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Contributions to Political Science

Birgit Bujard

The British
Prime Minister
in the Core
Executive
Political Leadership in British European
Policy
Contributions to Political Science
More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/11829
Birgit Bujard

The British Prime Minister

in the Core Executive
Political Leadership in British European Policy
Birgit Bujard
Cologne, Germany

The present work is the author’s Ph.D. thesis (Dissertation). It was accepted in 2017 at the
Universität der Bundeswehr München (Neubiberg, Germany) under the title “The British
prime minister in the core executive. An analysis of prime ministerial political leadership in
British European policy from James Callaghan to Tony Blair using the example of European
monetary policy”.

ISSN 2198-7289 ISSN 2198-7297 (electronic)

Contributions to Political Science
ISBN 978-3-319-89952-7 ISBN 978-3-319-89953-4 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89953-4

Library of Congress Control Number: 2018942023

© Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature 2019

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Preface

This book is based on my doctoral thesis, which I submitted in November 2016 at the
Universität der Bundeswehr München (University of the Federal Armed Forces
Munich) and defended in July 2017.
My academic interest in British politics began about 20 years ago with several
seminars on Tony Blair’s New Labour government which then had just come into
office in the United Kingdom.
What particularly interested (and still interests) me was the United Kingdom’s
relationship with the European Union as well as the country’s view of the European
integration process. Britain’s long-standing scepticism about the European project
and its reluctance to fully engage with its European partners in the EEC and EU have
always puzzled me. Therefore, the attempt to understand this approach to European
integration better as well as the role of the prime minister in it has led me to select
this topic for my doctoral dissertation.
What I hope this book shows is that the roots for the British public’s vote in 2016
to leave the European Union lie not merely in the (European) policies of various UK
governments as well as the political discourse in Britain of the past few years but run
deeper than that. To understand the outcome of the 2016 referendum, a look further
back in the UK’s history of European integration has to be taken as well, which the
study at hand does. Moreover, this book illustrates that a prime minister’s political
leadership in this policy field is more constrained than public, media and academic
debate sometimes suggests.

Cologne, Germany Birgit Bujard

March 2018

v
Acknowledgements

In researching this subject and completing my doctoral dissertation I owe a

considerable debt of gratitude to a number of people and organisations.
First and foremost, I would like to thank my doctoral supervisor Prof. Dr. Ursula
Münch for her intellectual input, guidance as well as encouragement and patience
throughout the research and writing process. I am very grateful for her kind and
valuable advice and for the time she took to discuss my research project over the
years. I am, moreover, thankful to Prof. Dr. Carlo Masala for having been the second
supervisor as well as for his initial suggestion to write my doctoral thesis at the
Universität der Bundeswehr and for encouraging me to return to university to pursue
my doctoral degree.
I would also like to thank my interview partners Sir Brian Bender, Sir Michael
Butler ({), Lord Bernard Donoughue, Lord David Hannay, Lord John Kerr, Lord
Tom McNally, Lord Roger Liddle, Sir Stephen Wall, Sir Nigel Wicks and Lord
David Williamson ({) for taking time to speak to me and for sharing their perspec-
tives on British European policy and the UK prime minister’s political leadership.
Furthermore, I am indebted to the help I received from my fellow PhD students at
the Universität der Bundeswehr, who provided valuable comments and feedback on
my research during our meetings in Neubiberg and Tutzing. In particular I would
like to thank Nora Sánchez Gassen for her support throughout the years, for her
hugely helpful feedback on so many issues covered in this study and for spending
many hours discussing them with me.
Moreover, I am thankful to Nigel Bennett and Tina Kastenbein for their com-
ments on the English language in the various drafts of my dissertation.
For the permission to reproduce copyright material, I am grateful to Cambridge
University Press (R. Putnam: Diplomacy and domestic politics: The logic of
two-level games, International Organization), John Wiley & Sons (J. B. Christoph:
The effects of Britons in Brussels: The European Community and the culture of
Whitehall, Governance; P. Dunleavy & R. A. W. Rhodes: Core executive studies in
Britain, Public Administration; S. James: Taming the ‘awkward state’? The changing
face of European policy-making under Blair, Public Administration; C. Seymour-

vii
viii Acknowledgements

Ure: Prime ministers and the media: Issues of power and control; M. J. Smith: The
core executive and the resignation of Mrs Thatcher, Public Administration, M. J.
Smith: Reconceptualizing the British state: Theoretical and empirical challenges to
central government, Public Administration), Pan Macmillan (J. Bruce-Gardyne,
Ministers and mandarins: Inside the Whitehall village; P. Stephens, Politics and
the pound: The Tories, the economy and Europe; H. Young: This blessed plot:
Britain and Europe from Churchill to Blair), The Financial Times, Oxford University
Press (S. Bulmer & C. Lequesne (Eds.): The member states of the European Union;
M. Bennister: Blair and Howard: Predominant prime ministers compared,
Parliamentary Affairs; S. George: An awkward partner: Britain in the European
Community; S. Wall: A stranger in Europe: Britain and the EU from Thatcher to
Blair), SAGE Publishing (R. Heffernan: Prime ministerial predominance? Core
executive politics in the UK, British Journal of Politics and International Relations;
R. Heffernan: Exploring (and explaining) the British prime minister, British Journal
of Politics and International Relations); St. John’s College, Cambridge (P. Cradock:
In pursuit of British interests: Reflections on foreign policy under Margaret
Thatcher and John Major) and Taylor & Francis (T. Bale & K. Sanders: ‘Playing
by the book’: Success and failure in John Major’s approach to prime ministerial
media management, Contemporary British History; P. Daniels: From hostility to
‘constructive engagement’: the Europeanisation of the Labour Party, West European
Politics; E. Dell & Lord Hunt of Tanworth: The failings of cabinet government in mid
to late 1970s, Contemporary British History; B. Donoughue: The prime minister’s
day, Contemporary British History; B. Jones, D. Kavanagh, M. Moran & P. Norton
(Eds.): Politics UK; D. Shell & R. Hodder-Williams (Eds.): Churchill to Major: The
British prime ministership since 1945).
I would like to thank HarperCollins Publishers for the permission to reproduce
copyright material from the following books:
Kavanagh, D. & Seldon, A., The Powers behind the Prime Minister, The Hidden
Influence of Number Ten, 2000, 2nd edition, London: HarperCollins. Reprinted
by permission of HarperCollins Publishers Ltd © Dennis Kavanagh & Anthony
Seldon 2000
Major, J., The Autobiography, 2nd edition, 2000, London: HarperCollins. Reprinted
by permission of HarperCollins Publishers Ltd © John Major 1999, 2000
Mandelson, P., The Third Man, Life at the Heart of New Labour, 2010, London:
Harper Press. Reprinted by permission of HarperCollins Publishers Ltd © Peter
Mandelson 2010
Thatcher, M., The Downing Street Years, 2011, London: Harper Press. Reprinted by
permission of HarperCollins Publishers Ltd © Margaret Thatcher 1993
To Palgrave Macmillan I am grateful for the permission to reproduce copyright
material from these publications:
Elgie, R., Political Leadership in Liberal Democracies, 1995, Basingstoke/London:
Macmillan Press, reproduced with permission of Palgrave Macmillan.
Acknowledgements ix

Smith, M. J., The Core Executive in Britain, 1999, Basingstoke/London: Macmillan

Press, reproduced with permission of Palgrave Macmillan.
The quotations from the House of Commons Debates, the UK Parliament
Website and the House of Commons Library used in this book contain Parliamen-
tary information licensed under the Open Parliament Licence v3.0 (http://www.
parliament.uk/site-information/copyright-parliament/open-parliament-licence/).
The quotations from The National Archives used in this book contain public
sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0 (http://www.
nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3/).

