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Decolonization of
Psychiatry in Jamaica
Madnificent Irations
Frederick W. Hickling
Decolonization of Psychiatry in Jamaica
Dr. Hopetoun Edward Bond, MD, CM (Queen’s University Canada); LRCP,
LRCS (Edinburgh and Glasgow); Diploma in Psychological Medicine (Canada);
Acting Senior Medical Officer, Jamaica Lunatic Asylum, August 1915–1919.
The first Black psychiatrist in the Caribbean.
Frederick W. Hickling
Decolonization
of Psychiatry
in Jamaica
Madnificent Irations
Frederick W. Hickling
Department of Psychology
University of the West Indies
Kingston, Jamaica
ISBN 978-3-030-48488-0 ISBN 978-3-030-48489-7 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48489-7
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2021
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights
of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction
on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and
retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and
information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication.
Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied,
with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have
been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published
maps and institutional affiliations.
Cover illustration: Maram_shutterstock.com
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Dedicated to Granduncle Hopetoun Edward Bond 1879–1939,
the first Black psychiatrist in the Caribbean
Publisher’s Note
It was with profound sadness that we learned that Professor Hickling had
died while this book was in production. In accordance with the wishes of his
widow Hilary Hickling, copy editing was undertaken and reviewed by the
publisher. We have worked to ensure that, as far as possible, the published text
reflects the author’s voice and intentions.
vii
Contents
1 Introduction 1
2 The History of Madness in Jamaica 1494–1960 11
3 The Challenge to the Mental Health Ideology
of the Colonizer 41
4 Madnificent Irations: What’s in a Name? 53
5 Mobilizing Bellevue by Building the Garden Theatre 65
6 Psychohistoriographic Cultural Therapy: The Technique 99
7 The Impact of Madnificent Irations 133
8 Political Sequelae: Destruction of the Garden Theatre 155
9 Poetic Poiesis and Cultural Therapy 171
10 Cultural Therapy and Social Engineering 183
ix
x CONTENTS
Appendix 197
Index 237
List of Figures
Fig. 4.1 “AT THE PAGEANT: The Governor General, The Most
Honorable Florizel Glasspole (Left front row) is amused at
some of the antics on stage during a scene from ‘Madnificent
Irations’ which opened at the Garden Theatre, Bellevue
Hospital, Kingston on Thursday evening. Behind the
Governor General (at left) is his A.D.C. Captain John
Prescod”. The Daily Gleaner, Tuesday, 5 September 1978 60
Fig. 5.1 The racial/class dialectic 72
Fig. 5.2 Patients, nurses, and other staff members participating
in a large group ethnohistorical meeting, 1978 73
Fig. 5.3 The madness/badness violence dialectic 75
Fig. 5.4 Bellevue Garden Theatre, 1978. The concept of the circle
within a circle: a circular stage of bamboo and wood
surrounded by a circle of lignum vitae trees 80
Fig. 5.5 Hospital workers and patients preparing bamboo poles
prior to building the exterior wall. Bamboo became
a motif of the theatre 81
Fig. 5.6 Workers and patients, both male and female, laying
the bricks to make the floor 82
Fig. 5.7 Naturalistic African iconic carving on the trunk of a living
lignum vitae tree 84
Fig. 5.8 Naturalistic African iconic carving on the truncated branch
of a living lignum vitae tree 85
Fig. 5.9 Patients from the long-stay wards and staff, participating
in dance therapy centering activities at the morning
sessions of the cultural therapy program 87
xi
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xii LIST OF FIGURES
Fig. 5.10 Madnificent Irations cast in rehearsal at the Garden
Theatre, August 1978 89
Fig. 5.11 Patients from the long-stay wards attending the afternoon
sessions of the cultural therapy program at the Garden
Theatre 89
Fig. 5.12 Patients from the long-stay wards attending cultural
therapy sessions in the afternoon at the Garden Theatre 90
Fig. 5.13 The Rastafari drum ensemble of the Irations Band,
comprising the ‘fundeh’ (front row, left) the ‘thunder’
(second from left), the African congo (third from left),
and the bamboo scraper (extreme right). The kete drum
