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Freestanding Houses A Housing Typology 1st Edition
Günter Pfeifer Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Günter Pfeifer, Per Brauneck
ISBN(s): 9783034600736, 3034600739
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 5.11 MB
Year: 2010
Language: english
Freestanding Houses
This book is also available in a German language edition.
(ISBN 978-3-0346-0072-9)
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically
the rights of translation, reprinting, re-use of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in other
ways, and storage in data banks. For any kind of use, permission of the copyright owner must be obtained.
Printed in Germany
ISBN 978-3-0346-0073-6
987654321 www.birkhauser.ch
Günter Pfeifer and Per Brauneck
Freestanding Houses
A Housing Typology
Birkhäuser
Basel · Boston · Berlin
Contents
Preface 6
Semi-detached
Parvilla I, Tham & Videgård Hansson Arkitekter 20
House W, Bayer & Strobel Architekten 22
Patchwork house, Pfeifer Roser Kuhn Architekten 24
House of the present, Allmann Sattler Wappner Architekten 26
House C, Per Brauneck 28
Vogelsang farmhouse, AmreinHerzig Architekten 30
Three family house "In der Hub", Morger & Degelo Architekten 32
Hadersdorf model housing estate 3, Hans Kollhoff Architekten 34
Hadersdorf model housing estate 4, Steidle Architekten 36
Villa Overgooi, Next Architects 38
KBWW house, MVRDV 42
Two houses, Gigon/Guyer Architekten 44
Home for architects and artists, Fuhrimann Hächler Architekten 46
Student project, Christian Weyell 48
Courtyard access
Java Island housing, Diener & Diener Architekten 74
Werdwies housing development, Adrian Streich Architekten 76
Student project, Philippa Glaser 78
Student project, Johannes Lahme 80
Hybrid
Esplanade housing, Steidle Architekten 82
Student project, Sebastian Schaal 86
Student project, Daniel Dolder 88
Diploma project, Tobias Katz 90
High-rise
Chassé Park apartments, Xaveer de Geyter 92
Silverline tower, Claus en Kaan Architecten 94
Star House 3, Steidle Architekten 98
De Rokade residential building, Arons en Gelauff Architecten 100
"PopMoma" residential tower, Baumschlager & Eberle 102
"Moma" residential tower, Baumschlager & Eberle 104
KNSM apartment tower, Wiel Arets Architects 106
Kanchanjunga tower, Charles Correa Associates 108
Wienerberg apartment high-rise, Delugan Meissl Architects 112
Torre Cuajimalpa residential tower, Meir Lobaton and Kristjan Donaldson 114
Bibliography 118
Although we have long been aware that the promise of autonomy is more
illusion than reality, from a psychological point of view, the feeling of individ-
ualism is perhaps a decisive factor for the popularity of the "freestanding
house".
The freestanding house represents the last in the series of volumes on housing
typologies – after courtyard houses, row houses and town houses – and is
also the most complex. In the context of the argumentation followed in the
previous volumes, which proposes the cybernetic networking of individual
elements in complex structures, this volume assumes a special status. At first
sight, the inherent contradiction between "individual", "freestanding" and
"independent", and "networked", "structural" and "cybernetic" seems ir-
reconcilable. But, given that demand for this type of housing remains undi-
minished and that it also gives rise to economic and ecological problems, it
is vital that we resolve this contradiction.
This volume shows a selection of built and unbuilt projects which, in the aut-
hors’ opinion, exhibit particularly compelling typological floor plan arrange-
ments that are nevertheless flexible enough to anticipate future require-
ments. As this book is the product of ongoing research at the Department of
6
Architecture at the University of Darmstadt, projects by established architects
stand alongside designs by students which, in the spirit of research work, rep-
resent the current state of academic exploration, which strives for a holistic
and forward-looking consideration of housing.