Last but not least, I would like to thank my parents, family and Tobias Grimm as
well as my friends for their support and their patience when having to listen to my
lectures on UK European policy and the political leadership of the British prime
minister.
Contents

1 Prime Ministerial Political Leadership and British European

Policy: An Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.1 The British Prime Minister and European Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.2 Purpose of this Book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
1.3 Current Research, Methodology and Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
2 Theoretical Framework: Prime Ministerial Political Leadership
in the British Political System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
2.1 Approaches to the Study of Political Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
2.2 Approaches to the Study of the British Political System . . . . . . . . 16
2.2.1 The Westminster Model: Cabinet Versus Prime
Ministerial Government/Presidentialization . . . . . . . . . . . 16
2.2.2 The Core Executive Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
2.2.3 Martin J. Smith’s Model of Prime Ministerial Power . . . . 18
2.2.4 The Prime Ministerial Predominance Thesis . . . . . . . . . . 21
2.2.5 A Modified Model of Prime Ministerial Power . . . . . . . . . 24
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
3 The United Kingdom and European Monetary Policy
1976–2007: Exchange Rate Mechanism and Economic
and Monetary Union . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
4 European Policy-Making and Coordination in Executive
and Legislature 1976–2007 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
4.1 The Ministerial Level . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
4.2 The Official Level . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
4.3 The Parliamentary Level . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50

xi
xii Contents

5 Attitudes to European Integration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53

5.1 Prime Ministerial Attitudes to European Integration . . . . . . . . . . 53
5.2 Parliamentary Party Attitudes to European Integration . . . . . . . . . 59
5.2.1 The Labour Party . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
5.2.2 The Conservative Party . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60
5.3 Media Attitudes to European Integration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62
5.4 Public Attitudes to European Integration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
6 Prime Ministerial Resources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
6.1 Institutional Resources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
6.1.1 Right of Appointment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74
6.1.2 Cabinet Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
6.1.3 The Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
6.1.4 Two-Level Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
6.2 Individual Resources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
6.2.1 Parliamentary Party Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
6.2.2 Political Communication and Media Management . . . . . . 82
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
7 Prime Minister’s Office and Cabinet Office as Institutional
Resources of the Prime Minister in the European (Monetary)
Policy Core Executive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
7.1 James Callaghan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
7.1.1 Prime Minister’s Office . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
7.1.2 Cabinet Office . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90
7.2 Margaret Thatcher . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92
7.2.1 Prime Minister’s Office . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92
7.2.2 Cabinet Office . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
7.3 John Major . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
7.3.1 Prime Minister’s Office . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
7.3.2 Cabinet Office . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
7.4 Tony Blair . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
7.4.1 Prime Minister’s Office . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
7.4.2 Cabinet Office . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
7.5 The Prime Minister’s Institutional Resources in European
(Monetary) Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
8 Prime Ministerial Management of the Actors in the European
Monetary Policy Core Executive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
8.1 Resource of Appointment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
8.1.1 James Callaghan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
8.1.2 Margaret Thatcher . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
8.1.3 John Major . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
8.1.4 Tony Blair . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
Contents xiii

8.2 Prime Ministerial Cabinet Management and Political

Decision-Making on ERM and EMU . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
8.2.1 The Callaghan Government . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
8.2.2 The Thatcher Government . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132
8.2.3 The Major Government . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142
8.2.4 The Blair Government . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150
8.3 Prime Ministerial Two-Level Politics in European (Monetary)
Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156
8.4 Actors in the European Monetary Policy Core Executive
and Prime Ministerial Political Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162
9 Prime Ministerial Management of the Parliamentary Party
in European Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
9.1 James Callaghan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168
9.2 Margaret Thatcher . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172
9.3 John Major . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175
9.4 Tony Blair . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
9.5 The Parliamentary Party and Prime Ministerial Political
Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188
10 Prime Ministerial Political Communication and Media
Management in European Monetary Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
10.1 James Callaghan: European Council in Brussels,
December 1978 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194
10.2 Margaret Thatcher: European Council in Madrid,
June 1989 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203
10.3 John Major: European Council in Maastricht,
December 1991 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213
10.4 Tony Blair: National Changeover Plan,
February 1999 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225
10.5 The Media and Prime Ministerial Political Leadership . . . . . . . . 236
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237
11 Conclusion: Prime Ministerial Political Leadership in British
European (Monetary) Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253
List of Abbreviations

BDOHP British Diplomatic Oral History Project

BSE Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy (mad cow disease)
COES Cabinet Office European Secretariat
COREPER Committee of Permanent Representatives
CPRS Central Policy Review Staff
DOP Cabinet Committee on Defence and Overseas Policy
DSC Departmental Select Committee
DTI Department of Trade and Industry
EC European Community/ies
ECU European Currency Unit
EDM Early Day Motion
(E)DOP Cabinet Sub-Committee on European Affairs
EEC European Economic Community
EM Explanatory Memorandum
EMS European Monetary System
EMU Economic and Monetary Union
EP Cabinet Committee on European Policy
EQ(O) European Questions (Official Committee)
ERM Exchange Rate Mechanism
ESC European Scrutiny Committee
EU European Union
EUS Cabinet Committee on European Strategy
FCO Foreign and Commonwealth Office
FT Financial Times
IGC Intergovernmental Conference
JMC[E] Joint Ministerial Committee (Europe)
MP Member of Parliament
NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization
NEC National Executive Committee
OMD Open Method of Coordination
PCP Parliamentary Conservative Party
xv
xvi List of Abbreviations

PLP Parliamentary Labour Party

PM Prime Minister
PMB Private Members’ Bill
PMO Prime Minister’s Office
PMQ Prime Minister’s Question Time
PPS Parliamentary Private Secretary
SDP Social Democratic Party
SEA Single European Act
TEU Treaty on European Union
TUC Trades Union Congress
UK United Kingdom
UKIP United Kingdom Independence Party
UKREP United Kingdom Permanent Representation to the EC/EU
USA United States of America
List of Figures

Fig. 5.1 Support for British EC membership 1976–1986 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66

Fig. 5.2 Support for British EC/EU membership 1987–1996 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
Fig. 5.3 Support for British EU membership 1997–2007 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66

xvii
List of Tables

Table 5.1 British turnout at European elections between 1976 and 2007 . . . 68
Table 9.1 Size of the governmental party and position on Europe
1976–2007 . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . 185
Table 9.2 Rebellions by the parliamentary party in government
1976–2007 . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . 186
Table 10.1 Newspapers’ attitudes to EMS/ERM and support
for government policy 1978 . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . 202
Table 10.2 Newspapers’ attitudes to ERM, EMU and support
for government policy 1989 . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . 213
Table 10.3 Newspapers’ attitudes to EMU and support
for government policy 1991 . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . 224
Table 10.4 Newspapers’ attitudes to EMU and support
for government policy 1999 . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . 235
Table 11.1 Prime ministerial political leadership in European monetary
policy 1976–2007 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 248

xix
Chapter 1
Prime Ministerial Political Leadership
and British European Policy: An
Introduction