is played while seated and is not shown in this photograph 91
Fig. 5.14 Musicians of the Irations Band, with trombonist Eleazor
‘Trummie’ Beckford in the foreground 92
Fig. 5.15 The patient with the beautiful singing voice, dubbed
‘song-bird’ by the Irations Band; his rendition
of Sam Cooke’s Wonderful World was perfection 93
Fig. 5.16 Patient singers and dancers: The conventional conception
of ‘chronic’ madness was hopelessness, helplessness,
and characterological deterioration that beggared
the imagination. Madnificent Irations put paid to those
notions once and for all and was the turning point in the
decolonization of madness in Jamaica and the dawn
of a new direction for psychiatry in the region 94
Fig. 6.1 Psychohistoriogram for the Madnificent Irations sociopoem
showing timeline, dialectical antipodes, and vertical theme
lines with analytic insights at either end 107
Fig. 6.2 Charting Jamaican musical history on the psychohistorio-
graphic chart in preparation for scripting the Madnificent
Irations sociopoem 113
Fig. 6.3 The narrators Madman 1 and Madman 2 lead the discourse
in Madnificent Irations 119
Fig. 6.4 Patients and staff in Madnificent Irations portraying ‘the
proud tribe of Africa’ brought to the New World as slaves 120
Fig. 6.5 Folkloric song and dance Cut Muno 126
Fig. 7.1 Newspaper responses to sociodrama performances
at Bellevue Hospital 134
Fig. 7.2 Bellevue Garden Theatre stage 135
Fig. 7.3 Clinical improvements resulting from the cultural therapy
program 148
Fig. 8.1 The partially demolished Bellevue Garden Theatre, 1982 158
Fig. 8.2 Radio psychotherapy 164
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
The system left by Westminster
has one intrinsic flaw
It forces us to divide and fight sisters
and brothers with tooth and nail and claw. [1]
As a psychiatrist of nearly fifty years’ experience, British psychiatry has
been seminally involved in every phase of my professional development
and practice. My mother tongue is English, and my worldview is
Anglophone. I was born and raised in Jamaica, the miscegenated
descendant of an ex-slave (my great-grandmother) and an English slave
owner (my great-grandfather). I have been practicing psychiatry in the
Caribbean since 1970. My work has been mainly in Jamaica, but I have
had clinical experience in other Anglophone Caribbean territories, in
New Zealand, and in England. During the course of my professional
career I have encountered thousands of Caribbean people, descendants
of Africans enslaved in the New World. I have also examined and treated
migrants resident in England and the Caribbean, Europeans both in their
home countries and when abroad, and, during a stay lasting six months,
Europeans and Maoris in New Zealand. I worked for nearly five years of
my senior professional life as a consultant psychiatrist in Birmingham and
the Midlands, between 1995 and 2000, as one of four Black consultant
psychiatrists in Britain at that time. Although I have lived and worked for
most of my career in Jamaica, I was trained mainly by British psychiatrists
and/or British trained psychiatrists. Significant swathes of my medical
© The Author(s) 2021 1
F. W. Hickling, Decolonization of Psychiatry in Jamaica,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48489-7_1
2 F. W. HICKLING
and psychiatric training occurred in the UK, but most of my medical
training and experience has been in Jamaica and the Caribbean.
Between the passage of the Emancipation Act in 1833 and the attain-
ment of full freedom (the end of apprenticeship) in 1838, the notion of
educating the African slaves encountered strong opposition from plan-
tation and slave owners, despite the efforts of many Christian mission-
aries seeking to provide religious education as a means of converting the
Africans to Christianity [2]. The majority of the White population, who
could afford it, sent their sons to be educated in England as ‘there was
no equivalent of a good English grammar school education to be had
in the West Indies’ [3]. The demand for classical secondary and higher
education during and after the mid-1800s was bolstered by economic
decline due to weakened sugar revenues, growth of the local middle
class, and the increased availability of lower level white-collar jobs to
non-Whites [4]. During the latter half of the nineteenth century, a num-
ber of secondary schools were established across the British West Indies.