The authors aim to show which possibilities can lead to high-density, com-
plex spatial structures. The study begins by considering relatively straightfor-
ward, small freestanding residential buildings in complex urban, communal,
ecological and spatial contexts. Accordingly, the examples illustrate elements
that relate intelligently to aspects such as sunshine, orientation, spatial struc-
ture and adjacent outdoor areas. As the examples become more complex,
the number of elements that relate to one another within the freestanding
houses increases, each fulfilling important functions such as external and
internal circulation, lighting, views in and out, private outdoor areas and
energy supply.
With the exception of especially complex projects, the projects are present-
ed in a uniform layout and scale. The projects are presented mostly in the
form of floor plans supplemented by sections or isometric drawings where
necessary to explain the project. Typical floor plans in some examples have
been coloured to make building structures easier to discern and are denoted
in shades of grey in the individual storeys. Furnishings are represented
abstractly to aid legibility. While information concerning the construction,
economics or technical details has been omitted, ecological advantages
resulting from particular typological arrangements of floor plans are noted
in the accompanying description. Photos of the individual projects illustrate
characteristic elements of each project.
7
The typology of the freestanding house
There are few more compelling examples of a freestanding house than the
Black Forest farmhouse.1 First and foremost, it epitomises a sense of "home"
and autonomy, craftsmanship and solidity. It is a hybrid building serving sev-
eral uses, and its basic structure is ecological and cybernetic, two aspects
that one could write about in detail. The Black Forest farmhouse is "free-
standing" in the true sense of the word: it is a single building standing in the
midst of open landscape; it is adapted to fit its environment; and its spatial
structure as well as its building materials are drawn from its direct surround-
ings. These represent in essence the principal qualities of an ecological and
sustainable architectonic structure for freestanding buildings.
While the first example exemplifies the qualities of the freestanding house,
the second illustrates dramatically the problems associated with this housing
typology. These two images mark the extents of architectural discourse on
the typology of the freestanding house.
8
The qualities of this housing typology are immediately apparent. Because
it stands on its own, the building faces in all directions. The passage of the
sun can be experienced throughout the entire house: morning light streams
in at breakfast, the sun deck faces south, living areas face west towards the
evening sun and atelier and work rooms receive diffuse light from the north.
Its orientation makes it possible to frame particular views – provided they
are not obstructed by neighbouring buildings – or alternatively, to block out
undesirable views by utilising the many alternative lighting options.
These are the primary elements that characterise this typology and account
for its ongoing popularity. In terms of floor plan typology, it is difficult to
verify what is or is not a freestanding house. One can identify different ca-
tegories of access, orientation and spatial organisation, but as these cate-
gories very often overlap or are manifested in different constellations, they
cannot serve as identifiable typological characteristics for a particular house
typology. The floor plans of freestanding houses exhibit few clearly repeating
patterns, differing more in terms of the degree of openness or enclosure of
rooms or zones. Here too, however, one encounters all manner of variants
across the entire scale, which are not distinctive enough to serve as distin-
guishing features.
9
the individual house that contains just one residential unit is, on account of
the fact that it exists alone, unable to generate such synergies. We have op-
ted not to include this last category in our overview as it does not represent a
sustainable option with regard to the development of the city. Furthermore,
an analytical examination of houses in this category shows that the reality
does not correspond to the image of the autonomous house outlined earlier.
The promise of living in an autonomous house turns out to be illusion.
Urban integration
Over the last decades building plots have become increasingly expensive as
land availability decreases and land development costs increase. As a con-
sequence, the patches of land on which to realise one’s dream of an own
home have grown successively smaller. The resulting disadvantages of the
single family home outweigh the advantages by far.
Because the plots are small, the individual houses stand so close to each
other that all that remains of private outdoor space is often only a green
dividing strip overlooked from all sides and entirely devoid of intimacy. Be-
cause public-sector land development has to be economically efficient, one
or other side of a plot may have a disadvantageous orientation with regard
to road noise or sunshine, depending on the side of access. The poor surface-
area-to-footprint ratio of single houses is also disadvantageous and makes it
difficult to achieve a good energy balance. In terms of spatial flexibility, too,
the individual house has its limitations: while it is possible to extend and add
to the house, it is virtually impossible to reduce it in size.