1.1 The British Prime Minister and European Policy

The role of the prime minister in British politics has for long been a much debated
issue in political science (e.g. Crossmann 1963; Shell and Hodder-Williams 1995;
Hennessy 2001; Blick and Jones 2010). Assessments of the premierships of Marga-
ret Thatcher and Tony Blair, who have been considered to exhibit a dominant
leadership style (e.g. Seldon 2008; Young 1989), corresponded with research in
the past years which has argued that contemporary politics in liberal democracies has
become increasingly personalised and that heads of government today have more
power resources and autonomy than their predecessors, which gives them a larger
capacity to act (e.g. Foley 1993, 2000; Mughan 2000; Poguntke and Webb 2005;
Peters et al. 2000: 7). But have a premier’s options to shape his government’s
policies actually increased and made his leadership in the core executive more
dominant? What about prime ministers such as James Callaghan or John Major,
who have rather been seen as exercising a form of collective leadership? To make a
contribution to this debate the study at hand analyses the political leadership of the
UK prime minister (PM) in European policy. The PM appears to be well placed to
exert dominant political leadership in this subject area. Compared to other heads of
government such as the German chancellor, for example, he has to deal with fewer
constraints when trying to influence the government’s decision-making process in
general. This is, for instance, the case if one considers single party governments1 in
contrast to coalition governments or a centralised state instead of a federal one.2
Moreover, national leaders have a special role to play in the European context as they

1
Despite a Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition from 2010 to 2015, the British first-past-the-
post-electoral system has since 1945 tended to facilitate single party governments.
2
Particularly under the Blair government there were changes in this respect as it furthered a process
of devolution giving more political autonomy to the regions Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales.
But the British political system remains less federally structured than, for instance, the German one.

© Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature 2019 1

B. Bujard, The British Prime Minister in the Core Executive, Contributions to
Political Science, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89953-4_1
2 1 Prime Ministerial Political Leadership and British European Policy:. . .

take decisions with EU-wide relevance in the European Council. In the past years the
euro crisis has contributed to the institution becoming even more of a key arena of
European politics with heads of state and government taking decisions with consid-
erable long term impact on member states (Brincker and Wessels 2012: 65). In
addition, despite strengthening the roles of the European Commission, the European
Parliament as well as the Court of Justice of the European Union in the Lisbon
Treaty, the heads of government and state have at the same time included the
European Council in a rising number of treaty articles and allowed it to take binding
decisions (Wessels 2016: 87).
Defining Britain’s role in Europe3 and the resulting European policy have been
difficult issues which every British government has had to confront since the end of
World War II. At the beginning of the European integration process in the 1950s, the
United Kingdom could not make up its mind to join, still seeing herself as one of the
great international powers and believing there was no need to become part of some
form of regional project. Lord Carrington (1988), Margaret Thatcher’s first foreign
secretary, characterised the British position at that time as: “We wished the club well
but it wasn’t for us” (312). It took many years before Britain became a member of the
European Community (EC). Yet even after joining in 1973, the country remained to
be viewed as somewhat of an “awkward partner” (George 1998: 1). Differences
between Britain and the other member states have concerned many policy fields but
have been particularly pronounced with respect to the ultimate concept of European
integration with the UK having strong reservations about establishing a federal
Europe and pooling sovereignty with other states (Rose 2001: 213).
The currently (2018) governing Conservative Party (Tories) has been divided
over Europe since the late 1980s. In light of the rising electoral success of the United
Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) a number of strongly Eurosceptic Conserva-
tive party members continuously put pressure on then Prime Minister David Cam-
eron to change his European policy by demanding a referendum to determine
whether Britain should remain part of the European Union. In January 2013 Cam-
eron conceded this. However, the referendum was to be preceded by a renegotiation
of Britain’s relationship with the European Union (EU) (Cameron 2013). In
February 2016 Cameron announced that he had achieved a renegotiation of Britain’s
EU membership in terms of financial protection, economic competitiveness, migra-
tion, safeguards for national parliaments as well as an exclusion from the goal to
reach an ever closer union of the peoples of Europe. An in/out-referendum on
Britain’s EU membership would be held on 23 June 2016 (Cameron 2016). Due to
intraparty pressure the PM had previously agreed to free ministers from the obliga-
tion of collective responsibility during the referendum campaign (Quinn 2016). This
led to him campaigning for Britain to remain a member of the European Union,
while high-profile members of his party campaigned to leave. A divisive campaign
over Britain’s place in Europe was initiated and either side tried to persuade an

3
‘Europe’ is, of course, strictly speaking not synonymous with ‘the EU’ or ‘the EC’. But in common
jargon, and in this study as well, they are treated as if they were interchangeable.
1.2 Purpose of this Book 3

electorate, which for long has been less than enthusiastic about Britain’s European
integration and in parts Eurosceptic, of its arguments for or against Britain’s EU
membership (Bujard 2016: 595–596; on the public’s Euroscepticism, see Curtice
and Evans 2015). The campaign was accompanied by a print media coverage which
was strongly Eurosceptic on the part of the largest selling press titles and showed a
pro Leave bias (Levy et al. 2016). It ended on 23 June 2016 with the British public’s
decision to leave the European Union after 43 years of membership. With a turnout
of 72.2%, 51.9% of voters voted to leave while 48.1% voted to remain. As a result of
the vote David Cameron announced his resignation as prime minister. He was
succeeded by the long-term home secretary Theresa May (Bujard 2016: 596–597,
599). Her task now was to unite her party as well as a deeply divided country.
Moreover, apart from organising the exit itself the government had to develop a plan
as to what Britain’s future relationship with the European Union should look like. It
became clear that the vote had not ended the divisions in the Tory Party over Europe.
After the referendum three factions emerged in the party: those who preferred a hard
Brexit (leaving the single market and ending freedom of movement), those who
favoured a soft Brexit (remaining in the single market, even if it meant fewer options
to curb freedom of movement) and those in the middle who thought access but not
membership of the single market was the right way forward for the UK (Helm 2016).
Despite these divisions, the government in March 2017 formally triggered Article
50 of the Lisbon Treaty in order to begin the exit negotiations with the European
Union later that year (Bujard 2017: 586). Yet, regardless of the decision to leave the
European Union, Britain’s relationship with the other EU members and the
European Union itself is likely to remain a key part of policy-making for any British
prime minister and government, at least for the foreseeable future.
This episode of contemporary British politics illustrates the difficulties European
integration poses for a UK government even though the country has been a member
of the EC/EU for more than 40 years. At the same time it demonstrates that the prime
minister is not wholly unconstrained in shaping his government’s European policy
even if he leads a single party government. Factors remain that might inhibit his
options to set policy. In addition to the parliamentary party the premier’s political
leadership may be influenced by the behaviour of other actors in the executive as
well as by British media and public opinion. These are all factors which can offset
the PM’s chances to exert dominant political leadership.

