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Annual Review of Psychology vol 54 2003 Susan T. Fiske
Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Susan T. Fiske, Daniel L. Schacter, Carolyn Zahn-Waxler
ISBN(s): 9780824302542, 0824302540
Edition: Vol. 54, 2003
File Details: PDF, 4.63 MB
Year: 2003
Language: english
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Annu. Rev. Psychol. 2003. 54:1–23

doi: 10.1146/annurev.psych.54.101601.145240
Copyright ° c 2003 by Annual Reviews. All rights reserved
First published online as a Review in Advance on August 14, 2002

BIOLOGY, CONTEXT, AND

DEVELOPMENTAL INQUIRY
Jerome Kagan
Department of Psychology, Harvard University, Cambridge,
Massachusetts 02138; e-mail: [email protected]
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Key Words maturation, temperament, infancy, psychological structures,

personality
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■ Abstract This chapter summarizes some of the conceptual changes in develop-

mental research over the last half-century. These advances include an acknowledgment
of the role of maturation; also recognized have been the need for positing distinct psy-
chological structures, the influence of temperament, the malleability of the infant, the
role of the local context, and the dynamic nature of the categories describing human
psychological types.

CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
THE CONTRIBUTION OF BIOLOGICAL MATURATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
THE NEED FOR VARIED PSYCHOLOGICAL FORMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Schemata . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Sensory Motor Schemes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Semantic Networks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
TEMPERAMENT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Reactivity in Infants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
The Ambiguity of Measures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
DOUBTS ABOUT INFANT DETERMINISM . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
The Influence of Social Class . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Other Conditions of Influence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
CONTEXTS AND SOURCES OF EVIDENCE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Sources of Evidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
A Critique of Self-Report . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
CLASSIFICATION OF TEMPERAMENT
AND PERSONALITY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20

0066-4308/03/0203-0001$14.00 1
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2 KAGAN

INTRODUCTION
Scholarship in developmental psychology during the last half-century, the era that
brackets my graduate years and this moment, has reformulated old questions and
rejected premises that failed empirical challenge. Four obvious changes are evident
in a comparison of papers in the journal Child Development during the 1950s with
last year’s titles. Most of the early work ignored the contributions of biology, the
specificity and variety of cognitive processes, and the cumulative effects of iden-
tification with ethnic and social class groups because the discipline was shackled
by a commitment to the exclusive power of external rewards to shape habit. In the
1950s Yale’s department faculty was confident that a satisfying, essentially behav-
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ioristic explanation of behavior, both the ontogeny of universal qualities as well

as individual variation, was attainable. John Dollard and Neal Miller declared in
Personality and Psychotherapy that most human qualities were learned responses
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to drive conditions. “Human behavior is learned; precisely that behavior which is

widely felt to characterize man as a rational being” (1950, p. 25). Although con-
temporary investigators acknowledge the relevance of conditioning mechanisms to
certain domains, they appreciate that the spontaneous reorganization of concepts,
rules, and beliefs that accompany brain growth and new experiences are of equal
(and for some human qualities, of far greater) potency.
Although developmental psychologists, then and now, celebrate rational, prag-
matic, material, and experimental analyses of functional components, only the
current cohort legitimizes the symbolic representations, combined in emotions,
identifications, and intentions, that need not have an obvious referent in action.
Psychologists of the 1950s were constrained by the demands of operational theory,
absence of measurements of brain function, and a habit of quantifying limited sam-
ples of behavior in austere laboratory settings. As a result, the evidence revealed
surface phenomena rather than a deeper psychological architecture. For example,
the phenomena of object permanence and stranger anxiety, which usually appear
at 7–10 months of age, were treated as independent events. When psychologists
learned that the brain growth that occurs at this age is accompanied by an en-
hanced ability to retrieve the immediate past and to compare it with the present,
they recognized that both phenomena were derivatives of changes in brain function
in infants living with people and objects to manipulate. The advantages of new
methods enable the current cohort of investigators to peer beyond the behavioral
display to infer more fundamental processes, as the student of musical composition
perceives the theme hiding in the surface improvisations.
Two premises remain unchallenged. The first holds that psychological freedom
is the hidden telos in development. This belief, explicit in the writings of Locke and
Watson, is implicit in research reports on play, independence, and autonomy. The
supposition that all children should grow toward freedom from external restraints
on the perfection of self is a derivative of a political philosophy that enjoys special
favor in the West, but, unfortunately, has a weak foundation in historical scholar-
ship or ethnographies. Social scientists have permitted their ethical preferences to
influence their theories.
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DEVELOPMENTAL INQUIRY 3

The second favored premise that resists critique is that parental love, especially
the affection from the biological mother, is necessary if children are to attain the
prize of psychological freedom. The observed signs of this resource a half-century
earlier were adult actions that regularly relieved the infant drive states of hunger,
thirst, cold, and pain. The contemporary referents are not a well-defined set of adult
behaviors but the vaguer notion of continued sensitivity to the young child’s need to
feel secure. Parental sensitivity and security are harder to infer than hunger or pain.
Although these two premises still penetrate much research, a number of concep-
tual advances have accompanied the replacement of conditioned responses with
cognitive and affective processes. Six such advances are recognition of (a) the
influence of brain maturation, (b) distinct psychological structures, (c) the role of
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temperament, (d) flaws in the assumption of infant determinism, (e) the importance
of the contexts in which agents act, and ( f ) the dynamic nature of the categories
for psychological types.
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THE CONTRIBUTION OF BIOLOGICAL MATURATION

Most contemporary investigators accept the fact that brain maturation sets con-
straints on behavior, feeling, and cognition in the opening years. As noted earlier,
the appearance of object permanence and stranger and separation fear requires
an enhanced ability to retrieve schemata related to the present and to hold both
structures in working memory while trying to assimilate the new event. This com-
petence is made possible by predictable changes in brain organization. The second
half of the first year is marked by accelerated growth and differentiation of pyrami-
dal neurons, especially lengthening of dendritic terminal segments and dendritic
bifurcations in layers III and V of the cortex (Koenderink et al. 1994), and sharp
increases in the number of spines and extra large excrescences on the proximal
dendrites of pyramidal cells in the CA3 region of Ammons horn (Seress & Mrzljak
1992). These anatomical changes are accompanied by increased glucose uptake in
the lateral frontal cortex at 6–8 months, and in the dorso-lateral prefrontal cortex at
8–12 months (Chugani et al. 1987). All of these classes of growth permit retrieval
of past events and a comparison of the retrieved representations with the present
(KA Pelphrey, JS Reznick, B Goldman, N Sasson, J Morrow, unpublished). Hence,
8-month-old infants living in a typical social environment will cry in response to
strangers and separation and will search for a toy hidden under a cover by an adult
several seconds earlier. Piaget would have written a different theory to account
for his acute observations if he had been born a century later. I blush as I recall
telling my first undergraduate class in 1954 that a rejecting mother could create an
autistic child.
The quartet of talents that emerges in the second year includes initial under-
standing of, and the ability to express, language; an appreciation that some ac-
tions are punishable; the capacity to infer some intentions and feelings in others;
and an early form of awareness of self’s feelings, intentions, and abilities. The
actualization of these competences is aided by a different set of maturational events.
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4 KAGAN

The accelerated elongation of the dendrites on pyramidal neurons in layer III of

Wernicke’s area should help the child understand spoken language, and because the
axons of these neurons connect the right and left hemispheres this growth should
aid not only language but other functions as well (Goldman-Rakic & Porrino 1986,
Jacobson & Trojamowski 1977). Children should now show more efficient coordi-
nation of lexical categories (stored primarily in the left hemisphere) with schematic
structures (stored primarily in the right) and as a result, begin to describe an event
that has alerted them.
The coordination of schemata for bodily feelings with the initial corpus of
semantic categories should make empathy possible, for the semantic labeling of
another as “in pain” will be integrated with the retrieval of the representations that
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were created when the child had been distressed in the past. The coordination of
representations of uncertainty or fear with semantic categories for punishable acts
should cause the child to suppress behaviors that violate the family’s standards.
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Finally, the coordination of the representations of bodily feelings with the new
semantic categories for self should make consciousness possible. The fact that the
number of neurons per unit volume decreases rapidly until birth and slows toward
the middle of the second year led one scientist to assert that the period between 15
and 24 months was a significant moment in brain growth, when almost all layers
of the cortex reached, for the first time, a similar state of maturation (Rabinowicz
1979). It is likely that equally specific anatomical and chemical changes to be
discovered in the coming decades will help to explain the victories of concrete and
formal operations.

THE NEED FOR VARIED PSYCHOLOGICAL FORMS

The diverse categories of behavior, cognition, and emotion require positing dis-
tinctly different psychological structures. Biologists appreciate that form is the
fundamental riddle in nature, where form—or structure—is defined as a pattern of
relations among a set of constituent features. Every mature natural science com-
bines an understanding of each of its many forms with their correlated functions.
Psychologists have been slower to recognize this truth because they typically study
functions—actions, memories, feelings, and perceptions—and have been less in-
terested in the psychological structures that permit those functions to be actualized.
Unfortunately, function does not reveal form. It is not possible to infer the anatomy
of the retina from the adult’s perception of a soaring hawk, nor the form of the
psychological structures that permit a two-year-old to ask about the name of an
unfamiliar animal.
Although discovery of the patterns of activated neuronal ensembles that accom-
pany a psychological reaction may illuminate the nature of the relevant psycho-
logical forms, the biological knowledge cannot be a substitute for a description
of the psychological structures. The latter are an emergent property of the entire
system of brain activity. The concept of robustness in systems biology provides
an analogy. The ability to cope with an intrusion is a property of the entire system
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DEVELOPMENTAL INQUIRY 5

of biological networks and is not a property of any single constituent. That is,
melancholy is a property of a mind, not of the neuronal circuits that participate in
that emotional state. Although the psychological processes, and the psychological
structures on which they rest, emerge from brain activity, the former cannot be re-
duced to or explained by a description of the latter. This means that the words used
to describe the psychological events cannot be replaced with sentences that contain
only biological words. Roald Hoffmann, an eminent chemist, used the example of
the oxidative state of a molecule to remind us that the same conclusion holds for
chemistry: “The life giving ideas of chemistry are not reducible to physics . . .. If
one tries to reduce them, they wilt at the edges, lose not only their meaning, but
their interest too” (Hoffmann 2001, p. 311).
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Thus, the social scientist who acknowledges that thought, feeling, and action
arise from cascades of brain events, but insists, nonetheless, that these events must
be described in a language different from the one that describes the underlying
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neural processes, is not a metaphysical dualist. All of nature cannot be described

with one vocabulary.
Below I discuss three distinct psychological forms: schemata, sensory motor
structures, and semantic networks.