10
The problems of the single family house type and the urban structures it
produces are most certainly of a categorical nature. Accordingly, it is all the
more surprising that it continues to persist in the housing landscape. One
can only assume that, from the viewpoint of the individual homeowner, the
aforementioned advantages more than outweigh the urban disadvantages.
Theoretical approaches to reconciling this categorical discrepancy have been
devised but are few and far between.
The most radical idea can be attributed to Frank Lloyd Wright and his con-
cept for "Broadacre City".3 It combines expansive landscape with an ex-
tensive network of access roads and infrastructure, which in today’s terms
would seem excessive. This ideal has to date never been realised, not even
partially: rather than the pervasive greening of the city, it has instead long
become riddled with roadways – a development that ultimately leads to the
disintegration of the compact historical city and the gradual urbanisation of
the landscape.
11
Le Corbusier, too, examined the single house type in his "plan voisin",4 al-
though on an entirely different basis. From an ideological standpoint, his
concept is the exact opposite to Wright’s extensive concept. Corbusier pro-
poses freestanding buildings in the form of high-rise towers beneath which
the landscape can flow freely. This concept would also have led to the disin-
tegration of the city and fails to reconcile the categorical incompatibility be-
tween the psychology of the individual and the constraints of the collective.
To cut short further elaboration, no truly successful urban theories have been
founded on the building of single family houses, just as we have been equal-
ly unable to establish a theoretical definition for the typological variety of
the individual house in the city. It seems instead that the categories of urban
development and the detached single family house are mutually exclusive. In
the context of the city, single family houses are a "peripheral phenomenon".
Where, perhaps, individual houses offer most potential in the city is in loca-
tions where access is only possible from one side, for example, along rivers
or terraces in the landscape that offer a view. Individual buildings in the form
of freestanding multi-storey houses with apartments on each floor that look
out over the landscape afford as many units as possible the advantages of
freestanding structures.
12
The opportunity
At this point it should become clear that the key to the future of individual
housing lies in multiplication of the units. If we are able to stack the individ-
ual house in the third dimension and to combine several elements with one
another while simultaneously addressing the psychological needs answered
by the individual house, then a variety of options start to appear. In principle
the objective is quite simple: each unit needs its own entrance – no joint
staircases! Each unit needs its own front garden, perhaps also a garage of
its own and a garden fence. Each unit requires light from all sides and, of
course, a generous garden-like outdoor space that is not overlooked by one’s
neighbours.
Although the objectives may seem simple to formulate, they are highly com-
plex to realise. It necessitates the development of entirely new conceptual
structures for architecture, the alteration of existing building legislation and
the development of new aims and priorities for collective housing.
Rethinking access
Access structures play a central role in the development of new collect-
ive forms of housing. Previously we have concentrated on minimising the
amount of access and circulation space. The examples in the project section
of this volume show, however, that multiple means of accessing rooms and
units can produce greater spatial flexibility which, over the lifetime of the
building, may in fact be more economical. Furthermore, the additional vol-
ume required for the extended access possibilities can simultaneously be
used as a means of passive energy gain, in turn opening up other possibil-
ities. Spaces for interaction can result that double as additional means of
access, allowing these connecting spaces to be regarded as elements that
serve multiple functions.
13
should be able to accommodate communal flats on the one hand and one-
person units on the other, as well as changing patterns of usage.
We need to reconsider our view of the single typology: a strategy that sees
the individual element not as a finite and insular unit grounded on a notion
of independence but as an element within a larger structure that relates the
elements specifically to one another, thereby increasing the degree of free-
dom of each individual element.
This idea is in principle not new. Structuralist thinking in the 1960s and
1970s, which developed as a reaction and in opposition to functionalist town
planning, already incorporated key principles of this strategy. Likewise, the
principle of cybernetics as a dynamic system of energy and information feed-
back after Norbert Wiener has already become part of architecture’s theo-
retical grounding (see the volume Row Houses, "Cybernetics: Integration of
type and topos")5. In the context of these ideas and a growing awareness of
climate change and its concomitant effect on energy efficiency in building, it
will be necessary to reappraise the typology of the single family house.