In Jamaica, one of the early secondary schools was Wolmer’s High
School in Kingston, established in 1729 (https://www.wolmersboy-
shigh.org/history). Wolmer’s High School is a case study of an impor-
tant institution devised by colonial British society, designed to shape
the hegemonic control of colonies like Jamaica. John Wolmer, a wealthy
goldsmith, bequeathed the bulk of his estate for the foundation of a free
school in the parish where he died. A resolution of the school’s trus-
tees of September 15, 1777 restricted admission to Whites only [5]. By
1815, the school started to admit pupils of color. By the end of the nine-
teenth century, a select group of entirely Black pupils attained admission
to this school. Among that select group were my grandfather Frederick
Pape Bond, his elder brother Hopetoun Edward Bond, and their broth-
ers and sisters. They were among the first Blacks in Jamaica at that time
to receive a coveted high school education. It was a period shortly after
the Emancipation Act came into force in 1834, when the British colonial
government was just beginning to open educational facilities to Black
people. In fact it was a period when Whites worldwide were just begin-
ning to allow token Black representatives to enter secondary and tertiary
level institutions.
Few people who have not actually experienced an English colo-
nial society can really understand the effect of colonialism on young
minds. Many of us were Brown-skinned, as equally distinguishable
from our Black African brothers as from our White English cousins and
1 INTRODUCTION 3
half brothers and sisters. As privileged middle-class school children, we
were exposed to a form of socialization and education modeled on the
blueprints of the British public school system. Counter to what is usu-
ally implied by ‘public’, these schools were, by the nineteenth century,
socially exclusive, private institutions, designed to shape the minds of
the youth of the British ruling class. The assimilation of the British busi-
ness classes to the social pattern of the gentry and aristocracy proceeded
rapidly from the early nineteenth century onwards. In 1869, they were
more or less set free from all government control and set about elaborat-
ing that actively anti-intellectual, anti-scientific, games-dominated Tory
imperialism which was to remain characteristic of them [6]. The public
school was the factory designed to perpetuate the gene pool repository
of the European delusion that Whites were born to rule the world by
divine right. Imagine the experience we had, as Brown cousins, descend-
ants of Black Africans enslaved in the New World and miscegenated chil-
dren of our White rulers, growing together in schools that taught us
Latin and Greek, fine arts, the classics, European history and the human-
ities, together with mathematics, calculus, and the sciences. Our par-
allel exposure to cricket and other British sports and to the Army and
Air Cadet Force was designed to shape our future as agents of British
Imperialism in the colonies. Our teachers were predominantly Brown-
and Black-skinned Jamaicans with similar educational backgrounds,
although our senior teachers, headmasters, and headmistresses were usu-
ally White British. We were being taught to be agents of the European
psychosis [7] in Brown and Black skins.
My granduncle Hopetoun Edward Bond (1879–1939), from
Wolmer’s High School for Boys in Kingston, won a scholarship to study
medicine at Queen’s University in Canada and became one of the first
Blacks to graduate as a medical doctor from that institution in the early
twentieth century. He also qualified as a Licentiate of the Royal College
of Physicians and Surgeons of Edinburgh and of Glasgow. While my
grandfather Frederick Pape was climbing the ranks of the Jamaican Civil
Service as an accountant, Hopetoun qualified as a psychiatrist. He was
awarded the Diploma in Psychological Medicine (Canada), one of the
first Black graduates to obtain that degree and the first to originate from
the Caribbean. He was also a member of the British Medical Association,
engaging in private practice in Glasgow, where, during the course of
1910–1911, he was assistant and locum tenens to a Dr. Murison.
4 F. W. HICKLING
Black Jamaican psychiatrists are a rare breed. There was only a mere
dozen or so of us in the world at the end of the twentieth century. The
fact that the first known Black Jamaican and Caribbean psychiatrist,
Hopetoun Bond, was my granduncle makes my presence in this group
an even greater privilege, and perhaps not a coincidence in the overall
scheme of things. My ontogeny represents a mongrel mixture of African
and European miscegenation and is an important pivotal point for the
discussion that follows. The African and European miscegenation in
Jamaica and the Caribbean presents a unique natural selection process of
the European colonial experience.