Schemata
A schema is a representation of an event, often combined with features of the
context, which retains to varying degrees the patterned features of the original
event (Gibson 1969, Paivio 1986, Vernon 1954). The representation of a friend’s
face is a prototypic example. There are at least two different schematic forms.
Visceral schemata, which originate in the activity of sensory receptors in body
organs, including skin, nose, tongue, muscles, and inner ear, represent states of the
body. A visceral schema is activated when a person retrieves the pain of a stomach
cramp or the sweetness of ice cream.
Perceptual schemata, on the other hand, are representations of external events.
Infants can create some schemata with minimal experience because they are bio-
logically prepared to perceive whole objects and do not have to connect separate
features to create a representation of a face, cup, or hand. Newborns, for example,
can discriminate between recordings of their own cry and the cry of another infant;
two-week-olds can discriminate the breast odor of a nursing woman from many
other odors (Morrongiello et al. 1998, Dondi et al. 1999, Makin & Porter 1989).
Young infants attend longer to circular over linear patterns, moving over stationary
objects, and contoured over homogeneous fields (Haith 1980). It is not surprising,
therefore, that they quickly create schemata for human faces, which are circular,
often in motion, and contain contour at the hair line, sclera, and mouth (de Haan
& Nelson 1999).
Infants also create prototypic schemata that are psychological averages of a
number of similar events. This phenomenon is clearest for the schemata that rep-
resent the phonemes of the child’s local language (Doupe & Kuhl 1999) and for
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6 KAGAN

familiar objects like toy animals (Arterberry & Bornstein 2001). Infants can also
construct schematic concepts for temporal patterns of meaningless vocal sounds.
In a test of this idea, 7-month-olds first heard a 2-minute speech sample containing
3 representations of each of 16 different 3-syllable utterances of the form a-b-a. For
example, on the first trial the infant might hear “ga-ti-ga,” on the second trial, “li-
no-li,” and on the third trial, “bo-gu-bo.” The feature shared by all utterances was
that the first and third syllables were identical. After being familiarized with this
pattern they heard on test trials either an utterance of the same form—a-b-a—or a
new set of syllables with a new form; for example, a-b-b, as in “wo-fe-fe.” The in-
fants displayed greater attention to the unfamiliar a-b-b pattern, indicating they had
created a schematic concept for the a-b-a pattern of sounds (Marcus et al. 1999).
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The representations of features shared by events in two different modalities,

called cross-modal processing, are also schematic concepts. Three-year-olds will
point to a sad over a happy face after listening to a 20-second excerpt from a
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Mozart symphony in a minor key but will point to the happy face after listening to
a segment in a major key (Droller 2000). Three-year-olds usually select the color
red, rather than brown, as most fitting a smiling face (Zentner 2001). The ability to
create cross-modal representations matures in a major way after six months, in part
because the prefrontal cortex links symbolic information from different modalities,
and anatomical links among sensory association areas and medial-temporal and
prefrontal cortex are immature during the first six months. Cross-modal schemata
are possible, but very fragile, during the first half-year.
Perceptual schemata of external events differ from visceral schemata in three
important ways. First, perceptual schemata are more easily retrieved from memory.
Most individuals can retrieve a rich visual representation of the Statue of Liberty
visited 20 years ago but have difficulty recreating the taste of yesterday’s chocolate
mousse. Second, the ability to attend to, or ignore, most external events is seriously
compromised for bodily sensations. Finally, visceral schemata have a weaker link
to semantic structures because information from the body synapses primarily on the
corticomedial and central areas of the amygdala, while visual and auditory stimuli
synapse first on the lateral area. Reciprocal connections with cortical association
areas are richer for the lateral than the corticomedial and central areas. One reason
why questionnaires and interviews are relatively insensitive indexes of human
emotional states, and why scientists code changes in face, posture, and physiology
to aid inferences about an individual’s emotions, is that language has a limited
number of words to describe the visceral representations of bodily sensations that
are the essential components of every emotion.

Sensory Motor Schemes

Representations of coordinated motor sequences permit the skilled performances
of violinists and athletes, as well as implementation of each morning’s automatic
routines. The behaviors of seven-month-old infants illustrate the ease with which
sensory motor representations are implemented. Infants first saw either a small
or a large hoop while simultaneously hearing a distinctive sound accompanying
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DEVELOPMENTAL INQUIRY 7

each hoop. After a number of familiarization trials, the room was darkened and the
infants heard one of the two sounds but could not see whether the hoop was small
or large. Remarkably, the infants adjusted their hands and arms to fit the sound, for
they reached with both hands to the sound that had accompanied the large hoop, but
with one hand to the sound that had accompanied the small object (Clifton et al.
1991). Presumably, the schema for each hoop evoked a distinct sensory motor
scheme when its particular sound was heard.

Semantic Networks
Semantic representations combine the representations of words, called lexical
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structures, with schemata and sensory motor structures to form networks that are
logically constrained, occasionally hierarchical, and exploited to communicate
information and to facilitate thought (Bickerton 1995). The distinction between
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schemata and semantic structures is critical. The relations among the features of
my schema for a terrier who barks early in the morning (the color, size, gait, sound
of bark, and spatial relations among head, ears, eyes, limbs, and tail) are differ-
ent from the relations among my semantic representations of this animal, which
include links among the semantic concepts dog, pet, mammal, domesticated, and
annoying.
The distinctive qualities of schemata, sensory motor structures, and semantic
networks have implications for current discussions of consciousness, especially
whether minds experience a number of qualitatively different conscious states
on the one hand, or one unified state with different features on the other (Searle
2000). Humans can be conscious of very different events, including sensations,
thoughts, intentions, and symbolic categories for self. Imagining a pink cloud at
dusk can be mediated by schemata with minimal contributions from semantic or
motor structures. Recalling the taste of chocolate, the feeling of ice on the skin,
or the pain of a cut finger differs in both brain profile and subjective state from
the awareness that accompanies remembering one’s childhood home, deciding
whether to have a second glass of wine, brooding about one’s ethnic category,
or trying to solve a difficult mathematical problem. We celebrate Marcel Proust’s
rich descriptions of the childhood visceral schemata he retrieved when he tasted a
madeleine cookie he had dipped into his tea. Most writers have been less able to
capture as evocatively the feelings of a child who wakes up to find no one at home
or the visceral schemata that pierce consciousness on a Christmas morning with
fresh snow on the lawn and cinnamon biscuits in the oven.

TEMPERAMENT
The ancient concept of human temperaments, ignored by almost all investiga-
tors during the first half of the twentieth century, was reintroduced to psychology
by Alexander Thomas and Stella Chess (1977) and gained acceptability because
neuroscientists provided an empirical scaffolding for explanations of consistency
in certain behaviors. Most psychologists regard this term as referring to stable
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8 KAGAN

profiles of mood and behavior with a biological foundation that emerge early in
development, although not always in the opening weeks or months. Each tempera-
mental category implies the possession of a particular physiology and an envelope
of potential behavioral phenotypes whose final form depends on the rearing en-
vironment. A child with a temperament that protects him from excessive fear or
anxiety over challenge or reprimand is likely to become a popular, accomplished
ten-year-old if reared in an economically secure home with consistent socialization
of aggressive behavior, but he is more likely to become a delinquent if raised by
economically disadvantaged parents who are inconsistent in punishing disobedi-
ence and aggression. The varied forms that condensed water vapor can assume
supply an analogy for, depending upon circumstances, the vapor can be a distinct
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cloud, a mackerel sky, or a dense fog. Although the cloud and fog are distinctly
different in appearance, the constituents of both are identical.
Current discussions of temperament refer primarily to behavioral features
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because psychologists do not yet understand the relation between the inherited
physiological profiles and the behavioral phenotypes. In the future, however, tem-
peramental categories will include biological measures as part of their definition.
Research on voles (a small rodent resembling a mouse) provides an example.
Prairie voles pair-bond but montane voles do not. Insel and colleagues have dis-
covered that this dramatic behavioral difference is due, in part, to a small segment
of DNA in the promoter region of the gene responsible for the distribution of
receptors for vasopressin (Insel & Hulihan 1995, Insel & Winslow 1999). Some
human temperament types—extremely irritable infants, for example—may result
in part from another genetic profile.
Mary Rothbart’s synthetic writings appropriately dominate discussions of in-
fant temperament (Rothbart 1989). Temperament, for Rothbart, refers to constitu-
tionally based differences in reactivity and self-regulation. “Constitution” refers
to relatively enduring biological processes influenced in part by heredity and in
part by experience. “Reactivity” refers to the ease of arousal of motor, affective,
autonomic, and endocrine responses. “Self-regulation” refers to processes that
modulate reactivity, including attention, approach, withdrawal, attack, inhibition,
and self-soothing.
Most investigators agree that stable displays of high or low degrees of irritability,
smiling, and activity, as well as distinct profiles of attention are likely to have
a temperamental contribution. Two temperamental categories, observed in the
second year in response to unfamiliar events, are excessive shyness/sociability
and timidity/boldness. Nancy Snidman and I, along with Mark McManis, Susan
Woodward, Doreen Arcus, and many others, believe there is a relationship between
these two categories and two infant profiles observable at four months of age.

Reactivity in Infants
Healthy middle-class Caucasian four-month-old infants who show vigorous motor
activity and distress in response to unfamiliar visual, auditory, and olfactory stimuli
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DEVELOPMENTAL INQUIRY 9

are called high-reactive and comprise about 20% of similar samples. High-reactive
infants tend to become shy, timid, and fearful in response to unfamiliar events in
the second year (Kagan 1994). One third of the high-reactive infants become very
fearful and are called inhibited. By contrast, infants who display low levels of
motor activity and minimal irritability in response to the same stimuli (about 40%
of most samples and called low-reactive) are biased to become sociable, relatively
fearless children. One third of the low-reactive infants become minimally fearful
and are called uninhibited. We believe that each temperamental type inherits a
distinct neurochemistry that affects the excitability of the amygdala and/or the bed
nucleus of the stria terminalis and their projections. The neurochemical profiles
might involve variation in the concentration of, or distribution of receptors for,
Annu. Rev. Psychol. 2003.54:1-23. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org

dopamine, norepinephrine, corticotropin-releasing hormone, opioids, or gamma-

amino butyric acid (GABA). The potential role of the latter molecule is seen in
a collaborative, and as yet unpublished, study with Kevin Nugent which revealed
by Ball State University on 01/05/09. For personal use only.