14
According to Brian Cody, "studies have shown that there is a direct relation-
ship between urban density and energy consumption due to transporta-
tion."6 And further, "if we accept and acknowledge that we need to in-
crease urban density in our cities as a vital component of their sustainable
development, then we will need to look at high-rise buildings and ascertain
whether or not they can cost-effectively increase urban density in a sustain-
able and acceptable manner."
Outlook
The picture of the Black Forest farmhouse sketched earlier shows that highly
complex cybernetic structures can be realised. This is also possible in the
context of contemporary requirements. What is needed, however, is a shift
in the perception of the task at hand as well as a different architectural work-
ing method. If we are able to overcome the fixation with profitability, as
manifested through the ratio of gross floor area to living space, then it may
be possible to reach a new definition of sustainability as described earlier.
15
Kanchanjunga tower, 1983, Charles Correa
16
The architectural working medium could be a design strategy that focuses on
the spaces in between. Just as we begin designing urban design plans from
the open spaces, the squares, street profiles and connecting paths, before
turning to the secondary aspect of building volumes, so we should develop
designs for housing from the spaces in between. As these begin to accom-
modate several functions at the same time, space that was "in between"
becomes "actual" space. In the language of the structuralists, that means:
not the element in itself but the way in which it is linked to its neighbouring
elements is the focus of this architectural strategy. In the same way that the
urban realm results from the way in which elements are linked to one an-
other, so too are different living options within the same volume the product
of interconnections. A decisive aspect is the dimensioning of the volumes in
terms of energy and the enlargement of the bounding or contact surfaces of
the individual elements so that they can contribute to the energy balance of
the house, both physically as well as psychologically. The underlying principle
of this form of architecture is the collection of energy at all levels, just as it
always was for the creation of the Black Forest farmhouse.
17
Floor plan types
Semi-detached
While the conventional semi-detached house comprises just two parties, this
category is also used to describe projects with more than two parties where
each party has their own entrance at ground level and staircases within the
apartment as necessary. There is no communal staircase. The combination
and spatial structures of the "independent" units form a single compact
volume.
Courtyard access
A central courtyard allows the main access zone to the apartments to be nat-
urally lit and provides a space for communication and interaction. Courtyard
access allows a larger number of apartments to be accessed on each floor
than with a staircase. Covered courtyards or atria can also be utilised as a
source of passive energy gain.
18
Hybrid
This typological category describes buildings that use a mixture or combi-
nation of different access systems to facilitate new spatial configurations.
A building may respond to the different possible needs and changing life
situations of the residents by providing different kinds of apartments. This
results in a more diverse range of apartment types.
High-rise
This building typology is characterised by the high demands its access system
has to fulfil and the comparatively large proportion of floor space used by
the structure. Special floor plan arrangements have to be devised to coun-
teract the problem of poor illumination in certain directions. A key feature of
this building type is the privileged view it affords.
19
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CHAPTER XI
NEARING THE END
There was no especial reason as far as I know for closing that last
chapter, and commencing a new one, except that it was getting too
long in my opinion. For the story I was telling was incomplete, I
having gone off at an unexpected angle on the question of food
supplies. However, I will now resume and say that the influx of work
I mentioned lasted for a fortnight, during the whole of which time I
can aver that, except on Sundays, I was never in bed after 3 a.m. or
before 11 p.m., and that I was often so weary on coming home from
the city with a load of moulding, that I would sit down on a chair in
the shop and be unable to rise for half an hour. But as I would not
allow myself to think about the future, or ask myself what was the
good of it all, I was not unhappy, and I was able to take a good deal
of pride in my work. And by the time the pressure slackened, I had
settled that wretched summons, had paid my rates, and a few other
immediate liabilities, besides being able to buy a few sorely needed
articles of clothing for the family.
There was however no lightening of the old burden of debt, and in
fact I realised that nothing short of a miracle would enable me to do
that. For if I got all the work I craved for I should surely break
down, while the utmost that I could earn would not do much more
than pay the heavy current expenses of the shop. Had I been able to
employ some help, it might have been better, but I don't know about
that. I had to do my own errands—I could not delegate my buying in
the city to anybody else, although it did entail such a heavy burden
upon me physically. Meanwhile I paid cash for everything I had,
though I did not pay anything of the bills already incurred.