In 1911 Hopetoun returned to Jamaica to work in private prac-
tice in Kingston; in October 1914 he was appointed Junior Medical
Officer at the Jamaica Lunatic Asylum (later the Bellevue Hospital), as
a temporary replacement for Dr. Thomas Francis Shackleton, who was
away on war service. Hopetoun was both a clinician and a medical aca-
demic, having authored ‘Causation and Treatment of Pellagra,’ pub-
lished in 1915 in the London-based Journal of Tropical Medicine and
Hygiene and New York-based Medical Record; three years later ‘A Case
of Porencephaly’ appeared in the British Medical Journal. In August
1916 he was appointed Acting Physician Superintendent at the asylum
[8]. He was not confirmed in the post, as it was the policy of the British
colonial government not to appoint Blacks to top leadership positions in
the Civil Service. The personnel pressures of World War I dictated that
appropriate White professionals who would normally fill such posts were
siphoned off from the Colonial Service to serve in the European thea-
tre of war. Appointment to ‘acting’ or non-confirmed positions was a
common practice in the administrative personnel hierarchy of the British
Civil Service as a means of manipulation and of control of managers and
employees. It was a manipulative maneuver, a ploy used by the Colonial
Service, especially during crisis periods like the two World Wars, to fill
the job positions of senior colonial civil servants with qualified native
workers in temporary or acting positions. Once the crisis was over, the
colonial job would be returned to a White civil servant and the acting
native worker would be displaced and returned to a lesser position. This
is an example of one of the administrative tools developed within the
context of the European psychosis, for the maintenance of racial social
control.
At the end of hostilities, Hopetoun tasted the bitter racism of this
British Colonial administrative maneuver when he was removed from
1 INTRODUCTION 5
the position of Acting Physician Superintendent and replaced by a young
English doctor returning from the front who was considerably junior to
himself. In his rage, responding to what he regarded as a dose of viru-
lent colonial racism, granduncle Hopetoun stormed out of the asylum,
the Physician Superintendent job and Jamaica. Paradoxically, he returned
to the UK where he had been trained as a medical practitioner and set
up in private practice in London. He was especially angry, as the young
man who replaced him in the top job at the mental hospital did not even
have psychiatric qualifications. Hopetoun died in obscurity in London in
1939, a victim of the English variety of the European psychosis. It was
acceptable at the time to educate a few Black people and even to allow
them into the system, but under no circumstance was power to be shared
with them. The tradition of White doctors running and controlling the
Jamaica Lunatic Asylum continued until the mid-1930s, when another
Black Jamaican, Roy Olivier Cooke (appointed OBE in 1964), a psy-
chiatrist trained at Dalhousie University, Canada, was recruited by this
institution and became its second Black Senior Medical Officer. He was
followed in that post by Jamaicans Dr. Kenneth Royes, and (post inde-
pendence) by Dr. Vincent O. Williams.
Fast-forward sixty years from granduncle Hopetoun’s period as Acting
SMO. My colleague Dr. Trevor Lindsay was appointed Acting SMO at
Bellevue Hospital in 1974 following the death of Ken Royes. He walked
off the job in 1976 when the Jamaican Ministry of Health refused to con-
firm him in the post. Dr. Lindsay now has a flourishing psychiatric prac-
tice in the State of Alabama in the USA. He came to see me a few years
ago when he was in Jamaica on a visit. He described to me how he had
left Jamaica in 1976 following the government’s refusal to confirm him
in the post at Bellevue. Neither of us could understand why. He was emi-
nently qualified, he had the years of service, and his family had the right
connections with the ruling political party. Trevor said that he had left
Jamaica in disgust (shades of granduncle Hopetoun in 1919). Could it
have been because Trevor was a dark-skinned Black man? To many this
might seem almost ludicrous, but Jamaica was at that time still strug-
gling with the legacy of self-racism which had been left us by our colonial
forefathers. The time had not yet come in Jamaica when it was appro-
priate and acceptable for very Black people to manage large enterprises.