that the small number of newborn infants who displayed great difficulty controlling
excessive distress during an examination were likely to be categorized as high-
reactive when they were four months old. Because one function of GABA is to
inhibit neural activation, newborns who cannot regulate their distress may possess
compromised GABA function.
Longitudinal evaluations of children through age 11, from these two tempera-
mental categories, indicate that although the specific behavioral reactions to un-
familiar events change with age—11-year-olds do not cry in response to adult
strangers—a larger proportion of high- than of low-reactive children remained shy
and subdued in the face of unfamiliarity, while a larger proportion of low-than
of high-reactive children were sociable and affectively spontaneous in the same
unfamiliar situations.
Because not all high-reactive infants become avoidant, and not all low-reactives
become bold, we confront the question of how to classify high-reactive infants who
did not become timid and low-reactive infants who did not become sociable. We
have two choices, and which one is favored depends on the scientist’s theoretical
interests. On the one hand, we can emphasize the infant’s temperament and con-
tinue to place sociable, spontaneous children who had been high-reactive infants
in the same category with high-reactives who became inhibited. However, it is
reasonable to acknowledge the obvious changes in behavioral phenotype and to
classify the children in accord with both their infant temperamental category and
their current behavior.
The 11-year-olds who had been classified as high- or low-reactive at 4 months
were administered a 3-hour battery that included measurements of autonomic and
brain functions. The pre-adolescents who had been classified as high-reactive in-
fants showed greater electroencephalogram (EEG) activation (loss of alpha band
power) on the right than on the left parietal area (McManis et al. 2002), and,
if classified as fearful in the second year, greater activation in the right frontal
area (see Fox 1991). The high-reactives also showed larger brain stem-evoked
potentials from the inferior colliculus in response to a series of clicks (Woodward
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10 KAGAN

et al. 2001), and a larger negative wave form between 400 and 1000 msec in the
event-related potential in response to discrepant visual stimuli. The possession of
a more excitable amygdala among the high-reactives could desynchronize alpha
frequencies in the cortex, potentiate the evoked potential from the inferior col-
liculus, and contribute to an enhanced event-related potential to unfamiliar events.
However, a small number of 11-year-olds who had been high-reactives and in ad-
dition displayed this biological profile were not especially shy or subdued—that is,
the biology presumed to be the foundation of the infant category was preserved to
some degree, even though the behavioral phenotype of these children had changed
over time. Thus, in some theoretical contexts it is useful to distinguish, within
a group of high-reactives, the shy children from the sociable ones. However, on
Annu. Rev. Psychol. 2003.54:1-23. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org

other occasions, it is theoretically more fruitful to distinguish between children

who had been high- or low-reactive at four months and to ignore their current
social behavior.
by Ball State University on 01/05/09. For personal use only.

The genes that contribute to high and low reactivity may be pleiotropic and
contribute to body size and eye color as well. One of every four 11-year-olds who
had been a high-reactive infant was small in size and had blue eyes, compared with
only one of 20 low-reactive infants. The tame silver foxes that were the product of
20 generations of interbreeding tame with tame animals on a Siberian farm showed
more flexible ears and tails and a unique distribution of melanin in the fur than
the less tame foxes. These facts suggest that the genes contributing to the tame
behavior may influence physical features that, on the surface, seem unrelated to
the behavioral phenotype (Trut 1999).

The Ambiguity of Measures

Many scientists assume that the relationships among variables presumed to reflect
a psychological or biological process are essentially the same across all individ-
uals, especially if the sample consists of volunteers free of pathology. A typical
report notes the age and gender distribution of the sample and occasionally men-
tions social class, but rarely do authors describe some biological features of their
subjects. Psychologists are reluctant to acknowledge that individuals with differ-
ent physiological profiles might display different relations among the same set of
variables. For example, investigators will report correlations between biological
and psychological measures in a volunteer sample but fail to parse the sample into
those who are high or low on some other relevant biological variable, like body
size or sympathetic reactivity in the cardiovascular system. Psychological and bi-
ological processes occur together within a person, and the individual’s particular
biology often affects the nature of the relations among the variables of interest.
Our research on temperament is illustrative. About 5% of our large sample
of Caucasian children showed a combination of high reactivity at four months,
high levels of fear in response to unfamiliar events in the second year, and extreme
shyness with strangers during the school years. If we add to the above three features
a small body size, blue eyes, right hemisphere activation in the EEG, and a large
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DEVELOPMENTAL INQUIRY 11

evoked potential from the inferior colliculus, this category represents about 3% of
middle-class Caucasian children. This small group is a meaningful psychological
category. That is, rather than regard small size and blue eyes as correlates of a high
reactivity, it might be theoretically useful for some arguments to claim that 3% of
middle-class Caucasian children combine high reactivity in infancy, high fear in
the second year, childhood shyness, a small body size, and blue eyes.
A second illustration involves several variables quantified on our 11-year-old
longitudinal subjects: a stable profile of shy or sociable behavior at both 7 and
11 years, lateral asymmetry of alpha power in the EEG, and resting heart rate.
Boys who were low-reactive as infants and who had right frontal activation in
the EEG at age 11 were sociable and spontaneous; high-reactive boys with right
Annu. Rev. Psychol. 2003.54:1-23. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org

frontal activation were not sociable. High-reactive girls who were shy had high
resting heart rates; low-reactive girls who were shy did not. Finally, the relation
between the number of comments the child made to the examiner and resting
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heart rate was low across all 237 children (r = 0.03). But high-reactive boys
showed a significant positive correlation between spontaneous comments and heart
rate. Thus, the relations among behavioral and biological variables can vary with
temperament and gender. These facts imply that the meaning of a behavioral or
biological variable can be ambiguous until additional qualities of the subjects are
specified.

DOUBTS ABOUT INFANT DETERMINISM

The attractiveness of human development to college seniors planning graduate
study is based, in part, on the popular assumption that early experiences create
psychological structures that persist for an indefinite time. The two beliefs hid-
ing in this Platonic conception are, first, that the dispositions established in early
childhood persist and, second, that they will be actualized in different contexts
because, like skin color, they are stable features that belong to the child. These
assumptions form the basis for the belief held by many European and American
commentators that some habits wrought by the events of infancy cannot be abro-
gated. This premise has deep historical roots. One commentator wrote nearly 80
years ago, “the powerful significance of the intellectual processes—perception,
fantasy, thinking, and their social results in science, art, and philosophy in the
human being—have their first roots in the specifically human mental structures of
the three month old child . . . Historically, all phenomena of adult mental life must
be traceable to birth” (Bernfeld 1929).
Why have many social scientists been persuaded of the permanent power of
the early years, especially when evolutionary biologists have demonstrated that
the persistence of a feature over generations depends on its adaptive value in a
particular ecological niche? One clue lies with the social conditions in eighteenth-
century Europe. A growing number of wives of merchants and skilled artisans,
freed of the responsibility of gathering wood, tending animals, and weeding veg-
etable plots, were assigned the task of socializing their infants. A well-nurtured
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12 KAGAN

child who married the proper partner and mastered the skills that led to posi-
tions of prestige in the community would enhance the family’s status. As the
children of the bourgeoisie lost their economic value, they became investments
in the family’s future pride, and middle-class parents began to view them as ob-
jects of sentiment and pleasure rather than as a source of labor needed for family
survival.
Second, because eighteenth-century European society had become socially
more mobile, it was possible for the son of a blacksmith to rise in the social
hierarchy and for the son of a squire to fall. Change in social class position became
simultaneously a hope and a fear and, therefore, a source of uncertainty for families
located in the middle, most vulnerable, rungs of the class ladder. When a source
Annu. Rev. Psychol. 2003.54:1-23. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org

of uncertainty permeates the consciousness of a large segment of a society, an ex-

planation will be invented that is reasonable and, more important, implies actions
that, if taken, will reduce the number of sleepless nights filled with worry. The
by Ball State University on 01/05/09. For personal use only.

suggestion that certain maternal behaviors guarantee the development of character

traits necessary for a successful future and, as a result, protect the family against a
descent in status, rationalized ritual practices that swept some of the anxiety away.
But if mothers did not nurture their infants properly, their children would become
vulnerable to a dull mind, a wild spirit, and a downward spiral.
It has proven difficult, however, to demonstrate that experiences of the infant
years determine profiles during childhood or adolescence. The orphans produced
by World War II and the Korean conflict, who had fragile bonds to any caretaker,
developed reasonably well after adoption by nurturing foster parents (Rathbun
et al. 1958; Winick et al. 1975). One group of frightened, quiet two- to four-
year-olds, who had been raised in an overcrowded institution with few caretakers,
were subsequently enrolled in regular play sessions with adults and children. The
restrained affect apparently caused by the indifference of caretakers lifted after
less than two years and the emotional vitality seen in most four-year-olds emerged
(Flint 1966).

The Influence of Social Class

A longitudinal study of children born and reared on the Hawaiian isle of Kauai
revealed that about 15% had serious academic or conduct problems during ado-
lescence. The best predictor of these problems was the social class of the family.
Over 80% of those with problems came from the poorest segment of the sam-
ple; only one upper-middle-class child developed a psychological problem. But
the conditions that define social class have a continuing influence on the child;
they are not limited to the first year or two of life (Werner & Smith 1982). Social
class also has a far more profound influence on children’s development than the
fact of surrogate care. Regular attendance in a day-care center, or in another form
of surrogate care, does not produce children who are very different from those
raised at home, as long as the children come from the same social class and ethnic
background (NICHD Early Child Care Research Network 2001).
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DEVELOPMENTAL INQUIRY 13

No scientist has been able to demonstrate that a particular set of experiences

during the first two years in children growing up in typical American or European
homes produces a particular adolescent or adult outcome in even one-tenth of those
exposed to those experiences. An extreme level of deprivation, such as existed in
the Romanian day-care centers a decade ago, does produce an undesirable outcome
(O’Connor et al. 2000). But this degree of deprivation is rare in most families, even
poor ones; and, as noted above, some of the severely deprived children become
resilient after adoption by nurturing parents.
One reason why long-term preservation of early qualities, and of the represen-
tations on which they are based, is unlikely is that the brain is immature during
the first two years. The frontal lobes, which evaluate information from the envi-
Annu. Rev. Psychol. 2003.54:1-23. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org

ronment and the body, are not fully connected to the rest of the brain during the
first year. As a result, emotional experiences are not evaluated, and it is likely that
many early memories are lost. Few adults can remember episodes that occurred
by Ball State University on 01/05/09. For personal use only.

before their third birthday.

The most important argument against the doctrine of infant determinism flows
from the hypothesis that infants, like adults, are influenced primarily by events
that are discrepant from their usual experience, rather than by a particular expe-
rience qua experience. The most formative discrepancies are those that violate
the child’s symbolic interpretations, and children do not regularly interpret expe-
rience symbolically until their third birthday. These symbolic constructions are
more critical determinants of future anxiety, depression, apathy, or anger than
the events of the first year. Palestinian youths throw stones at Israeli soldiers be-
cause they believe that the Israeli government has unjustly oppressed their ethnic
group. Their violent behavior is not traceable to the parental treatment they received
as infants. No smiling African-American infant knows of the history of oppression
of blacks or the remaining pockets of racism in American society. The realiza-
tion that there is prejudice will not form until these children are five or six years
old.
The psychological products created by the first two years will be preserved only
if the environment sustains them. Infants living in poverty have more frequent colds
and bouts of diarrhea than those in affluent homes; adults raised in poverty are more
likely to have strokes, heart attacks, and sexually transmitted diseases than those
raised in affluence. But the higher rates of morbidity among poor adults are not
the result of having more colds and diarrhea in the first two years of life. They
are due to the continuity, over years, of a poorer diet, greater life stress, and less
adequate medical care. The advocates of infant determinism fail to award sufficient
power to the experiences of later childhood, many of which are correlated with
social class.