1.2 Purpose of this Book

To answer the question whether a prime minister’s options to shape his govern-
ment’s policies have increased and made his leadership of the executive more
dominant or not, a systematic comparison of the political leadership of several office
holders is useful. Political leadership is here understood as “the extent to which
heads of state and heads of government, that is, the individuals who occupy the most
prominent positions of authority in the state structure, are able to determine the
4 1 Prime Ministerial Political Leadership and British European Policy:. . .

outcome of the decision-making process” (Elgie 1995: 4). The definition indicates
that political leadership is influenced by the individual in office—that is his prefer-
ences and agency. The British political system has shown to be flexible in accom-
modating various leadership styles over the years, ranging from premiers taking a
predominant role in their government to those focusing on a collective form of
leadership in collaboration with fellow ministers. A longitudinal analysis of several
office holders avoids presenting a static snapshot of prime ministerial political
leadership and provides the possibility to acquire more solid findings. Given that
the premier’s role is likely to differ between policy fields, a wide-ranging assessment
of prime ministerial political leadership covering several policy fields is necessary.
To take a first step to enable such a broad evaluation, the analysis at hand focuses on
European policy. Taken together with studies analysing other policy fields it can
contribute to a more comprehensive picture of prime ministerial leadership in Britain
in the future.
When studying political leadership, a decision has to be made on which political
level to focus. This study examines the prime minister’s role in the British executive.
It does not address the question of leadership of the executive as a whole in the
political system. Nor does it focus on the PM’s political leadership at the European
level, although his activities here are considered as far as they are relevant to his
leadership of the domestic executive.
The present study analyses how the prime minister can shape European policy.
The questions to be answered are:
(a) Can the political leadership of the British prime minister in European policy be
characterised as prime ministerial predominance or as collective leadership?
(b) Has there been a trend towards more prime ministerial predominance between
1976 and 2007?
In the analysis at hand the political leadership of Prime Ministers James Callaghan
(1976–1979), Margaret Thatcher (1979–1990), John Major (1990–1997) and Tony
Blair (1997–2007) in European policy is studied. As European policy is a wide-
ranging subject area, in which the prime minister’s role is likely to vary as well, the
study has to limit its focus. It does so by centring on European monetary policy, which
is a fitting subject area for such an analysis as the head of government here plays a key
role in the domestic decision-making process. Moreover, it is a subject area which has
gained prominence in the European integration process over the years—at first with
plans to achieve closer cooperation, then with a single currency. Between 1976 and
2007 significant developments in European monetary integration took place. Key
decisions had to be taken, most notably on the establishment of the Exchange Rate
Mechanism (ERM), the centre piece of the European Monetary System (EMS), and
Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). They comprise the cases for this analysis.
There are several reasons to select these four office holders for comparison: firstly,
the ways in which they have led their governments appear to have varied signifi-
cantly. Blair and Thatcher have often been characterised as having exhibited a
particularly dominant leadership in office. In contrast, Major and Callaghan have
frequently been described as having shown a more conciliatory and collective
1.3 Current Research, Methodology and Structure 5

leadership (e.g. Hennessy 2001; Rose 2001). Their party affiliation does not appear to
have affected their leadership style: Blair and Callaghan were Labour prime ministers
whereas Thatcher and Major were Conservative party leaders. Their stances on
European integration have varied, ranging from pragmatic pro-European to more
Eurosceptic. Yet there have not only been variations between the prime ministers’
views of European integration. Sometimes they have also changed their attitude to
Europe within a premiership.
Apart from their varying leadership styles and political orientation, the compar-
ison allows for a longitudinal study covering 31 years (1976–2007). Yet one caveat
has to be mentioned on the comparability of the four premierships. As with any
longitudinal comparison the temporal context needs to be considered. It has to be
taken into account that the process and the mechanisms of European integration have
changed over the years and that European policy has received a more prominent
place in British politics. During James Callaghan’s premiership European integra-
tion did not play such an important role for the British government as it did during
the premierships of his successors (for a similar assessment by an early 1990s study,
see Christoph 1993: 529). This is because the member states have widened and
deepened European integration by transferring competences in more and more
policy fields to the European level. Moreover, in the European context “the PM’s
role has grown, partly out of choice and partly because the EU itself is increasingly
driven by the European Council” (Allen 2013: 120). This has implications for the
comparison of the four prime ministers’ political leadership, as they have become
more directly involved in European policy-making due to their membership of the
European Council. But, while changes to the political context have to be considered
when drawing conclusions from the analysis, it makes the comparison of Callaghan,
Major, Thatcher and Blair with view to their political leadership and their role in
European policy no less significant and the analysis of the factors shaping prime
ministerial political leadership in a specific policy field remains of value.

1.3 Current Research, Methodology and Structure

In the second half of the twentieth century the executive was primarily analysed with
two opposing concepts in British political science. Depending on which was seen as
the dominant institution in the executive, there was either cabinet or prime ministe-
rial government (see Rhodes 1995: 11–26 for an overview of the debate). Various
works from a historical or political science perspective have dealt particularly with
the UK premiership (e.g. Hennessy 2001; Blick and Jones 2010). Margaret
Thatcher’s and Tony Blair’s premierships in particular have been popular objects
of research due to their apparently predominant political leadership styles
(e.g. Seldon 2008; Young 1989). John Major’s political leadership has been studied,
too—but often to portray it as an example of what was considered ineffective
leadership (e.g. Kavanagh and Seldon 1994 for a general assessment; Clark 1999
as an example for a critique of Major’s political leadership as insufficient). Few
6 1 Prime Ministerial Political Leadership and British European Policy:. . .

studies have analysed James Callaghan’s political leadership in detail

(e.g. Donoughue 1987).
Almost all studies covering these issues do not concentrate on a specific policy
field. It is often ignored that a prime minister’s political leadership may differ
between policy fields as well as within a policy field over time. Several studies
tend to suggest—especially with view to the political leadership of Blair and
Thatcher—that over the past 20–30 or more years a process of presidentialization
has taken place in the British political system. A prominent representative of this
thesis is Michael Foley with his study ‘The British Presidency’ (Foley 1993, 2000,
2004). Such approaches are problematic for a number of reasons, but in this case
particularly because they do not analyse a prime minister’s political leadership in a
specific policy field.4 As other studies tend to do, they characterise it as identical
across all policy fields (in this case as presidential). Research such as this
tends to remain sketchy. Exceptions are, for instance, Robert Dover’s liberal-
intergovernmentalist analysis of Tony Blair’s role in shaping UK defence policy
between 1997 and 2000 (Dover 2005) and the author’s own comparison of Tony
Blair’s and Margaret Thatcher’s political leadership in European monetary policy
(Bujard 2003). The latter study used Martin J. Smith’s model of prime ministerial
power (Smith 1999) to analyse prime ministerial leadership in European policy. This
model is applied here too, but the theoretical basis is broadened and its framework
revised to make it an even more useful tool for comparison. The present analysis also
extends the scope to include four prime ministers.5 Therefore, a key result of the
four-fold comparison conducted here is to make a contribution to reduce this
deficiency in political leadership studies on the British political system.