Bear in mind that the first Black employee of a bank in Jamaica was not
appointed until 1959.
6 F. W. HICKLING
Trevor described how difficult it had been for him to be able to prac-
tice in the USA after turning his back on his homeland. He had to liter-
ally go back to medical school to be able to take the exams which would
qualify him to practice as a doctor in that country, and then complete
a psychiatry residency training program before he could even think of
setting up in practice as a psychiatrist. We remarked on the paradox of
the fact that so many of Jamaica’s best brains, after years of investment
and study by the Jamaican people, were forced to migrate because the
people in authority in all walks of life would not make room for them
to live and work in their homeland. Lunatic and ludicrous as it seems,
the brain drain to the North America and Europe is actually encouraged
by the way in which the social system operates in Jamaica. Hidden prej-
udices and biases make seemingly sane administrators create enormous
barriers for qualified Jamaicans either working in or wishing to return to
Jamaica, to find jobs in their homeland. Certainly a product of colonial-
ism, the present generation of leaders in Jamaica and the Caribbean do
not seem to be able to tolerate the competition of younger, brighter, and
better trained people being given an opportunity to share the stage with
them. Nor do many seem capable of preparing successors for leadership
and effectively passing power and leadership on.
Trevor Lindsay tried valiantly during his period of leadership to break
the colonial stranglehold on Bellevue Hospital. He certainly played
his part in helping to change mental health legislation, and he tried to
transform the colonial culture of the mental hospital. We were the only
two consultant psychiatrists in government service at the time. But the
task was just too vast, and the resources too meagre. The more he tried
to change things, the more they remained the same. At the time I had
become frustrated with the lack of progress in the transformation of the
hospital. There were nearly three thousand inmates in the institution
at the time, with only two consultant psychiatrists and three medical
officers and a handful of trained registered nurses who were expected to
bring about the change.
I think that at this stage I should say something about the position of
SMO at Bellevue. Under the colonial system of government, and under
mental health legislation, theoretically and practically, that position was
one of the most powerful in the land. Because the SMO at Bellevue had
the legal power to detain anybody against their will and without recourse
to law (the Mental Hospital Act of 1873 did not recognize review tri-
bunals as a counter to unlawful detention as did the 1959 English
1 INTRODUCTION 7
Mental Health Act), it was theoretically possible for the SMO to detain
the Prime Minister against his will! This was so because under British
Colonial Law there was no Prime Minister, only a Colonial Governor,
who was the only person who had the power under law to appoint the
SMO at Bellevue, the Chief of Police, and the Chief Justice. There
was no post of Prime Minister in Jamaica before the Declaration of
Independence in 1962. So, by law, in Jamaica, the SMO had to answer
only to one person in that country, namely the Governor-General, who
had replaced the Colonial Governor.
Few people in the country were aware of this conundrum. However,
there was no denying the awesome power and responsibility of the role.
No other SMO in the country had this power or authority, as they had
to adhere to the laws governing the Ministry of Health. As statutory
law, the Mental Hospital Act took precedence over the common law,
which meant that the SMO was one of the most powerful persons in the
state. Trevor Lindsay understood this. He had been tutored by Vincent
Williams, who was even more aware of this awesome power when he
occupied the post. This is one of the things which had got Trevor into
trouble with the political authorities of the land.
Bellevue Hospital was situated on one hundred acres of prime land
in the heart of Kingston, in the constituency of the then prime minis-
ter, Michael Manley. In the early days of his government, Manley and
his Minister of Housing had simply ‘captured’ 20 acres of land to the
east of the Bellevue property, built a number of prefabricated houses on
it, almost overnight, and moved in some of the most loyal supporters
of the governing party. A number of the most active, vocal, and vola-
tile political activists thus became neighbors of the mental hospital in a
Jamaica which had become incredibly tribalized and politically explosive.
In a very real sense, many of them were much more ‘dangerous’ than the
inmates of the hospital. Society was turning inside out! In 1976 Trevor
Lindsay made the mistake of bringing the ‘awesome power’ of the SMO
into a confrontational position with the new political leaders of the land,
many of whom were determined to remove all vestiges of colonial power
from the country. Trevor tried to get the residents of ‘Dunkirk’ (the
name give to the new community) removed. The government, as previ-
ously mentioned, refused to confirm him in post and so he left the job,
Bellevue Hospital and Jamaica in a seething rage.