Other Conditions of Influence

The child’s birth order, profile of identifications, cultural context, and historical era
also critically influence development, but these factors are not operative during the
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14 KAGAN

infant years. For example, first-, compared with later-born, children from middle-
class American homes attain better grades in schools, are more often valedictorians
of their high school class, and are more often listed in Who’s Who in America (Altus
1966, Sampson & Hancock 1967, Sulloway 1996).
Identifications with class and ethnic categories affect certain aspects of devel-
opment. Children, like adults, feel pride (or shame) when they learn about the
experiences of another person (or group) with whom they believe they share es-
sential features. The ethical values of most adolescents are more similar to those
of their parents and other relatives whom they respect than to those of randomly
selected individuals. Because identification with a family in poverty can generate
shame, guilt, or anger in societies where many live in affluence, poverty can cre-
Annu. Rev. Psychol. 2003.54:1-23. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org

ate a physiological state that contributes to the poorer physical and psychological
health among those who are disadvantaged. The divergent patterns of development
in children from different social classes are analogous to the developmental fates
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of young embryonic cells, which are determined by their spatial position. Whether
a cell becomes part of the retina or a pigment cell in the skin is a function of where
it is in the young embryo. Analogously, the psychological profiles of adolescents
are determined in a major way by their family’s place in the social class hierarchy
of their society. However, identification with a class category does not emerge until
after the fifth birthday.
Finally, the historical era during which the adolescent years are spent often has
a profound effect on adult values. The new cognitive capacities of adolescents
motivate them to probe their assumptions about self and society in an attempt
to remove inconsistencies between their childhood ideas and their understanding
of the present. Adolescents are unusually receptive to historical events that chal-
lenge existing premises as they synthesize the assumptions they will rely on for
the rest of their lives. Youth in Kosovo have witnessed cruelties that will make
deep skeptics of their generation even if they had caring parents during the first
year. Samuel Beckett probably exploited his adolescent memory of the anarchy
that tore through Ireland in the early decades of the last century when he had one
of the tramps in Waiting for Godot say, “This is becoming really insignificant” and
had the other tramp reply, “Not enough.” The consequences of sibling order, iden-
tification, and historical era, which can produce sharp discontinuities in develop-
ment, have little relevance during the first two years. As William Greenough wrote,
“To focus upon the first three years and to downplay the later years is not war-
ranted, by either human behavioral or neuroscience research” (Greenough 1997,
p. 19).

CONTEXTS AND SOURCES OF EVIDENCE

The willingness to attribute power to the context of observation—i.e., to acknowl-

edge that many conclusions must be restricted to the specific behavior displayed in
a particular situation—is a fruitful product of the last few decades. Hala & Russell
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DEVELOPMENTAL INQUIRY 15

(2001) provide a stunning example of the significance of the context of observa-

tion. A three-year-old watches an examiner place a piece of candy in one of two
boxes. An accomplice of the examiner then enters the room and the examiner tells
the child to point to the box where the piece of candy is hidden. The child had
been told earlier that if the child showed the accomplice the correct box, the adult
would get the treat and the child would not. But if the child pointed to the box not
containing the candy, the child would enjoy the sweet. If the child is told to use his
finger to point to the box, he is “honest” and points to the box containing the candy.
But the child given a mechanical pointer is more likely to point to the box that
does not contain the candy. That is, simply changing the way the child indicates
which box contains the prize affects behavior in a serious way (Hala & Russell
Annu. Rev. Psychol. 2003.54:1-23. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org

2001).
The assumption that a particular behavior, or biological reaction, maintains
the same meaning across different incentives and contexts is retarding theoret-
by Ball State University on 01/05/09. For personal use only.

ical progress. Consider the following two assumptions regarding a rat that has
experienced several light-followed-by-shock trials: 1. that the duration of bodily
immobility (“freezing”) or the magnitude of potentiated startle in response to the
light means that the rat is in a state of “fear”; and 2. that absence of freezing or
potentiation of startle implies absence of (or minimal) “fear.” The second assump-
tion is inconsistent with the fact that a conditioned startle reaction is muted if
the shock used in training is very intense. Although a rat with a lesioned amyg-
dala shows minimal freezing, implying low fear, the same animal will defecate in
the place where it was shocked, implying some form of fear state (Antoniadis &
McDonald 2000). Thus, the meaning of “freezing” or startle depends on the specific
context and “response in a context” should be the proper construct.
Put differently, the brain structures that must be intact in order for Pavlovian
conditioning of a particular response to occur depend on the specific response. If
the response is an eye blink to a puff of air applied to the cornea the cerebellum
is necessary. If the response is bodily freezing the amygdala and central grey area
are necessary. The assumption that an animal is in a state of fear when a stimulus
produces conditioned freezing may be unwarranted. Investigators who apply an
air puff to the cornea do not ascribe a fear state if the subject blinks in response to
a conditioned stimulus that precedes the air puff.
Too many psychological concepts are indifferent to the species, response, and
particular situation in which a behavior occurs. As a result, words like fear and
aggression are often used to describe an animal’s state. The authors of a recent
essay in the journal Trends in Neuroscience on the molecular basis of aggression
in animals never defined aggression; they simply assumed that a mouse biting an
intruder belongs to the same psychological category as an adolescent bullying a
peer (Nelson & Chiavegatto 2001). However, an intention to harm another, which
is absent in mice, is an essential feature of all human acts we call aggressive. These
authors would probably not regard termite destruction of a house as an instance of
aggressive insect behavior; they should display the same caution when describing
mice.
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16 KAGAN

The problem lies with the borrowing of predicates intended to apply to human
behavior and attributing the same meaning to these words when applying them
to animals. This practice tends to occur because there is a smaller number of
distinct verbs than nouns for different living forms. A relatively accurate inference
regarding an object is less dependent on the attached predicate. This fact is an
instance of the more general principle that there are fewer functions, mathematical
or empirical, than there are entities participating in those functions (e.g., physical
and biological objects display curvilinear functions). The predicate “fall” can apply
to a child, rock, leaf, building, or meteor. The psychological meaning of “bit” in
the sentence “The boy bit his brother” is not the same as its meaning in “The mouse
bit the intruder.” Unfortunately, English does not have a word other than “bit” to
Annu. Rev. Psychol. 2003.54:1-23. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org

describe the animal’s behavior. Thus the behavioral biologist selects this word but
assumes, incorrectly, that the act is aggressive in intent whether it occurs in humans
or animals. Because the meaning of a predicate often varies with the agent—that
by Ball State University on 01/05/09. For personal use only.

is why the ancient Romans used different words for the act of kissing when the
actor was a mother or a lover—neurobiologists should be careful when they apply
to animals verbs that are intended to describe human behavior (Magnusson 2000).

Sources of Evidence
Scientists should recognize the wisdom in Bohr’s insistence that the meaning of
a scientific construct cannot be separated from the source of its evidence. Fear
has one meaning when the referent is a rat freezing in response to a conditioned
stimulus that had been paired with electric shock, but a different meaning when
a child says that she is afraid of failing an examination. Similarly, “possession of
a number concept” has one meaning if the evidence comes from infants looking
longer at six dots after being familiarized with two dots, but a different meaning
when an adolescent correctly divides 1362 by 18.5.
Consider a third example of the importance of the source of evidence. Four-
month-olds facing an adult who is playing peek-a-boo with them first saw a happy
face on the adult for three successive trials. On the fourth trial, some infants saw the
adult display a fear face, some saw an angry face, and a third group saw a sad face.
The infants looked longer at the first two expressions but did not devote longer
attention to the sad face. That fact does not mean that they did not discriminate the
sad from the happy face for the infants showed distinct changes in facial expression
in response to the sad demeanor (Montague & Walker-Andrews 2001). Absence of
increased attention does not always mean a failure of discrimination; presence of
increased attention does not always mean that a child is surprised by a discrepant
event.
Failure to appreciate that changing the source of evidence can alter the meaning
of a construct poses a problem because contemporary students of development be-
long to distinct groups that are defined, in part, by method. Investigators concerned
with pathology or social problems find it hard to obtain relevant information by
bringing children into a laboratory and are forced to ask informants, or the child,
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DEVELOPMENTAL INQUIRY 17

about behaviors and moods. These scientists assume that a parent’s or a teacher’s
verbal descriptions of a child’s aggression, restlessness, or fearfulness is almost as
good as observing the child directly. This assumption is overly optimistic (Bail-
largeon et al. 2001).

A Critique of Self-Report
The distinction noted above between schemata and semantic structures is relevant
here because the most popular personality and temperamental dimensions are based
on the semantic structures activated when children or adults answer questionnaires.
Annu. Rev. Psychol. 2003.54:1-23. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org

However, different personality and temperamental types would be inferred if the

thousands of people who filled out these questionnaires had been filmed for 10
hours a month over a six-month period in different contexts and those observations
had been factor-analyzed. Answers to questionnaires represent a particular type of
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evidence.
Several problems trail the use of questionnaires and interviews as the sole basis
for inferring psychological qualities. First, each semantic representation of a trait
is related to other semantic categories. A mother who affirms on a questionnaire
that her child likes meeting new children is biased to respond affirmatively to
all questions semantically related to that statement in order to maintain seman-
tic consistency. Terms like sociable and shy are antonyms; the features linked to
each word are inversely correlated in the semantic networks of most respondents.
Because most parents treat the semantic concepts happy and sad as antonyms,
parents who say their infants laugh frequently will resist describing them as irri-
table, even though films of infants reveal a large group who both laugh and cry
frequently.
Second, if a psychological trait does not have a popular name and therefore
is not part of a semantic network, questionnaires do not include relevant items.
Variation in the degree of ambivalence over one’s motives, energy level, intensity
and quality of sexual arousal, and degree of virtue assigned to self—four qualities
that influence life choices—are not easily measured with questionnaires.
Of equal importance is the fact that children and adults vary in the biological
activity that contributes to conscious feelings and chronic moods. However, few
individuals have conscious access to these bodily events and, therefore, children
and adults cannot be asked about them on questionnaires. Two parents could report
equivalent irritation with their child but differ in the degree of noradrenergic activity
that occurs when the child disobeys.
Further, children described similarly by a parent can be very different biologi-
cally. For example, the mothers of our longitudinal subjects ranked 28 statements
descriptive of their child. A group of boys described as having “high energy”
contained two very different types of children. The low-reactive boys with this
description were low in beta power in the EEG and showed greater left than right
activation in the frontal and parietal areas. The high-reactive boys assigned the
same trait by their parent did not display these two biological features. A second
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18 KAGAN

illustration comes from the children in this sample who described themselves as
“happy most of the time.” The boys who described themselves this way, who had
been low-reactive infants, showed left frontal activation in the EEG. The other
children who described themselves as equally happy did not display this property.
This fact suggests that the low-reactive boys may have based their judgment on in-
ternal feeling tone, while most of the other children used their life conditions. Even
if this interpretation is incorrect, the evidence indicates that different categories of
children can provide the same self-descriptions.
On some occasions, questionnaire evidence leads to conclusions that violate
both biology and common sense. One team interviewed 794 pairs of adult female
twins about their physical health and emotional states. The replies to the questions
Annu. Rev. Psychol. 2003.54:1-23. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org

posed by a stranger revealed, surprisingly, that self-esteem was as heritable as

physical health (Kendler et al. 2000). Had the evidence consisted of a physical
examination, with blood and urine tests and direct observations of behavior, I
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suspect the results would have been very different. For these reasons, conclusions
about a child’s psychological features based only on questionnaires or interviews
have a meaning that is as limited as Ptolemy’s conclusions about the cosmos based
on the reports of observers staring at the night sky without telescopes.