To answer the research questions posed here, primarily qualitative research

methods are used. They centre on a review of political science and historical
literature, political memoirs and diaries as well as media coverage and official
documents. It is taken into account that political memoirs and diaries pose difficul-
ties as sources as political actors might use them to justify political decisions in
hindsight (Gamble 2002: 145). Also, an individual writing about an event might
(sub-) consciously depict his part in it differently—for instance as more influential
than he actually was. Someone might also claim a political decision was long
planned when in fact it was merely a reaction to circumstances or events. Yet
these problems can be minimised to an extent by trying to compare various accounts
of an event, decision or relationship. Where considered beneficial to the analysis
diverging interpretations by actors involved are discussed.
For the premierships of the four prime ministers memoirs or diaries by all ministers
involved in European monetary policy-making have been published—with the

4
Heffernan (2005) compares the offices of British prime minister and US-President and concludes
that the latter has to govern with more institutional constraints than the former.
5
Moreover, when the thesis was submitted in 2003 the British government’s decision on joining the
Eurozone was still pending so the case study for Blair could not be completed at the time.
1.3 Current Research, Methodology and Structure 7

exception of Tony Blair’s Chancellor Gordon Brown.6 The memoirs display differ-
ences in the extent and detail to which they report about developments in government.
The recollections of Douglas Hurd and Nigel Lawson, for example, provide valuable
information on decision-making processes in the British political system in general
and also contain detailed accounts of the Thatcher administration (and in Hurd’s case
of the Major government, too) (Hurd 2009; Lawson 1992). On the other hand, some
memoirs do not say much about the political process in British government and seem
to be geared primarily towards the interests of the tabloid media as the memoir of John
Prescott, Blair’s deputy prime minister (Prescott 2008).
For the Callaghan and the Thatcher period cabinet memoranda (official material
distributed to cabinet members for their sessions) and cabinet conclusions (official
protocols of the meetings) from 1976 to 1988 could be used. They were closed to the
public but have recently been made available by the British National Archives.
Furthermore, semi-structured expert interviews were used. In 2010 the author
interviewed ten former officials or members of prime ministerial political staff. The
interviewees were selected as their accounts can function as a corrective to those
given by politicians in their memoirs and provide a different perspective on the issues
in question. Most interviewees worked for successive governments and prime min-
isters and were closely involved with European policy decision-making. Sir Michael
Butler (1979–1985), Lord David Hannay (1985–1990), Lord John Kerr (1990–1995)
and Sir Stephen Wall (1995–2000) were British Ambassadors to the EC/EU. In this
post they worked with several prime ministers. Lord David Williamson (1983–1987)
and Sir Brian Bender (1994–1998) were like Sir Stephen Wall (2000–2004) in charge
of the Cabinet Office European Secretariat (COES), responsible for the coordination
of European policy in the British executive and also advisory body to cabinet and
prime minister. Sir Nigel Wicks was not only head of Margaret Thatcher’s Private
Office in the mid-1980s, but as Treasury official also closely involved in the nego-
tiations of the British opt-out from the third stage of EMU at Maastricht in December
1991. Lord Bernard Donoughue was a member of James Callaghan’s Policy Unit and
Lord Roger Liddle of Tony Blair’s Policy Unit—the prime minister’s think-tank in
No. 10 Downing Street. Lord Tom McNally was Callaghan’s political secretary. The
three were political appointees in contrast to the others who were career civil servants.
Interviews with former British diplomats from the ‘British Diplomatic Oral History
Programme’ (BDOHP)7 were used, too. These cover various aspects of UK foreign
policy, including information about processes in the domestic core executive and
about the European policy of successive governments.
A substantial number of publications are available on British European policy in
general (e.g. George 1998; Gowland et al. 2010) and European monetary policy in
particular (e.g. Stephens 1997; Thompson 1996). Yet few studies cover the role of

6
His memoirs were published after this study was completed.
7
The BDOHP was initiated in 1995 and is available to the public through the Churchill Archives
Centre at Churchill College, Cambridge (https://www.chu.cam.ac.uk/archives/collections/bdohp/,
accessed 8 March 2018).
8 1 Prime Ministerial Political Leadership and British European Policy:. . .

individual actors such as the premier in the policy field (for a journalistic perspective
on this see Young 1999). The position of the major political parties on Europe is
dealt with in some detail (e.g. Gowland and Turner 2000; Baker and Seawright
1998). In addition, there is research on the voting behaviour of government MPs
since the 1970s which includes European policy decisions and gives an overview of
the unity of the parliamentary parties in their attitude to this policy field (e.g. Norton
1980; Cowley 2005).
Accounts of UK European policy frequently address Euroscepticism in the British
media. However, such case studies tend to cover short time periods (e.g. Carey and
Burton 2004; De Vreese 2001). Longitudinal studies on the British media’s position
on European integration are rare. An exception is a study by George Wilkes and
Dominic Wring, in which the authors analysed the media coverage on Europe
between 1948 and 1996 (Wilkes and Wring 1998). Due to the lack of longitudinal
research on this topic the author decided to conduct her own media analysis. This
analysis focuses on specific case studies, as the scope of this study (1976–2007) is too
large to be covered completely. These case studies comprise key decisions in
European monetary policy the UK government had to take. The aim was to evaluate
in how far the premier can influence media coverage and the media’s evaluation of
his European monetary policy. To test whether a prime minister could influence the
media coverage in the relevant case, his parliamentary statement on it, which includes
his arguments for the decision, was analysed. The newspaper coverage by selected
papers 2 weeks before and 2 weeks after the event was studied to analyse whether it
changed, which could then be attributed to the prime minister’s influence. For a
comprehensive look five national newspapers were chosen: the Financial Times, the
Guardian, the Independent,8 the Daily Mail and the Sun. This selection includes
papers with diverse readerships, pro-European and Eurosceptic outlooks and various
party political agendas. The examination was done by a summarising qualitative
content analysis using inductively developed categories (for an overview of qualita-
tive content analysis, see Mayring 2000).9 The categories were sourced from either
PM’s parliamentary statement. They were then used to structure the content of the
media coverage and analyse whether it changed over the course of the 4 week period
due to the premier’s framing of the issue in question in parliament.10

In Chap. 2 the theoretical basis for the analysis and the policy field is introduced.
The main approaches to the study of political leadership are reviewed. Approaches
focusing on personal or structural aspects are contrasted with those combining both.
Moreover, concepts of the British political system are identified. They include the
classical Westminster approach as well as a contrasting model: Patrick Dunleavy’s

8
The Independent was founded in the 1980s and therefore not used in the Callaghan case study.
9
For more on the summarising qualitative content analysis (‘zusammenfassende qualitative
Inhaltsanalyse’) see Mayring (2010: 67–85); for more on inductive category development
(‘induktive Kategorienbildung’) see Mayring (2010: 83–85).
10
For more on structuring with regard to content (‘inhaltliche Strukturierung’) see Mayring (2010:
98).
1.3 Current Research, Methodology and Structure 9

and Roderick Rhodes’ core executive concept. In addition, concepts for the assess-
ment of the UK prime minister’s political leadership in government decision-making
are considered. These include Martin J. Smith’s model of prime ministerial power
and Richard Heffernan’s thesis of prime ministerial predominance. On the basis of
these, a modified model of prime ministerial power is developed. It is used to study
the four PMs and their political leadership in European monetary policy. The aim is
to identify whether their leadership in this particular area showed a form of prime
ministerial predominance or collective leadership.
Chapter 3 provides an overview of European monetary policy and the British
response to it between 1976 and 2007 with a particular focus on the two case studies:
the Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM), the centre piece of the European Monetary
System (EMS), and Economic and Monetary Union (EMU).
Chapters 4–6 introduce the leadership environment, in which the premier con-
ducts his political leadership, and his resources. In Chap. 4 the main features of
British European policy-making and coordination are introduced. An overview of
the institutional organisation of the executive and legislature in the subject area is
given. In Chap. 5 the attitude to European integration of the actors covered in this
study is looked at: the four prime ministers, their parliamentary parties, the media
and the public. In Chap. 6 an overview is given of the resources a premier has at his
disposal to lead his government. These can be of an institutional nature, meaning
they are available to an incumbent due to the office he holds. This includes, for
example, the prime minister’s option to use two-level politics to influence policy-
making at the domestic level due to his position in the European Council (Sect. 6.1).
The resources can also be of an individual nature, thus are based on his personal
preferences and agency (Sect. 6.2).
Chapters 7–10 comprise the case study analysis. The prime minister’s political
leadership in European policy analysis covers four key aspects:
First of all, their institutional resources, already introduced in the previous
chapter, are specifically defined with regard to European (monetary) policy
decision-making (Chap. 7).
Secondly, the agency and activities of other actors in the European policy core
executive apart from the PM are looked at more closely. Actors dealing with
European monetary policy decisions such as the chancellor or the foreign secretary
and their departments are considered. Sometimes these also include ministers who
influence the decision-making process though they have no departmental responsi-
bility to do so. Additionally, the prime minister’s options in handling these actors
who potentially constrain his room for action are analysed and how he can attempt to
broaden his leeway in that respect (Chap. 8).
Thirdly, the position of the governing party in parliament and its voting behaviour
on European policy is analysed to understand in how far it affects the prime
minister’s room for manoeuvre in the policy field. A premier’s resources to influence
his parliamentary party concerning European policy-making are taken into account
as well (Chap. 9).
Fourthly, an analysis of parliamentary statements on particular European mone-
tary policy decisions by the four prime ministers and their adoption by the national
10 1 Prime Ministerial Political Leadership and British European Policy:. . .

