none of the troublesome
societal contacts that made Edo a difficult place to live. Yokohama, he
praised, was a place “where one does not know his neighbors” (tonari
shirazu).17
Population accounts of early Yokohama are notoriously scarce, but
some eight thousand Japanese were living in the settlement by the early
1860s, a number that would double by the time of the Meiji Restoration a
half decade later. As for Europeans and Americans, approximately 125
men were gainfully employed in Yokohama in 1862, the first year for which
data is available. This population climbed gradually, reaching approxi-
mately 300 in the mid-1860s and nearly double that by the end of the
decade. Uncounted were any number of unlicensed shopkeepers, bar
owners, and itinerant laborers who had arrived with no fixed employment
(the majority of whom were erstwhile crew members who jumped ship

16 Nishikawa Takeomi 西川武臣 and Itō Izumi 伊藤泉美, Kaikoku Nihon to Yokohama
Chūkagai 開国日本と横浜中華街 (Taishūkan 大修館, 2002), p. 50.
17 Ibid., p. 57.
10 introduction

once they reached port).18 Finally, no population accounts include either

West Indian laborers or the Chinese, without whom the settlement could
hardly have functioned. In addition to serving as translators and domestic
staff, the tea trade was exclusively handled by Chinese compradors, who
imported tea to Shanghai and Hong Kong.19
Though Yokohama was constructed as a trading hub—and though
some small fortunes were made in the silver trade in 1859—the overall
pattern of trade in the bakumatsu and early Meiji years was one of reliable
stagnation. The principal exports were tea (often processed by young
Japanese women under inhumane conditions) and silk, while the primary
imports were textiles. Except for brief periods when external conditions
spurred interest in native products, such as the European silk blight of
1865, trade never reached the optimistic predictions of early residents.
Difficulties with money exchange, and prohibitions on foreign travel to
the interior, both served to restrict commercial development, a situation
that greatly frustrated all parties except the Japanese government.
Although there was sufficient commercial activity to support the mer-
chant population of Yokohama, there were no great success stories during
our period—men simply made enough money to cover the expenses of
their rent, food, firearms, alcohol, and so forth. Since the cost of living was
rather low, however, daily needs could be easily met, and most men could
also afford to keep a horse and groom, as well as a cook, servants, and/or
live-in mistress.
Whereas Yokohama’s foreign residents bemoaned the lack of familiar
comforts and civilized trappings, native authors painted the area’s com-
mercial prosperity in broad strokes. One observer of bakumatsu Yokohama,
author and woodblock print artist Hashimoto Sadahide, described what
he saw on shore, near the custom-house and wharves:
There are wharves east and west of the shore for unloading shipments. In
the center, the Custom-House and shop-fronts spread out in all directions.
The sound of the waves hitting with majestic severity and the constant cries
of the birds in the air could be mistaken for flutes used in court music…The
east wharf is where the foreigners unload their shipments; it is quite a lively
scene, as the foreigners and Japanese co-mingle, their parcels piled high as

18 The 1868 edition of The Chronicle and Directory for China, Japan, and the Philippines is
unique in that is does provide a small list of “Chinese and Native Shopkeepers” in the
Yokohama section. There are eleven names listed—all Chinese, and no native.
19 Tea factories were established in Yokohama from quite early on. They were funded by
European or American capital, managed by Chinese, and usually staffed by poor Japanese
women, who labored under mercilessly hot conditions during the summer months.
Other documents randomly have
different content
 A ravaruszkai 166
Két levelezőlap 167
Mannlicher 168
A különbség 168
A baka bevásárol 169
Mit lövöldöztök? 170
A hadipénz 170
Földrajz 172
Mikor a bojtár politizál 172
Akik itthon maradtak
A hajdúnánási leányok 173
Új főmunkatársak 174
Lelkesedés 175
A kis fodrász 175
Modern kényelem 177
A hadianyós 178
A beteg 179
Babuka az oroszok ellen 180
A szegény asszony ajándéka 180
Egy nyugodalmas lélek 181
A legszebb arany-adomány 181
A hadizsákmány 182
A veszélyes hely 183
A menyasszony 183
Az inhaláló-gép 184
Egy szegény parasztasszony 184
Az orosz fogorvosok 185
Gyerekek háborúja 185
A vitézségi érem 185
 Javítások.
Az eredeti szöveg helyesírásán nem változtattunk.
A nyomdai hibákat javítottuk. Ezek listája:

141 hacoltunk harcoltunk

166 összeesmi összeesni
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