I was appointed to act as Senior Medical Officer after Lindsay’s depar-
ture in 1976. I was the only other qualified psychiatrist in government
8 F. W. HICKLING
service at the time. There was fierce opposition to my appointment, but
as I was aware of the role’s recent history I informed the authorities that
if I had not been confirmed in the post by the end of the year, I would
revert to my substantive role in the hospital as the consultant psychiatrist
responsible for rehabilitation. There was an international battle going on
for the minds of the people of Jamaica at that time—some would say
for the minds of African people around the world—and finding a suit-
ably qualified psychiatrist for the institution was nigh impossible. I was
appointed as SMO in December 1976. I refused to take the road taken
by granduncle Hopetoun sixty years before.
I met Professor Sanford Cohen, former chair of psychiatry at the
Boston University School of Medicine [9], when I gave a lecture there
in 1980 organized by my classmate, psychiatrist Dr. Gerald Groves.
Intrigued by the idea of ‘cultural therapy’, he visited Jamaica and
Bellevue Hospital with his wife some months later to witness the process.
Amazed at the performance and the dynamic within the community, he
declared vehemently that I would never be able to write it down. This
document is my attempt to prove him wrong!
Fred Hickling, Jack’s Hill, Jamaica, December 2019
Bibliography
1. Hickling FW (1980) Poem “Mind Chains” from sociodrama ‘Madaptations’,
Bellevue Hospital (Unpublished).
2. Coates, CO (2012) Educational Developments in the British West Indies: A
Historical Overview. Semantic Scholar, Corpus ID: 157260788.
3. Gordon S (1963) A Century of West Indian Education. London: Longmans,
p. 15.
4. Bacchus MK (1994) Education as and for Legitimacy: Developments in West
Indian Education Between 1846 and 1895. Ontario, Canada: Wilfrid Laurier
University Press.
5. Bryan PE (2004) The legacy of a Goldsmith—A History of Wolmer’s Schools,
1729–2003. Kingston, Jamaica: Arawak Publications.
6. Hobsbawm E (1999) Industry and Empire: The Birth of the Industrial
Revolution, rev. ed. New York: New Press.
7. Hickling FW (2009) The European-American Psychosis: A
Psychohistoriographic Perspective of Contemporary Western Civilization. The
Journal of Psychohistory. A Publication of the Institute for Psychohistory, 37(1):
67–81.
1 INTRODUCTION 9
8. Hill SA (n.d.) Who’s Who in Jamaica 1922–1924. A Biennial Bibliographic
Record Containing Careers of the Principal Public Men and Women in
Jamaica. Kingston, Jamaica: The Gleaner Company Ltd.
9. Marquard B (2013) Dr. Sanford Cohen, 85; former BU Psychiatry Chairman.
Boston Globe, October 3. https://www.bostonglobe.com/metro/2013/10/02/
sanford-cohen-former-psychiatry-chairman-was-pioneer-studying-mind-body-
equation-for-illness/h0EhwIhDw7ItFX1UCK7ZqM/story.html.
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Pienellä höyryveneellään kulkivat matkailijamme erästä jokea
ylöspäin sisämaahan. Aivan joen suulla oli kaksi kylää, joiden
asukkaat uteliaasti tarkastelivat vieraita. Alastoin lapsiliuta juoksi
joen vartta, kilpaa höyrylaivan kanssa, niin kauvan kuin mahdollista
katsellakseen tuota tavatointa ilmiötä. Ylempänä oli kasvullisuus joen
rannoilla joka paikassa niin rehevä, että oli tuiki mahdotointa nousta
maalle; joka taholle levisi aarniometsä jylhänä, läpipääsemättömänä.