press is conducted. The aim is to evaluate in how far the premier can influence media
coverage and the media’s evaluation of his European monetary policy (Chap. 10).
Lastly, the different aspects which potentially influence a premier’s political
leadership in European (monetary) policy set out before are brought together and
evaluated (Chap. 11).

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12 1 Prime Ministerial Political Leadership and British European Policy:. . .

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Chapter 2
Theoretical Framework: Prime Ministerial
Political Leadership in the British Political
System

2.1 Approaches to the Study of Political Leadership

Political leadership is possible in practically all political and social contexts and not
linked to a particular office (Helms 2005a: 737). Being a socially constructed
concept there are competing definitions of political leadership (Elgie 1995: 2; for
various definitions, see Elgie 1995: 3). Here it is understood as “the process by
which governments exercise control over public policy decisions. . . Political lead-
ership deals with the question of who controls the outcome of public policy decisions
within a state and how they do so” (Elgie 1995: 4). To be more precise, this study
analyses the prime minister’s political leadership within the British executive. There
are different normative and empirical approaches to analyse how and to what extent
a head of government can influence political decision-making through political
leadership (Helms 2005c: Sect. 2.2) Normative concepts focusing on what consti-
tutes ‘good governance’ and ‘good government’ can be dated back to Platonic
philosophy. Today, approaches to the study of political leadership using normative
aspects still exist and are often found in research on individual political leaders such
as a normative preference for the leadership style of Franklin D. Roosevelt in the
USA (Helms 2005b: 17). As the research questions posed here ask what the pre-
miers’ political leadership in European policy actually looked like and not what it
should have, an empirically-oriented approach to analyse political leadership is used.
The following chapter provides an overview of empirical approaches. They can be
divided depending on which factor(s) are seen to shape the political process most
strongly: (a) personal attributes, (b) structural aspects, or (c) the interaction of both
(Helms 2005c: 34).
Leader-centred approaches to the study of political leadership focus on personal
attributes. They concentrate on the leader, his work and his influence on the political
decision-making process (Helms 2005b: 17). The nineteenth century ‘Great Man’
school of political leadership argued that the leader’s personality was the most
important factor to explain political processes (Elgie 1995: 5). Today such a view

© Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature 2019 13

B. Bujard, The British Prime Minister in the Core Executive, Contributions to
Political Science, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89953-4_2
Other documents randomly have
different content
 178 designs of Jost Ainmon, we have the following
interesting repreMntalion of this artist* The number, the perfection,
and beauty of the productions of the xylographic art throughout the
whole course of the sixteenth century, sufficiently mark the esteem
in which it was held. The same curious and beautiful little volume
also affords us a representation of the Briefmahler or painter of
cards and images, which does not possess less interest than that of
the wood cutter; and here we have direct proof of the means used
to colour cards and wood cuts : the artist is using a stensil plate and
broad flat brush, by which means his operation was much
shortened. Several pots of colour. reader with some beautiful
specimens of a pack of cards executed by him. Ammon died at
Nuremburg in 159 1^ his portrait is in Fuessli's Lives of the Painters.
It has been sud, and with some degree of probability, that the
representation of the Farmschneider above is the portrait of the
artist himself. Under it are the following Torses. Eximias Regum
species hominumque Deumqae Omnia Phidiaca corpora sculpo
manu. Deriique Pictoriis quicquid manm aemula dudt. Id digit!
possuut arte polire mei. Effigies Regum ligno servata vel kk,
Innumeros vivit post sua fata dies. Dives 8c aeternis par ilia deabus
habetur, Quss cselo fuerit nobilitata meo. Nanque senescentis videt
omnia secula mundi, y t Dominam talem charta loquatur anus.
 179 and more brushes of the same form with that he is
using, lie on the chest by his side/ We will here transcribe Breitkopf's
account of the process used by the Briefmahlers. " Their method
(sajs he) of enlivening their wood cuts with colours, and thus
imitating the original painting or drawing, was extremely simple. It
was not done singly, figure by figure, and stroke by stroke, with
small pencils: but the whole sheet was covered at once with colour,
by means of large flat brushes. They took pasteboard, pasted the
impression of their print upon it, and cut out all the parts of it which
were to receive the same colour. Thus they formed as many pierced
pieces of pasteboard, called Patranen (stensils) as there were
colours in the painting or design. The colours perfected the picture,
and supplied the forms of many parts which were not expressed by
the lines of the wood cut.'' *^ This method of colouring prints was
also effected by means of a large round stiff long» This cut is called
JUumfnatDt Jmag;f nutn^ Briefmahler. And is accompanied by the
following verses. EfiBgies yariis distiuguo coloribus oinnes« Quas
habitu pictor simpliciore dedit« Hie me peniculus iurat officiofus in
omni Parte, meamque vagis vestibus omat opus. Cuique suum tribuo
quern debet habere ooloreiDj Materiis cultus omnibus addo suos.
Vtimur aigenti, radiantis & utimur auri Munere, cum rerum postulat
ordo vices. Omnibus hb furias pictoribus imprecor omnes. Qui bene
nee pingunt, nee vigilanter agnnt. 2 A 2
 180 haired brush. The colour being poured on a wooden
trencher, and the brush moderately filled with it; the stensil or
Patrane was laid over the print to be coloured, and the brush passed
over all the pierced parts of it, by which means the print was
charged with colour in all those parts. The process was so rapid, that
even navr when they speak of dispatch in works of art, in Suabia
and other places where the business of Brief mahler was exercised,
they talk of painting all the twelve apostles at one stroke."" This
expression also manifests that it was not uncommon to have the
twelve apostles, or a number of saints, &c. engraved on one block,
and printed on one sheet; it was also the case with regard to playing
cards, which were converted into books of moral instruction, as the
following instances will manifest. In the Bihliotheca Universalis of
Conrad Gesner, under the article de ludis^* mention is made of
cards with sentences from the ancient poets; of others, with French
verses, and with sentences from the bible in German, as being sold
by Wechel at Paris. The beautiful pack of cards, engraved by Jost
Ammon, of which the succeeding pages afford specimens, is
accompanied by moral distichs in Latin and German, and were
published in the form of a small volume in 4to. as well as for the
purpose of playing cards. Their moral intention was apparently to
inculcate the advantages of Industry and Learning over Idleness and
Drunkenness. The subjects are for the most part treated
humourously; the four suits are books, printers balls, wine pots, and
drinking cups. We shall give a brief description of the subject on
each card, and proceed to present the reader with fac-similes of
some of the most interesting cards of each suit, beginning with that
of books, emblematical of learning, the deuce of which suit contains
the following spi^ BreitkopfundRochUr^mmgderHolZ" arum: & alias
cum rythmis Gallicis: & shniedekunst. 1%. //. p. 161. This phrase
aUse in Germania cum sentenliis Biblicis is passed into a kind of
proverb ; '' Alle lingua vemacula. zwolf Jlpostel aufeinen Strich
Mahlen** Pandectarum nve partitionum universal * Chart® Lusorice
variis in locis im- Hum Conradi GesnerL Tiguri, 1548, presse,
elegantissime aut Parisiis apud folio, de Grammatica Titulm XII.
Wcchelium cum sententiis veterum poet- Art. de ludis. p. 17.
The text on this page is estimated to be only 23.72%
accurate