CLASSIFICATION OF TEMPERAMENT
AND PERSONALITY
Recent essays critical of the concept of biological species may have useful im-
plications for conceptions of temperamental and personality types (Hey 2001,
Schilthuizen 2001). The new theorists argue that species are not natural objects
defined by a small number of fixed features but constructs invented to serve the
human addiction to categorizing experience. Animal groups vary over time on a
correlated number of dimensions and features. The conditions that exist during a
particular era create correlational patterns among features that include (a) genes,
(b) anatomical, physiological, and behavioral properties, some derivative of the
genome, and (c) the local ecology. Each cluster of related features can be treated
as a category, but a new category may be theoretically fruitful when one or more
features change. Pet beagles in American represent one cluster; wild dogs in Zaire
represent another. Should the beagle and wild dog mate, the offspring belong to a
new cluster.
The relevant features that define personality types include: (a) the individual’s
temperament, derivative in part from the genome, (b) current physiological profile,
(c) psychological properties created by past experience, and (d ) contexts of action.
Imagine a hypothetical cluster consisting of a high-reactive infant with a low
density of GABA receptors in the medulla and the limbic system, socialization
by a middle-class family that promotes conformity and anxiety over error, and
residence in a large metropolitan area in the United States. This cluster defines a
psychological type. However, if we change the residence to an isolated village in
 5 Dec 2002 16:14 AR AR178-PS54-01.tex AR178-PS54-01.sgm LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: FHD

DEVELOPMENTAL INQUIRY 19

New Guinea but keep everything else the same, a different category is warranted. If
we change only the biology, so that the child has a high density of GABA receptors,
another psychological category is actualized. And if we change the historical era
to second-century Gaul as the Roman empire was collapsing, still another type
would be proper.
Psychiatric categories of mental illness emphasize self-descriptions of feel-
ing and behavior and ignore the patient’s biology, contexts, and historical era.
Hysterical paralyses, which were prevalent in 1900, are rare today, while atten-
tion deficit disorder has become a more frequent diagnosis than it was a cen-
tury earlier. John Cheever and Alice James, born only a century apart, appear to
have inherited a similar temperamental bias for depression. But they differed in
Annu. Rev. Psychol. 2003.54:1-23. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org

the interpretation of their states and in their coping strategies because they were
born in different historical eras. Danish citizens who live in Copenhagen are at
twice the risk for schizophrenia as Danes who live in the rural areas of Denmark
by Ball State University on 01/05/09. For personal use only.