Puut olivat oikeita jättiläisiä leveine, kiiltävine lehtineen. Muutamat
kukoistivat parastaikaa, toisissa oli jo hedelmiä. Likinnä vettä kasvoi
enimmästi viikunapuita, joiden taajat, veteen tunkeutuvat ilmajuuret
paalutuksen tavoin kokosivat ympärilleen joen mutaa ja siten
auttoivat rantoja yhä valloittamaan alaa vedeltä. Syvemmällä
metsässä näkyi korkeita vaaleanviheriäisiä palmuja. Puissa kiipeili
apinoita ja rannoilla loikoi parin kyynärän pituisia pieniä alligaatoria.
Malaijit elävät köyhästi ja tukalissa oloissa. Kummassakin joen
suussa olevassa kylässä, joita myöhemmin käytiin katsomassa,
vallitsi suurin kurjuus. Lattiat olivat harvat ja likaiset ja kaikki
aterioiden jäännökset viskattiin sen rakoloista veteen. Asukkailla ei
näkynyt olevan muuta omaisuutta kuin mitä niin näin päällään
kantoivat, s.o. pieni vaatekaikale vyötäröillä riippumassa. Veneinä oli
heillä koverrettuja puunrunkoja.
Asukkaista näkivät he likemmin ainoastaan kaksi keski-ikäistä
miestä. Naiset ja lapset juoksivat, vieraat nähdessään, suin päin
kylän syrjäisimpään majaan, jonne telkeytyivät, silloin tällöin
tirkistellen arkoina ja peloissaan eräästä aukosta; lapset parkuivat
koko ajan mitä surkeimmalla nuotilla.
Joulukuun 15 päivänä laskettiin ankkuri Point de Gallen luona
Ceilonin saarella. Siellä kävivät he katsomassa noita kuuluisia
jalokivien huuhtomalaitoksia. Tavallisimmin ovat jalokivet siellä
sellaisilla paikoilla joissa virtoja ennen on kulkenut, murtaen ja
huuhtoen mukanaan osan hiekkakerrosta. Jalokivien etsijä kaivaa
kuopan maahan ja kokoo siihen tuon savella sekoitetun hiekan. Sitä
huuhdotaan sitte vasuissa, kunnes savi on eronnut, jonka jälkeen
timantit poimitaan. Toisinaan on saalis erittäin runsas, toisinaan
aivan mitätöin. Hyvästi ansaittuaan elävät huuhtojat ilossa ja
humussa, kunnes kaikki on tuhlattu.
Ceilonin varsinaiset asukkaat ovat singalilaisia, kauniita, melkein
mustaihoisia ihmisiä. Lapset, jotka käyvät aivan alasti, kantavat
käsivarsissaan metallisia rannerenkaita ja lantioillaan metalliketjua,
joista etupuolelle riippuu kulta- tai hopealevy. Täysikasvuisten
pukuna on vyötäröille kiedottu vaate, sen lisäksi käyttävät naiset
ohutta puuvillaröijyä. Pitkää tukkaansa pitävät sekä miehet että
naiset koossa kammalla, joka kiinnitetään poikkipuolin pään päälle.
Työmiesten majat ovat hyvin pieniä, tiilistä kyhättyjä ja
olkikattoisia sekä enemmän pidettäviä jonkunlaisina suojina sadetta
ja auringonpaistetta vastaan, kuin todellisina huoneina.
Varakkaammat singalilaiset asuvat tilavissa, melkein avonaisissa,
uutimilla eri osiin jaetuissa verannoissa. Temppelit ovat puisia ja
perin mitättömännäköisiä. Papit ja temppelinpalvelijat asuvat likellä
temppeliä jotenkin likaisissa ja siivottomissa huoneuksissa. Ilman-ala
on lämmin ja kostea, ja öisin näkee loistavia tulikärpäsiä
lentelemässä. Kasvullisuus on erittäin rehevä ja komea. Tuuheita
palmuja ja ryytikasvia tapaa kaikkialla.
Ceilonin sisäosa on laadultaan vuorimaata. Korkeita
vuorenhuippuja kohoo taivasta kohti ja niiden välillä on
penikulmittain vuorilaaksoja. Rannikon rikkaat metsät ovat sieltä pois
raivatut ja sen sijaan kasvaa joka paikassa kukkuloilla ja laaksoissa
kahvipensaita. Vasta ylempänä vuorilla alkavat aarniometsät jälleen.