181 rited representation of the ancient Bookbinder,

accompanied by Latin and German verses of H. S. de Gustrou.* Dum
compingendis libris Phoebeiam into Castra, sacri merito pars
Heliconis ero Parvula fastidire cave : nam gratia magna Exiguis rebus
saepe subesse solet. csretl tcl^ Dten Den mtnjscen fre? ^ 9^t
TSucl9tv bttfDen mancl^erler^ 1^ td^ man Motttt mU^ sstf^t^m
fgiti^ <0tn (15lteDlein in ntsm ^ffothi MtitH^^ l^nt niOf, Deracl^
niOft ficfjUtcl^ttf^ Dtns^ ^cl^tD tm t»ais tfi fur nutiuns latinz. » De
Murr, in his " Bibliotheque de Ammon thus, " Charta Lusoria tetras*
Peinture, de Sculpture, et de Gravure, tichis iUustrata per Janum
Heinricum ScroFrawfort, 1770, 12mo. F. 2. p. 470, terum de Gustrau
Nortberga, 1588, 4/o." mentions them among the works of Jost It
seems however probable that they had
The text on this page is estimated to be only 29.27%
accurate

182 The Trey of Books exhibits the following whimsical and

humourous representation of the wolf turned schoolmaster. Quanta
cuculligero pietas Lupo, amorque fidelis, Anseris in sobolem sit,
tabula ista docet. Dii tibi flammam anima firment, Lupe, relligionia Ni
titulo, simulans mella, venena paras. wait tvetDlfd^ tfi dev moVBt t^
memen fl^t dijsen (5awitn qxosui tnn fAtinm^ 9as»tlt leicl^tltcl^ tin
lederman^ aujSis hifitv ^imv mevcften ftan^ ^ \D^nfsa9 Htv !i(Dav
$tt sio\a9tn dtnsett (NnOiy Iteber mtA% 9^ aber ^ingett^ J^aiaijS
du imtev dev (£^0 fbrd^ fiO^tin, Xtttuift^ hit atmtn (Dansitltin.
been some time used as playing cards before they were thus
collected together in a volume, and accompanied by metrical
inscriptions, and Sigismund Feyrabend*s name occurs in the German
verses imder the ace of printers balls, so that he was most probably
the publisher. It has been already mentioned that Jost Ammon was
principally employed in decorating books printed by him.
 183 The /ofir is a representation of a Bibliomaniac at his
desk : this subject, taken from the Naois Stultifera of Sebastian
Brandt, is already familiar to the reader, having been introduced to
his notice in Mr. Dibdin's Bibliomania. He will not however object to
being furnished with another portrait of this " first foole of all the
whole navie/' The Poetical expositor has not clearly understood what
the following cut was intended for, his verses only refer to the vanity
of particular studies. In this cut we have omitted the upper part, as
it is a mere repetition of the same objects somewhat diflFerently
grouped, and the two specimens above, sufficiently shew the
ingenious manner in which they are arranged. The verses which
accompany our Bibliomaniac are as follows. Sicne animi dubius per
noctes plurima volvens Perque dies, mentem dividis usque tuam
Dum trino unitum rimaris nomine Numen ? ^ Cede : hominum mens
hie nil operosa valet. Mmit dtt mu0St ausijS snInDen tvtv man
(CtottjS anfaxiiy t^utiy tve^en m^ ladit tiltn jBrilleti> 0org ttiD Mas.
^laqfit mi ntin l^ettf f>m tiaOft tmD ta0> ta»» aD, i9it Ust htin tvttf
titiD fmtm, 9ie m aU detti tevimndt Mb smm^
 184 The^e of books represents a ludicrous but somewhat
indelicate subject : a drunken pedlar has set down a basket of
hornbooks and breviaries, which an ape is busily emptying, two
other apes are tormenting the poor devil as he lies on the ground;
the verses^xpress the advantages of sobriety, and the
disadvaniagw-of'tfie opposite vice. The «> represents a lover playing
on the lute to his mistress; the verses imply that " Music is the food
of Love/' The seven is an emblem of music : a lady, or modem Saint
Cecilia, is playing on the organ, of which a youth at the back is
blowing the bellows. The verses are in praise of music. The eight
displays a lover and his mistress singing madrigals. The verses are
also in praise of vocal music. The nine has some interest, as
representing a lady playing on the virginals, an instrument now
forgotten. mtil itl9 mein f^tvth ^tlcf^» of^nt ittt (Son avbett mat^
erset^en totU ^tt metm (Btsiam, toevD iti^^ l^ab ad^ $tu tucft ton
etm j^arren ttvlatf^u mn Da tmpott net ^SdutOc gaang^^ ^tv UtiU
tin $^wcv sitin iebenlang. The ludicrous attitude of the fool in the
back ground will not escape the attention of those who are
interested in representations of this singular appendage to the
household of persons of distinction in ancient times.
 ^85 The tens in this pack appear to hold the place of the
Queen in other European cards, they each havte a lad j upon them
richly habited, and the value of the card is indicated by the Roman
numeral X on a scroll in the corner. The Knave or Untermann is a
yaleC or page with a sword in his left hand. The Knight or
Obermann^ a gentleman with a sword by his side, a cap with
feathers in his left hand, a^d a book in his right. The King is on
horseback, the horse richly caparisoned, and bears in his right hand
a book, in his left a sceptre. In our haste to give the reader
specimens of this beautiftil pack of Cards, we had nearly omitted the
ace of books. It has, however, nothing very remarkable, being only a
large book laid open, and surrounded by foliage. This notice of it is
here inserted that the description of the pack may be complete. The
Ace of Printers' Balls has on it a shield with arms, probably those of
some German city, as Nuremberg, or Francfort. Under this card are
the following Latin and German verses, in the latter of which
Sigismund Feyrabend's name is mentioned: they are here
transcribed. * Triptolemus veluti mundi olim sparsit in usus,
Faecunda frugum semina dia manu : Arte.typographica sic secla
futura secundat, Cujus in hac tabula signa decora nitent. (Blticff
tDletiev CvtptolemujS l^t^ fl^t mait^tn Korn unn alltv ^au ttfiOi^
htaai^tt tite gan?e mtUy y^uon nit fOOf tuxHf jeti ttf^tU 9ilfSti mtm
mtt iXunmtiO^tv l^atiD^ (nil edler ixunsst imuf^ aUe Hatid^
^tfintuntt ftftabttiti tsett gs^tim^ mtUffii Wappm rnat Cafel \»tisit. 2
B
The text on this page is estimated to be only 18.25%
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1 186 The deuce of this suit contains the foUowing ^irited