(Pedersen & Mortensen 2001). A 50-year-old man in New York City who insists
that he talks to God regularly would be classified as psychotic. But few psychi-
atrists would apply the same diagnosis to a Muslim who blows himself up in a
suicide attack because he is certain that the action permits him entrance to par-
adise. A restless seven-year-old American child doing poorly in school who pos-
sesses a neurochemistry characterized by dopamine deficiency in the frontal lobes
would be classified as having attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD),
but a child with exactly the same biology would not belong to this category if he
lived with a family who raised goats in an isolated Tibetan village without any
school.
Ordinary citizens in their daily interactions acknowledge the significance of the
context of a person’s statement. Most adults would interpret the declaration “I wish
I were dead” in different ways depending upon their knowledge of the speaker’s
mood and past events. This declaration from a friend who had committed a minor
faux pas would be ignored; the same statement from a friend who has been suffering
from cancer for two years would be taken seriously. I do not suggest that every
context invites the invention of a new category; only that investigators should
not automatically assume that the central feature of a psychological category is a
particular behavior or verbal description of motive, feeling, or action free of any
contextual constraints.
For many contemporary psychologists, psychological types resemble biolog-
ical species as traditionally defined. That is, a psychological category is defined
by a set of fundamental features (for example, a depressed mood). This position
regards the context in which the individual acts as irrelevant. A reform position
holds that when the context of action affects the relations among the defining
features it should be included in the definition of the category. Thus, a salesman
living in suburban Chicago with a spouse and two children who meets the crite-
ria for extraversion would have to be reclassified if he lost his family in a motor
vehicle accident and took a job as a forest ranger in a remote village in rural
Manitoba. The earlier reference to the products of water vapor is appropriate.
Other documents randomly have
different content
 Tristrem, Chasewater, its chapel, statistics 308. Vicar, Geology
by Dr. Boase, Baldue mine 309
Keyewis, ii. 315
Keyn, or Keyne, St. i. 316. British, daughter of Braghan King of
Wales, account of by Hals, ii. 292. By Tonkin 293. Keyne,
Saxon, account of by Hals 292. By Tonkin 293. Both may be
the same 294
Keyne, St. parish, by Hals, situation, boundaries, ancient name,
value of benefice, incumbent, ii. 291. Land tax, saint, her
history, another St. Keyne, Copleston family 292. By Tonkin,
the two saints 293. By Editor, ancient name from Lysons,
proprietors of the manor, St. Keyne’s well, lines on, from
Carew 294. Remarks by Tonkin, Bond’s account of 295.
Southey’s lines upon 296. The petrified serpents are Cornua
Ammonis 297. St. Hilda and St. Patrick’s miracles, the snakes
had no heads, St. Brechan, statistics, Geology by Dr. Boase
298
Keyne’s, St. well, account of by Carew, and verses on, ii. 294.
By Tonkin and Bond 295. Southey’s verses on 296
Keynesham, ii. 293. Cornua Ammonis abundant in 297
Keynock castle, iv. 228
Khalcondylas’s account of Thomas Paleolagus, ii. 368
Kiaran, or Kenerin, St., (Perran) iii. 331
Kidlacton, ii. 427 bis
Kieran, Bishop, ii. 319
―― St. rectory, ii. 319
Kigan, iv. 76
Kilcoid lands, ii. 394
Kildare, Earls of, i. 34. Charles, Earl of 297
Kilgal family, iv. 36
Kilgather, ii. 394
―― parish, ii. 398
Kilkhampton manor, possessed by the Grenvilles nearly from the
Conquest, ii. 343
―― parish, ii. 413―iii. 118, 254, 256, 349, 351―iv. 15, 19
Kilkhampton parish, by Hals, situation, boundaries, name, value
of benefice, patron, incumbent, land tax, Stowe, ii. 340.
Grenville family, erection of Bideford bridge, loss of the Mary
Rose frigate 341. The Grenvills 342. Battle of Lansdowne,
Orcott. By Editor, account of the Grenville family 343. Gallant
encounter of Sir Richard Grenville with the Spaniards of
Terceira 344. Mansion at Stowe, Ilcombe 346. Alderscombe,
Elmsworthy, monuments in the church, description of one to
Sir Beville Grenville 347. Patron of the living, character of Sir
Beville 348. His letter to Sir John Trelawney 349. Family
continued 350. Dispersion of the materials of Stowe,
Alderscombe 351. Hervey’s Meditations composed here,
statistics, rector, patron, Geology by Dr. Boase 352. Extracts
from the register 348
Killaloe, diocese of, iii. 434
Killas hills, iii. 11
Killaton parish, ii. 229
Killcoid, i. 264
Killiganoon, etymology and history of, ii. 34
Killigarth, i. 262 bis, 264.―Miss, ii. 398
Killignock, or Checkenock, iv. 139
―― Thomas and his daughter, family, iv. 139
Killigrew barton, i. 399 quat., 403, 411. Account of 398
―― i. 136. John 93. Sir John 136. Sir Peter 137 bis. Sir William
65. Monuments 136―ii. 5, 372, 376. Family descended from
Richard King of the Romans 8. Lords of Pendennis castle 17.
Slighted by Hals 21. Represented by Lord Wodehouse 23.
Founded the hospital of St. John at Helston 163. Ann 22.
George 5 bis. Killed 5. Henry 5, 22. Sir Henry 7 bis, 15, 372,
373 bis, 376. Obtained from the Bishop of Exeter, the manor
of Kirton, now gone from the name 7. His marriage 15.
Appointed ambassador to Henry 4th of France, his wife’s Latin
letter to her sister Lady Cecil 16. His daughter married to Sir
Jonathan Trelawney 16. Ambassador to Venice or Genoa 372.
Jane, widow of Sir John, murders two Spanish merchants,
tried and convicted, pardoned, but her accomplices sentenced
 to death 6. Gave a silver cup to the mayor of Penryn 7, 97.
Her story cannot be true 21. John 5. Built the town of
Falmouth 8. Opposed by the neighbouring boroughs 9.
Proceeded with the King’s approbation 10. Sir John 5, 7. Jane
his widow 6. Fired his own house 17. Maugan 5. Peter 5. Sir
Peter 5 ter., 6, 147. Built a church at Falmouth 3. Annexed the
advowson to his manor of Arwinick, buried in the chancel,
gave a house and garden to the rector, and a pulpit cloth to
the church 4. Procured a charter of incorporation for the
borough 8. Thomas, jester to Charles 2nd 14. His reply to
Lewis 14th, Reproof of Charles’ extravagance turned against
William 3rd, and his court 15. Degraded by common report,
his history from the Biographical Dictionary 21. Son of Sir
Robert 21. An author, buried in Westminster Abbey, the
reverse of Cowley, epigram upon both 22. William 23. Sir
William, Bart., wasted his estate 5. Lady 373. Mr. 20. Arms
7.―Sir Henry and his daughter, iii. 169. M. L. and Sir Peter
228. Sir William 75. Mr. founder of St. John’s Hospital,
Sithney, family 75 bis
―― of Arwinick, Jane Lady, ii. 97.―George, iii. 417. Sir Peter
417 bis. Miss 147
―― of Killigrew, i. 398. Sir John 398, 399
Killington church, ii. 230
Killington, parish, iv. 6, 7
Killingworth, iv. 24
Killiton borough, court leet, members of parliament, and mode
of election, ii. 309. Election of mayor, arms, market and fairs,
form of writ. Sir Edward Bray lived at 310
Killrington, Alice and Walter, i. 262
Killter of Kevorne killed a royal commissioner, ii. 192
Killygarth, ii. 181.―Barton, iv. 21, 22 bis, 23, 38
―― manor, iv. 21, 22 bis, 23, 36, 38
Killygrew, Sir Peter, Bart., iv. 72. Mr. 22
Killyow, account of, by Hals, ii. 300. By Tonkin 303. By Editor
305
―― of Killyow, ii. 303
―― of Lanleke, ii. 303
―― of Rosiline, ii. 303
Killyquite. See Colquite
Kilmarth, iv. 109
Kilmenawth or Kilmenorth, iv. 36
Kilminarth, celt found at, iv. 33
―― woods, iv. 29
Kilter, account of, ii. 326
―― Mr. concerned in Arundell’s rebellion, ii. 326
Kilwarby, Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, i. 83
Kilwarth hill, description of, i. 189. Ascent to the highest points
190, 191. Etymology 193
Kilworthy near Tavistock, ii. 230
Kinance cove, iii. 259, 260. Its beauty 259
King, the, iii. 223
―― or Kings of England, i. 139.―ii. 59, 272. Annals of 60
―― Charles 2nd, at Boconnoc, i. 113, 114 ter. His speech to Sir
F. Basset 114
―― George packet, iii. 229
King, i. 270, 413. Elizabeth 222. Oliver and arms 204.―Degory,
ii. 253, 254. Edward, his Munimenta Antiqua, and hypotheses
of the extreme antiquity of Lanceston Castle 423 bis, 424.
Philip 423. Mr. 377. Family 217.―Lord Chanceller, iii. 51
―― of Lambesso, i. 204. Henry ibid.
King’s army, iv. 186
―― books, i. 320―ii. 123, 146, 356, 391, 394 bis, 398, 413,
417―iii. 14, 22, 24, 37, 40, 44, 46, 56, 116, 126, 182, 188,
224, 255, 257, 260, 267, 276, 284, 291, 306, 313, 334, 339,
345, 347, 349, 352, 372, 374, 380, 396, 405, 419, 423, 426,
431, 437, 443, 450 bis, 457 bis―iv. 7, 15, 23, 40, 44, 62, 66,
75, 95, 102, 112, 117, 118, 129, 140, 153, 157, 162
King’s College, Cambridge, i. 146―ii. 153, 209, 244
―― road, ii. 1. In Falmouth harbour 275, 281
Kingdon, Rev. T. H. i. 135.―Robert, ii. 416.―G. B. iii. 351. Rev.
John of Marham church 117 bis.―G. B. character of, iv. 16.
Rev. John of Whitstone 154
Kingfisher ship, iii. 187
Kingills, King of the West Saxons, ii. 284
Kingston, iii. 108
―― Sir Anthony, i. 88.―Provost marshal, ii. 197. Taxed with
extreme cruelty 198
Kirkham, i. 260. Mrs. Damaris 376
Kirton, Bishop of, i. 116―iii. 1.―Levignus, ii. 60. Lurginus 62
―― bishopric, i. 231―ii. 61 bis, 299
―― see of, iii. 456
―― manor alienated from the see of Exeter, ii. 7
Kist Vaen, iii. 319
Kit or Kitt hill, i. 122, 159―ii. 314
Kitson, Rev. Walter, i. 409
Kivell, Ann, iii. 77.―Thomas, ii. 241
Knava, Ralph, i. 121. Etymology 122
―― of Godolphin, John, i. 122
Kneighton’s Kieve, i. 343
Knicker, i. 317
Knight, John, iii. 319, 327
―― of Gasfield Hall, Essex, iii. 192
Knights banneret, mode of creation of, ii. 311
―― hospitallers, iv. 48, 50.―Account of, i. 410
―― of the Round Table, i. 339 bis. Instituted 336
―― Templars, iii. 83. Of Jerusalem, iv. 48 bis, 49
Knighton, St. iv. 155
Knill, John, eccentric, ii. 128. His life and mission to the West
Indies 266. Privateering, humane, built a pyramid for his own
burial, but was buried at St. Andrew’s, Holborn 267. His
character 268
Kniverton of Treadreath in Lelant, iv. 4
Kniveton, Thomas, iii. 6
Knollys, Sir Robert, a valiant commander under the Black Prince,
ii. 176
Kradock ap Ynir, King, iv. 44
Kurie, St. Eleeeson, i. 315
Kusterus’ Suidas, ii. 266
Kynans cove, beauty of its rocks and caverns, and its rare
plants, ii. 360
Kynock castle, i. 77, 88, 94
Kyvere Ankou, i. 9
Laa, i. 44. Anecdote of Mr. and Mrs. ib.
Lacy, Walter de, iii. 405
Ladoca, St. history of, ii. 353
Ladock manor, ii. 354
―― parish, i. 386―iii. 354, 450.―Rector of, Mr. Pooley, ii. 34
Ladock parish, or Lassick, Hals’s manuscript lost. By Tonkin,
situation, ii. 352. Boundaries, name, value of benefice,
patrons, incumbent, manor of Nanreath, Hay, Boswaydel,
Bedoke or Bessake 353. By Editor, value of benefice, village of
Bedock, Pitt property, Trethurfe, Nansaugh, Hay, manor of
Bessake, Rev. John Eliot 354. Beautiful vale, church, statistics,
Geology by Dr. Boase 355. Stream tin and gold 356
―― valley, iii. 189
Lady chapel, ii. 201
Lahe, i. 144
―― Rev. John, Rector of Lanivet, character and memoir of, ii.
388. William lost at sea, his brother died of consumption