Joulukuun 22 päivänä läksi Vega Ceilonista ja saapui Aadeniin,
Punaisen meren suulle, tammik. 7 päivänä. Indianmerellä vietettiin
joulujuhlaa hiljaisesti. Mutta uudenvuoden-iltana aukesi salongin ovi
ja sisään astui tschuktschi-joukko nahkapukimissaan ja lausui
selvällä Ruotsin kielellä ystävällisen tervehdyksen pohjan jäillä
asuvilta ystäviltä, lisäten siihen muutamia vielä muistissa säilyneitä
sanoja Pitlekailta. Vegan matruusit olivat keksineet tämän sukkelan
huvituksen. Mutta kuuma oli tschuktschi-parkojen nahoissaan
päiväntasaajan lämpimässä ilmassa.
Aadenin luona tervehdittiin Vegaa kanuunanlaukauksilla ja eräs
siellä oleskeleva itaalialainen sotalaiva nosti mastoonsa ruotsalaisen
lipun. Saman laivan upseerit pitivät sitte iloisen juhlan Vegan uroille.
Bab-el-Mandebin salmen ja Punaisen meren kautta tultiin sitte
Suezin kanavan suulle, jossa ankkuroittiin tammikuun 28 päivänä.
Matkaa jatkettiin sitte kanavaa myöten sen Välimeren puoleiselle
suulle, Port Saidin luo, ja sieltä Välimeren halki Napoliin, jossa oli
tehty suuria valmistuksia matkueen vastaan-ottamiseksi. Messiinan
salmessa ankkuroitsi Vega, ja Nordenskiöld meni itse itaalialaisen
luutnantin Boven kera maalle, lähettääkseen sähkösanoman Vegan
saapumisesta Eurooppaan. Yö tuli ennenkuin he pääsivät maalle, ja
pilkkoisen pimeässä saivat he tunkeutua läpi pensaiden ja
viidakkojen, kunnes tulivat rautatielle, jota myöten kävelivät
läheisimmälle asemalle. Siellä heitä heti ympäröi joukko
karsasmielisiä rata- ja rannikkovahtia, jotka pitivät heitä
salakuljettajina; onneksi eivät vahdit olleet havainneet heitä, heidän
pensastoissa kömpiessään, sillä varmaan olisivat he heti ampuneet.
Epäluulot hälvenivät kuitenkin pian ja matkustajia kohdeltiin silloin
suurimmalla kunnioituksella. Se oli viimeinen seikkailu matkalla.
Helmikuun 14 päivänä saapui Vega Napoliin ja siitä alkaen oli
kotimatka vaan yhtämittaista riemukulkua. Napolissa, Lissabonissa,
Lontoossa ja Pariisissa, joissa viimeksimainituissa pääkaupungeissa
käytiin Vegan ollessa Falmouthissa, Köpenhavnissa ja viimeksi
Tukholmassa oli matkueelle valmistettu sydämmellisiä, suurenmoisia
kunnian-osotuksia. Huhtikuun 24 päivänä laski Vega ankkurinsa
Tukholman satamassa, ja jättiyritys, laadultaan historiassa ainoa, oli
onnistunut.
Mitä lähemmäksi Tukholmaa Vega tuli, matkallansa Ruotsin
saariston läpi, sitä enemmän lisääntyi höyrylaivoja, jotka täpötäynnä
ihmisiä olivat lähteneet Vegaa vastaan-ottamaan ja sitte seurasivat
sitä kahdessa pitkässä rivissä satamaan. Satama lukemattomine
aluksineen ja veneineen, kaupunki ja erittäinkin uljas kuninkaallinen
linna olivat loistavilla ilotulituksilla mitä komeimmasti kaunistetut ja
lukemattomat ihmisjoukot tervehtivät kaikuvilla hurraahuudoilla
rauhallisia sankareita, jotka, pitkän matkansa päätettyään, taas ensi
kerran laskivat jalkansa ruotsalaiselle mantereelle.
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