T^KCseiitation of an ancient press, with the mode of operating : it is
aooompanied by the subjoined verses. Vestra quod, 6 Superi,
nunquam peritura per orbem Fama Tolat, nostri est munus id
auspicii, . Premia quin dabitis nostro bene digna labore, Diritias
Juno, Bacche benigne Merum P l^asifi tim nam Wit und btett ol^
la^l <0rfiennt, gelobt lotm uberall^ i^bt it, it (Potttt alsemem) Ztt
Danc6en tmsitiv imntit alUIn mammb toolt i^ oann um niOfi sebeti r
i
The text on this page is estimated to be only 29.26%
accurate

187 The trey affords us the following interesting group,

which is singularly appropriate to the subject of the present work,
accompanied by the following lines. Sum tua, vicisti, vitae 6 mihi
dulce levamen Sit tibi cura mei. Sit mihi cura tui. O suave imperium,
vel nectare dulcius, unum In geminis ubi cor, mens amor & studium.
IM 11^ getDotmeti eMev f^mty ^ tDtll nun detn %tva f^K utiD doit.
M lebet
 188 The /our represents two porters carrying between
them, on^a pcMTter's horse, a bale of paper surmounted by a tall
wine pot. Hm Latin verses, as they are a panegjrric of the
typographic art, are subjoined. Quos prisci quondam longo scripsere
labore, Dant sere impressos secula nostra libros. Et dubitabis adhuc
mirari Teutonis artes? Sed velut ars crescit, crescit ita heu odium.
The ^w exhibits a gay scene: a lover gaily drest, his arm round his
mistress, skipping to the sound of the pipe and tabor, which is
played by a characteristic figure to his right. The sixy though gross,
is a very humourous representation. It is the immersion of a fool into
a tub of water, as a corrective for his amorous propensities ; this is
eflFected by a sturdy wench in a state of nudity, who under pretext
of bestowing on him her ca^ resses, has invited him to seat himself
on the brink of the vessel, and is precipitating him into it by main
force. The seven exhibits a quarrelsome couple ; the lady looks like a
determined shrew, and the husband is in the act of threatening
wholesome correction with a stout cudgel. The verses, both Latin
and German, inculcate the maxim, that there is no greater curse
than a bad wife. Nulla uxore mala res est deterior, ausu Quae
superat pestem, & nigra aconita, suo. Desine, fuste malum qui
pellere niteris, uno Pulso, bis quinis panditur hospitium. The eighi
represents a woman busily engaged purchasing a fowl and eggs of a
huckster, who is seated, and engaging her attention by every means
in his power, while an accomplice behind her is detaching the
woman's purse from her girdle.
 189 The nine presente us with a group of soldiers, two of
whom are disputing over a division of spoil by lot, the other with his
arquebuss on his shoulder is standing centry. We shall transcribe
both the Latin and German verses. Et qua sors nobis tribuit spolia
inclita ab auro, Parte dicata tibi, parte dicata mihi. Alea nos doceat,
cui cedant omnia, quid si Perdidero ? veniunt vt bona, sic pereunt.
mtil utifi Dais glucft em Tdmtt nicff I5tfsc}9tvtt ^t, 00 toer fern
gleicil^ ^sOln mtt timmtv tl^etUen^ ftoar mtv nififi mem mei^nung
sant? unti sar^ mtv sipitltm mit itoei? miivfitln Dreiti^ mn tfi fitilt
f^ahtn gar allettt. metm icfffi ttmpitl, toajs »tvt tiavanP JLeid^t-
ttberfiommen, itU^t ttvti^an. The tm as before; a lady in a rich
habit, with a printer^s ball in her hand. The Knave; a soldier resting
on his firdock. The Knight in a rich habit, with a spear staflf in his
hand. The Kingy on horseback, in rich habiliments, his sceptre in one
hand and the suit in the other. The verses on these three last cards
laudatory of the art of printing.
The text on this page is estimated to be only 13.10%
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190 Oa the ace of wine pots we have the foUowing spirited

representation of the vintage. Divinum vinum donum est ; sed ut
ebrius Aethnam Impleat ardentem, vina venena facit. Qui sapias,
ingluviem fiigias : nam pocula pleno Jejunoque simul noxia damna
ferunt. fWW i^— . 1 % 1 r^^ia^® V^^^HJ^^aB ^aJJHbBMP,
.':^^^ \ V^gM^^^^^MKLm \^L E^^^P^^fv^^^^ ^"fcinin 1, g^
^ 1^ ^^s <0ott0 pb itut Witin, btiD tiutfung t)tl €in boiler S^pff
fleud^ ifuUevef, bnD tnttcft orn dZleHi fl9e00tsltci^^ l^ntt Me
tmncftet^ett Oollen btfD lel^en jSd^eti gett*
 The deuce of wine pots; a rustic couple dancing with all the
hilarity produced by a cup of good wine. The trey; a man and his
wife at dinner. The man has his bottle and drinking horn in his hand,
and is sleeping: the wife is taking a deep draught from a tankard ; a
dog in front is seizing a capon from the table, and bearing it away in
his mouth. The four; a drunken couple, the husband belaboijring his
Xantippe, who holds him hard by the hair, to prevent herself from
quite reaching the ground; she is in the act of falling. The verses
inculcate the necessity of proper discipline in families. The^re;
Bacchus mounted on a tub, a satyr piping with his companion a
goat, a peasant with a basket of grapes at his back making an
oflFering of his favourite fruit to the jolly god. The six represents the
subjoined spirited little design of a game at backgammon. Et quia
sors varios in vita perficit actus ; Sorte volunt juvenes ludere, forte
senes. Illo e more tibi vitra haec sic defero, perdens Vt bibat, &
damni lucra benigna ferat. The early German artists seem to have
been best pleased with humourous subjects, they are much more
frequently treated by them than by the Italians; those who are
conversant with the productions of the graphic art in the sixteenth
century will readily subscribe to
 19S this remark; Joftt Ammon indeed seems to have been
most eininently successful in treating them. The fool, who takes so
prominent a place in the dramas of our Great Dramatic Bard, seems
to have been a particular favourite also with this artist. The following
humourous httle vignette is on the seven of wine pots in this
beautiful pack of cards. Fingis amicitiam, Felis, lususque, jocosque,
Faucibus aflfectans fercula nostra tuis : Frustra assentaris, Gate,
nobis : i pete Regum, I pete magnorum tecta superba Ducum.. auS
haw mt mogpst ntn t^raten mem Ztvvtimn mtt hm ?eenen tietn^
freuttnitd^ hu tttd^ $tt mtv^ zmilsit iSdtin ftat?elem : ^umav hu
milsit l^te !f ucl^ jBtd^dttc? Hem bergeblt^ an "Btv etm 0avvtn :
fkcft Hicll^ j^tntMin^ (Dvtmtn fftvm mm f uci^jS isditoamier litty
^eDlen Dod^ mei^ aljS atmev 9teD. The eight and nine are
instances of elegant arrangement of the objects which represent the
suits ; the eig?U is a kind of grotesque mandrake, the wine pots
spring from it as branches, a panther is at the root; in the nine^ it is
a vine which springs from one of the pots, the rest are arranged on
its branches, a bird is in the centre.
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