389.―John Bishop of Chichester, iii. 295. One of the seven
299
Lalant or Kananc, i. 2
Lamana chapel, iii. 245
La Mayne, free chapel of, iv. 26
Lamb, two brothers made a great fortune, ii. 47
Lambert, William, Prior of St. Michael’s Mount, the last Prior, ii.
209.―Elizabeth, iii. 86
Lambessa, in St. Clement’s, family seat of the Footes, iv. 90
Lambesso, i. 207. Account of 203
Lambeth palace, iii. 71, 73. Archbishop’s chapel at 296
Lambourn manor, i. 10―iii. 318 bis, 325. Account of 316, 319
Lambourne town, iii. 318 bis, 319, 321, 324
Lambrigan, iii. 314, 319, 324. Or Lambourne Wigan, account of
314 Lower town of 315
Lambron of Lambourn, Amara, iii. 317. John 316 bis. Sir John
and Sir John 316. Sir John 320. William 316. Family 316, 317
bis. Arms 316
Lamburn, Sir William, i. 213.―Family, ii. 80
Lamburne, heir of, iii. 140
―― of Lamburne, i. 120
―― parish in Peran, iii. 317
Lamelin of Lamelin family, Margery, Thomas, arms, ii. 411
Lamellin manor, ii. 411―iii. 20.―Account of, ii. 411
Lamellyn, ii. 89―iii. 169
Lametton, ancient name of St. Keyne parish, ii. 294
―― manor, ii. 294
Lammana, a cell for Benedictine Monks at, its chapel remains,
described, iv. 25
―― island, iv. 26
Lamoran manor, ii. 356. Account of 357
―― or Lammoran parish, iii. 180, 207, 222. Or Lamorran, i. 242
Lamoran parish, Hals’s Manuscript by Tonkin, situation,
boundaries, etymology, saint, value of benefice, patron,
incumbent, manor of Lamoran, ii. 356. By Editor, value ibid.
Two villages, Tregenna, Lamoran manor, advowson, situation
of church, monuments, statistics, Geology by Dr. Boase,
rector, patron 357
―― village, ii. 357
Lamorrick village, ii. 385
Lampeer, i. 204
―― of Truro, his unfortunate end, ii. 30
Lampen, i. 205.―Rev. Robert, iii. 370
Lamplugh, Archbishop of York, iii. 296, 297
Lalant, by Leland, iv. 285
Lanante, by Leland, iv. 267
Lanarth, account of, by Hals, ii. 320. By Editor 327
Lanbaddern, heir of, iii. 140
Lancar, i. 83
Lancashire, ii. 112
Lancaster castle, ii. 179, 257
―― John, Duke of, ii. 259
―― Earl of, Thomas, ii. 363.―Edmund, iii. 19
―― house of, ii. 108, 185, 186
Lance, i. 394, 395. Richard 205
―― of Penare, i. 204
Lancells barton, ii. 415
―― house, ii. 416
―― manor, ii. 414
―― parish, or Launcells, iii. 111, 118
Lancells parish, Hals’s MS. lost. By Tonkin, situation, boundaries,
etymology, patron, value, ii. 413. Incumbent, earlier value,
appropriation, Lancells manor 414. By Editor, cell of Austin
canons, Hartland abbey, descent of property in the parish by
Lysons 415. Manor of Norton Rolle, of Yellow Leigh, of
Thorlibeer, of Mitchell-Morton, Tre Yeo, situation of the
church, Chamond monument, Lancell’s house, destroyed,
statistics, vicar, Geology by Dr. Boase 416
―― Prior of, ii. 49
Lanceston, or Launceston, ii. 87, 98, 377, 378, 430 bis. The
Royalists march into Somersetshire from 343.―Charles 1st.
advanced to, iv. 185
―― assizes, ii. 333. Trials at 52, 331, 336
―― castle, description of, ii. 421, 423―iv. 229.―Its extreme
antiquity, ii. 423
―― Court of Common Pleas at, ii. 53
―― domui, i. 112
―― mayor of, his feudal service, ii. 229
―― parish church, ii. 420
―― priory, ii. 377. Account of 425. Its church and monuments,
its destruction 425. Loss of archives and charters 426.
Revenues 428, 429. Horton and Stephan, priors of 419
Lancherit, iii. 139
Lancorla, iv. 138 bis
Landaff, Bishops of, St. Theliaus, i. 321. St. Dubritius and their
Constat 382
―― cathedral, built by St. German, ii. 65
―― church of, ii. 172
Landawidnick, ii. 116
Landegey or Landegge parish, the same as Key, ii. 299, 305,
315
Landedy and Lanner in St. Key, iii. 359
Lander, the two African travellers, are from Truro, their
discovery of the course of the Niger, monument erecting to,
iv. 90
Landeveneck monastery, ii. 129 bis
Landew, ii. 418―iii. 41. Account of 40. Monuments of the
possessors 43
―― family, iii. 42
Landewednack parish, iv. 53
Landewednack parish, Hals’s MS. lost, ii. 357. By Tonkin, situation,
boundaries, name, saint, value, patron, manor of Lizard. By
Editor, Church town and Lizard town, villages, manor of
Tretheves, Mr. Fonnereau, lighthouses 358. Statistics, rector,
patron, Geology by Dr. Boase. Cliffs interesting 359.
Perranbonse and Hensall coves, geology by Editor, soap rock,
native copper, Kynan’s cove, beautiful assemblage of rocks,
natural caverns, rare plants 360. Instances of longevity by Dr.
Borlase, spar manufactory 361
Landigey or Landithy, iii. 83, 90. Account of 80
Landisfarne, i. 289, 290
―― Bishop of, i. 290
―― bishoprick, transferred to Durham, i. 290
Landowednack Lizard, i. 348
―― parish, iii. 128, 259, 424
Landrak, ii. 59
Landrake parish, i. 103―ii. 277.―Or Lanrake, iii. 345, 347, 461
Landrake parish, Hals’s MS. lost. By Tonkin, situation, boundaries,
value of benefice, patron, manor of Lanrake, ii. 361. By Editor,
manor, churchtown, church, monuments in, Wotton cross,
Tidiford, small river, tradition of Tidiford, Plymouth limestone
burnt, its value in agriculture, Wotton 362. St. Erney 363. By
Editor, statistics, rector, patron, Geology by Dr. Boase 364
Land’s End, i. 132, 138, 228, 359―ii. 149, 182, 225 bis 237,
247, 283, 284, 408―iii. 6, 11, 99, 120, 265, 309, 310, 428,
430, 445―iv. 165, 166, 168, 173, 174. Road to, i.
20.―Anciently called Bolerium, ii. 20. Road from London to
317.―Description of, iii. 429. District 427. Various names of
431. Granite rocks at, scene, latitude and longitude, sun at
432. Its inscriptions 433. See Dartmoor
Land tax, iii. 75, 110, 119, 128, 139, 161, 168, 177, 182, 190,
195, 199, 208, 222, 237, 271, 391, 403, 419, 421, 425, 428,
436, 441, 448, 456, 462―iv. 1, 7, 13, 19, 20, 39, 43, 53, 59,
63, 66, 68, 71, 93, 99, 111, 128, 131, 137, 152, 155, 160,
164, 185.―Act for redeeming, i. 403. Fixed for Cornwall 1
Landulph parish, i. 103, 310―iii. 345.―Rev. F. V. J. Arundell,
rector of, ii. 387
Landulph parish, Hals’s MS. lost. By Tonkin, situation, boundaries,
ii. 364. Etymology, value, patron 365. By Editor, situation of
church, monuments, one to Theodore Paleolagus, history of
him by Mr. Arundell ibid. His dynasty 366. Causes of his
removal from Italy 370. His marriage, issue, and residence at
Clifton in this parish 372. Death 373. Chasm in the register,
discrepancy in the dates of Theodore’s death, account of his
children 374. Manors of Landulph and Glebridge, Clifton 375.
Lower family, life of Dr. Bradley, statistics, rector, patron,
Geology by Dr. Boase 376
Landuwednac, name explained, iv. 314
Landy, St. ii. 358
Lane, Rev. Mr. and his wife, died of a violent fever raging at St.
Ives, ii. 271
―― village, i. 20
Laneast parish, i. 197―iii. 461―iv. 63 bis, 69, 70
Laneast parish, MS. of Hals lost, ii. 376. By Tonkin, situation,
boundaries, name, impropriation 377. By Editor, villages,
Tregeare, impropriation, statistics ibid. Geology by Dr. Boase,
Letcot mine of manganese 378
―― village, ii. 377
Laner castle, iv. 228
Lanescot and Fowey Consols, iv. 110
Laneseley church, ii. 118
―― manor, ii. 118, 119 ter., 176. Account of 120, 121
Lanest, ii. 430 bis
Lanew barton, account of, ii. 332. Lawsuit for 333. Sold 334
Lanewa, account of, i. 418
Lanfrank, Archbishop of Canterbury, i. 110
Langden, Walter, iii. 358
Langdon of Keverill, Walter, iii. 123
Langford, Humphrey, and daughters, iii. 116. Family 116
―― of Swadle Downes, Devon, Walter, iii. 116
―― of Tremabe, Samuel, i. 177
―― hill, iii. 116
Langhairne, De, family, ii. 316 bis. Arms 316. Lost their property
in the civil wars 317
Langherne of Trevillon, i. 400. Thomas ibid.
Langland, John, Bishop of Lincoln, i. 233
Langley, Mr. of York, ii. 286
Languit, etymology of, ii. 332
Lanhadern, account of, i. 415
―― of Lanhadern, i. 415 quat. Serlo de, and Serlo Lord 415
Lanhearne, Alice, John de, iii. 149
Lanhedrar, account of, i. 419
―― of Lanhedrar, Serlo de, Baron, i. 419
―― Lower, account of, i. 419
Lanhengye chapel, i. 218
Lanher, etymology of, and bishop’s palace at, i. 15
Lanherne, i. 213.―Manor, ii. 145.―Account of, iii. 139,
149.―Butler or Pincerna, Lord of, ii. 145
―― Roman catholic establishment at, a refuge for nuns, iii.
150. Descended lineally from before the Conquest 151.
Church near it ibid.
Lanhidroc, i. 113
Lanhidrock church, iii. 177.―Or Lanhydrock, i. 74
―― house, account of, Editor remembers it, ii. 382.
Housekeeping at 383
―― manor, ii. 383
―― parish, ii. 384, 390. Or Lanhydrock 187―iv. 74, 161, 187.
Essex quartered at 185
Lanhidrock parish, MS. of Hals lost, by Tonkin, situation, ii. 378.
Boundaries, saint, manor, residence built by Lord Robarts, Earl
of Radnor 379. His pedigree, Trefry 380. By Editor, Robarts
family 381. Lanhidrock house, impropriation of benefice 382.
Hospitality of Lord Radnor, possessors of the manor, statistics
383. Geology by Dr. Boase 384
Lanhudnow, i. 349
Lanick, i. 199
Lanisley or Lanistley, ii. 121. Etymology 123
Lanivet church tower has no pinnacles, ii. 386
―― hill, ii. 390
―― parish, ii. 379, 390―iii. 55, 395
Lanivet parish, Hals’s manuscript lost. By Tonkin, situation,
boundaries, value of benefice, patrons, incumbent, Tremere
estate, ii. 384. By Editor, several villages 385. Church,
monuments, patron and rector, St. Bennet’s convent 386.
Landed property of the parish, select vestries, Rev. John Lake,
rector 388. His family, statistics, Geology by Dr. Boase 389.
Lanivet hill 390
―― village, ii. 385
Lank Major, i. 131
―― Minor, i. 131
Lankinhorn, ii. 428
Lankinhorne, vicar of, iii. 457
Lankynhorne, ii. 430
Lanlaran (now St. Lawrance), i. 77
Lanleke, in South Pederwyn, ii. 398, 418
Lanlivery parish, ii. 41, 88, 379, 384―iii. 24, 26, 29, 55, 56―iv.
99, 110
Lanlivery parish, Hals’s MS. lost. By Tonkin, situation,
boundaries, ii. 390. St. Vorch, value of benefice, patron,
incumbent. By Editor, conspicuous monuments in church,
Pelyn house, summer house, St. Chad 391. Portrait and
 inscription, Restormel castle, Richard King of the Romans kept
his court there, titles, palace at Lestwithiel 392. Restormel
house, statistics, vicar, and Geology by Dr. Boase 393
Lanmigall, ii. 169, 175
Lanmigell, i. 118, 261―ii. 80
Lannan, i. 292
Lannant parish, iii. 5
―― or Lelant town, by Leland, iv. 267
Lannar, Miss, iii. 125
Lannyvet parish, iv. 160
Lanowe, the ancient name of St. Kew parish, ii. 338. Etymology
332
Lanrake manor, account of, ii. 361, 362
Lanreath manor, account of, ii. 395. Sold 396
―― parish, iii. 291, 302, 347―iv. 29, 110, 111, 115, 155.―Or
Lanethon, ii. 398
Lanreath parish, otherwise Lanraithow, Lanrayton, Lanrethan, or
Lanrethon, Hals’s MS. lost, ii. 393. By Tonkin, situation,
boundaries, rectory, value, patron, incumbent, court,
Sergeaux family 394. By Editor, Lanreath manor, court 395.
Church, Grylls family 396. Botelett manor, Treyer manor,
Trewen, Treean, statistics, rector, patron, Geology by Dr.
Boase 397
Lanredock, ii. 379
Lanreth, i. 316
―― manor, iv. 22, 110
―― parish, ii. 291
Lansagey, ii. 299
Lansallas manor, ii. 399, 400
―― parish, ii. 409, 412―iii. 291―iv. 19, 36 bis, 38
Lansallas parish, Hals’s MS. lost. By Tonkin, situation,
boundaries, value in King’s books, patron, incumbent,
residents, ii. 398. Manor 399. By Editor, church, latitude and
longitude, manor ibid. Raphel manor, Tregavithick, Polvethan,
Polperro, its trade and situation, statistics, rector 400.
 Geology by Dr. Boase, copper mine, blue slate, Polperro
harbour 401
Lansalwys, ii. 394
Lansan manor, iii. 456
Lansdowne, i. 113
―― battle of, ii. 343, 345, 347, 350―iii. 40, 199―iv. 162, 172
―― collection, ii. 426
―― Lord, ii. 98. George Granville Lord, erected a monument to
his grandfather, Sir Beville Grenville 348
Lansen, iv. 50
Lan Stephen, the ancient name of Lanceston, ii. 417
Lanstoun, by Leland, iv. 256
Lansulhas, iv. 22
Lantallan, i. 77
Lanteagles by Fowey, ii. 36
Lantegles or Lanteglos, by Camelford parish, i. 1, 3, 304,
322―ii. 48, 274―iii. 81, 222 bis, 291―iv. 20, 42, 44.―Rev.
Wm. Phillipps, rector, ii. 399
Lanteglise juxta Fawey, by Leland, iv. 279
Lanteglos juxta Camelford parish, Hals’s MS. lost. By Tonkin,
situation, boundaries, value of rectory, patron, incumbent, in
manor of Helstone in Trigg, ii. 401, and deanery of Trigg
minor, the manor, a castle and two parks at Helstone,
Camelford town, etymology, Arthur slain there, relics dug up,
tradition of the battle 402. A later battle, Roman coins found,
Carew’s etymology, insignificance of the borough, had a
charter from Richard Earl of Cornwall, market and fairs 403.
Constitution, revenues and seal of the borough, only one
street, formerly a chapel 404. By Editor, extent of manor ibid.
Vestiges of a camp, villages in the parish, Fentonwoon, Wallis
the circumnavigator, Lord Darlington proprietor of the
borough, it was close till extinguished in 1832, Lord
Camelford, Mr. Macpherson 405. His correspondence with Dr.
Johnson, Mr. Phillipps rector, his monument, Dr. Lombard his
predecessor 406. Memoir and anecdotes of him 407.
Statistics, present rector, Geology by Dr. Boase 408
Lanteglos juxta Fowey parish, ii. 41, 398―iv. 38, 110, 111, 115,
188
Lanteglos juxta Fowey parish, Hals’s MS. lost. By Tonkin, situation,
boundaries, value of living, patron, incumbent, manor of Hall,
Fitz-William family, ii. 409. Description of the seat, Bodenick
410. Lamellin manor. By Editor, situation of church,
monuments, value, tradition of Charles 1st being fired at,
Polruan 411. Once a corporate town, appropriation of
benefice 412. Statistics, and Geology by Dr. Boase 413
Lantenny, i. 40
Lantiant, by Leland, iv. 277
Lantine, i. 415―ii. 89
Lantreghey, iv. 25
Lan Uthno, in St. Erth, iii. 311
Lanvorch, ii. 391
Lanwhitton or Lawhitton manor, iii. 2, 42
―― parish, ii. 95―iii. 40, 43, 335, 338, 456
Lanwhitton, parish of, Hals deficient. By Tonkin, situation,
boundaries, origin of the name, value of benefice, patron,
manor, iii. 1. Farming of, remarkable places, Hexworthy 2.
Bullsworthy 3. By Editor, church, monuments 3. Lease of the
manor, Rev. Mr. Walker, statistics, rector, Geology by Dr. Boase
4
Lanwordaby, Thomas, ii. 189
Lanyhorn castle, iv. 228
Lanyhorne by Leland, iv. 273
―― creek, iii. 404
―― or Lanihorne manor, iii. 406
Lanyon, account of, ii. 142
―― cromlech, stone replaced, iii. 32
―― i. 125, 405.―John, ii. 32 bis. Built Trelisick house 32. Miss
259.―John, iii. 242. John 242, 243 bis. John 242 bis. Richard
and William 242. The golden Lanyon 243. Family 242,
427.―Miss, iv. 101
―― of Lanyon, ii. 142, 143 ter. Tobias and arms 142
―― of Madern, ii. 143
―― of Normandy, and arms, ii. 143
―― manor, possessors of, ii. 89
Laran bridge, ii. 41.―Etymology, iv. 157
Larmer family, iii. 47
Larnake, iii. 371
Larnick, Little, iv. 29. Curiosities found near 33
Laroche, James, i. 101.―Sir James of Bristol, iii. 193
Lateran, church of St. John, at Rome, iv. 165
―― council, i. 110 ter., 318―ii. 125.―Councils, iv. 165
Latin church, i. 115.―Its difference from the Greek, ii. 370
―― service for churches, books of, called in, iii. 170 Latitude of
Falmouth, ii. 23. Of the windmill near Fowey 48. Of Lansallas
church 399
―― and longitude of Eddystone lighthouse, iii. 376. Of the
Land’s End 432. Of St. Minver spire and Pentire point 281. Of
the Ram head 375. Of Trevose head 281
Latur, de, John and Richard, iv. 28
Laud, Archbishop, iii. 71. His library and palace given to Mr.
Peters 73
Launcell’s manor, iii. 353.―House, iv. 18
―― parish, i. 133―iv. 12, 15, 18, 23. Healthiness of, specimens
of longevity in 18
―― prior of, iv. 13
Launceston borough, iii. 14―iv. 51.―Burgesses and charter, iii.
15. Duke of Northumberland’s influence in 460. John Buller,
M.P. for 249. Edward Herle, M.P. for 41. Two Mr. Landews,
M.P.s for 42
―― Brygge, iv. 255
―― castle, i. 188―iii. 458
―― church, iii. 45
―― gaol, i. 345
―― honor of, iii. 406
―― manor, iv. 50
―― parish, iii. 1, 2, 180, 335, 338, 457, 458 bis, 459, 461―iv.
50, 51, 52.―Name, iii. 458
Launceston or Lanceston, St. Mary Magdalen parish, Hals’s MS.
lost. By Tonkin, situation, boundaries, name, saint, Dunhevet,
ii. 417. Its ruins, wells, rivulet, present town scantily supplied
with water, inhabitants transferred to Launceston, privileges
418. Leland’s description, market place, St. Stephen’s church,
castle, priory, tombs, St. Catherine’s chapel, Carew’s account,
two boroughs 419. Parishes of St. Thomas and St. Stephen,
foundation of the town, increase of wealth, corporation, fairs,
markets, assizes, a sanctuary, Castle Terrible, gaol, leather
coins, friary and abbey 420. Tonkin’s description of the castle,
held by the Piper family, story of Sir Hugh Piper 421. Willis’s
history of the borough, privileges granted by Richard Earl of
Cornwall, assizes appointed by Richard 2nd, the property in
the Duke of Cornwall 422. Corporation of 1620, market
changed. By the Editor, magnificent remains of the castle,
King’s hypothesis of its antiquity 423. Compared with
Trematon and Tunbridge, the building 424. Etymology, also of
Launceston, extent and wealth of the priory, wanton
devastations of the 16th century 425. Destruction of
documents, charters of Bishop Warlewast and Henry 3rd 426.
Revenues of the priory 428. The same from the Augmentation
office 429. Long the capital of Cornwall, the Earl’s residence
transferred to Lestwithiel, the sessions to Truro, the county
gaol and assizes to Bodmin, improvements in the town, roads
through it 431. Effect of the Reform Bill, view magnificent,
new iron bridge, statistics, incumbent, Geology by Dr. Boase
432
Launceston priory, iii. 14, 20, 44, 457―iv. 9, 17, 23, 60, 64. No
remains of, St. Thomas’s church stands on its site 51.―Prior
of, i. 378 bis―iii. 457―iv. 15
―― town, i. 77, 108, 163, 201, 283, 359, 381―iii. 358 bis, 388,
417 bis, 456 ter., 461―iv. 81.―King’s audit at, i. 78.
Insurgents march to 86.―Church of St. Stephen’s in, iii. 358.
Friary in 457. Lines on the gate 295.―North gate of, iv. 51.
Monastery at 11. Finer buildings in than Truro 71. Road from
St. Columb’s to 46
Launston, by Leland, iv. 291
Laurence, Captain John, ii. 33. Built Trelisick house 32.―Rev.
Thomas, of St. Winnow, iv. 155, 157
―― St. etymology of name and his history, i. 88
―― St. by Leland, iv. 261
―― St. chapel, i. 88. Duty at 96
―― St. village, i. 89. Court leet and market 90. Fairs 91
Laurens, Rev. John, iii. 324
Lavington, Dr. George, Bishop of Exeter, iii. 3, 42. His daughter
42
Law, Noye’s Grounds, &c. of, iii. 154
Lawanack parish, i. 21―iv. 68
Lawanyke, ii. 430
Lawarran, James, iv. 77
Lawhitton parish, ii. 417
Lawrance, St. i. 77
Lawrence, Humphrey of Launceston, iii. 42
―― St. chapel at Lezant, iii. 42
―― St. village, ii. 385
Lawry, i. 223―ii. 255.―Miss, iv. 117
Lawyer, “Noye’s Complete,” iii. 154
Lax’s tables of latitude and longitude, ii. 359
Lazarus, parable of, iii. 400
Lea, family changed their name to Kempthorne, iii. 255, 256
―― farm, iii. 255
Leach, Simon, i. 222.―Nicholas, iii. 358. Mr. executed 184
―― of Trethewoll, i. 408. Sir Simon and arms 408
Lee, Francis, ii. 375
Leeds, Francis and Thomas Osborne, Dukes of, i. 127.―Duke of,
ii. 218
Le Feock, ii. 25
Lefisick manor, iii. 195, 196
Legard, i. 370
Legarike, ii. 256
Legenda aurea, iv. 117
Legge, Henry; William 4th Earl of Dartmouth, iii. 206
Le Greice, Sir Robert, governor of St. Mawe’s castle, ii. 277
Le Grice, his dispute with Cotterell, ii. 277.―Rev. C. V. iii. 58 bis,
97. Family 90, 243
Leicester, ii. 76
Leigha, i. 145
Leland, i. 73, 79, 146, 266 bis, 295, 355, 360, 372, 373―ii. 201,
239, 402, 411, 425―iii. 5, 15, 16 bis, 17, 24, 26 bis, 277, 278,
357, 404, 431―iv. 23, 24, 76 ter., 102.―His Itinerary, ii. 2,
281―iii. 402, 404, 444.―Through Cornwall extracted,
Appendix VII. iv. 256 to 292.―His inscription on the walls of
St. Mawe’s castle, ii. 281. Account of Launceston 418.―His
Collectanea, iii. 332 bis, 385―iv. 117. Has well described the
town of Truro 76, 78 bis, 80. The description 76
Lelant parish, i. 355, 364―ii. 119, 257 bis, 258 ter., 260, 265,
270, 271, 272 bis, 284―iii. 46, 339, 384―iv. 52, 53 ter.,
58.―Valley in, iii. 59
Lelant parish, Hals, lost. By Tonkin, situation, boundaries,
etymology, value of benefice, patronage, rectory, saint. By
Editor, situation of church, overwhelmed with sand, iii. 5. Mr.
Davies subscribed towards its erection, several inundations of
sand, checked by planting rushes, town buried, name,
division, Treadreath 6. Villages, value of benefice, glebe,
vicarage house buried, no resident clergyman, new house
building, appropriation of tithes, St. Uny buried here, parish
feast, Trembetha 7. Families of Praed, Hoskin, and Pawley, the
last of the Pawleys, a great heiress, died in the workhouse,
Praed estate inherited by the Mackworths 8. Character of Mr.
H. Mackworth Praed 9; and of his son William. The Grand
Junction canal, its utility, chalk ridges crossing England 10.
Death of Mr. W. Praed, situation of Trevethow, Trencroben-hill,
house improved by Mr. H. M. Praed, fine plantations 11.
Statistics and Geology by Dr. Boase 12. Whele Reath 13
Lelizike in Probus, iii. 423
Lemain hamlet, iv. 25. Or Lammana seems to have been of
importance 36
Lemon, i. 58 bis. Caroline and Sir William 423.―Harriet, ii. 250.
Col. John 85. William, his life 81. Saved several lives, was a
tin smelter 82. Established a mine at Whele Fortune, his
marriage 83. Made £10,000 by his mine, removed to Truro,
principal merchant in Cornwall, a classical scholar, sheriff,
magistrate, and M.P., received a piece of plate from Frederick,
Prince of Wales, called the great Mr. Lemon 84. His family,
anecdotes of him 85. William, jun., 85 bis. Sir William 85, 100,
250. Mr. 33 bis, 134, 214, 219.―John, iv. 33. Mr. 89 bis. Made
a fortune at Truro, began his career at Penzance, chosen as
partner by Mr. Coster of Truro 89
―― of Carclew, Anna, iii. 230. Anne 249. Sir Charles, improved
Carclew 230. Caroline, Harriet, and Jane 230. Colonel John,
memoir of 229. A proficient in music 230. William 229.
William, jun., 159. Sir William, memoir of 229. Improved
Carclew, was a proficient in music 230. Sir William 249. Mr.
47. Mr. and Mrs. 229. The great Mr. Lemon the younger 159.
Family 113
Lennan, St. parish, ii. 283
Lennard, i. 266
Lentegles by Camelford, ii. 372
Lentyon, ii. 91
Leo, Pope, ii. 110 ter.
Leofric, the first Bishop of Exeter, ii. 69. Chaplain to Edward the
Confessor 61 bis.―The last Bishop of Crediton, iii. 416
Leofrick, dedicated a church to St. Walburg, iv. 125
Leon, city of, iii. 285
Leonard, St. lepers of, at Launceston, ii. 422
Leonitus leonurus, iv. 182
Leopards changed to lions, iv. 71
Lepers, hospital for, i. 89. Laws relating to 90
Lepomani, Aloysi, Bishop of Seville, i. 82
Leprosy, its prevalence in England, i. 89
Lerchdeacon, heir of, iii. 437
Lerneth, i. 264
Leryn barton, iv. 29 bis
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