In this connection I have an amusing recollection. The moulding
merchant with whom I dealt was an elderly German in a large way
of business, and I had always heard of him as a kindly old soul, but
had never come into personal contact with him. Now, however, I
owed him nearly £30, for which I had given a bill, and was
constantly renewing it; and, consequently, although I dealt with the
firm for all my mouldings, and paid cash, I dreaded meeting one of
the principals, and indeed slank in and out of the premises like a
thief. One day, however, I ran right into the old gentleman, who
looked at me keenly and said, "Ach, Meesder Boollen, aindt id?" I
humbly answered, "Yes, sir." "Yes, sir," he rather mockingly replied,
"now I haf peen in pizness here in London for more as tirty year,
andt I nefer ad a gustomer dot righdt me sooch nice ledders as you.
But you tondt send me no money, hein? I likes to read dose ledders,
dey vas very goot, but vy tondt you pay some money too, hein?"
I endeavoured to give him such reasons as I had, and he listened
carefully, saying when I had done, "Ach so! Vell, you pay ven you
can, undt tondt you go puying your mouldings someveres ellas mit
your ready money. Ve all haf droubles, undt ve get over 'em. You get
over yours somedime I hope, and den you pay your bill. Goodt
efening." And he turned and went into his office, while I went on
into the moulding shop with a warm feeling of gratitude to the kind
old man, and a firm determination that he should not suffer loss
through me if I could possibly help it.
Thenceforward I struggled on, sometimes feeling as if the waters
which were always about my chin would suddenly submerge me, but
compelled to go on. I often compared myself at this time to a man
running in front of a train, between two high walls, allowing of no
escape to either side, having no choice but to run or be run over.
Still I found solace in my books and newspapers, and relieved my
mind of some of its cares by taking an intense interest in political
matters as well as the open air propaganda of religion.
What I suppose will strike some people with amazement is the fact
that starting as an extreme radical, never a Home Ruler, I gradually
became utterly disgusted with the radical position. Full of admiration
for the socialism of Christ, I grew to detest the socialism that I saw
being practised by the noisy party in the vestry, and the doctrines I
heard preached by the socialists in the open air simply filled me with
dismay. For it was nothing else but the survival of the unfit and
incurably idle, the morally degenerate, at the expense of the fit, the
hard-working and ever-striving classes, an effort in short not to level
up, but to level down, a complete subversion of the golden rule of
do to all men as ye would they should do unto you. Get all you can
for yourself, and the devil take anybody else. Eat and drink all you
can at somebody else's expense, no matter who. Beget as many
children as you like, and let somebody else care for them. And so
on. Oh! it used to make me very sick and sorry, but I am glad to say
that in my preaching of what I felt to be right, I always had a most
sympathetic and respectful hearing; and I really do believe that the
detestable doctrines of loaferdom and savagery which masquerade
as socialism have very little hold upon the ordinary people of our
streets.
Another great solace of mine was an occasional chat with my fellow
shopkeepers, most of whom, like myself, had a severe struggle to
live. It makes me positively ill to hear the blatant cant that is talked
about the working man, meaning journeymen and labourers only.
The small London suburban shopkeeper toils far harder than any of
them, is preyed upon by them to an extent which must be incredible
to those who don't know, is taxed almost out of existence to support
them in the schemes continually being propounded for their benefit
by their representatives on the Borough Councils, and is quoted in
radical newspapers as the bitter enemy of the working classes.
I found them a kindly, genial, well-informed class of men, shrewd
and keen, as indeed they need be in order to live, and particularly
free from the petty vices of public-house loafing, betting, and bad
language, which are so peculiarly the characteristics of the "working
man." But the hardest hit of them all I think were the small grocers.
I knew two or three of them intimately, men whose lives were one
long grey grind of labour. Who could not live unless they opened
very early in the morning, before the big capitalist shops, such as
the Home and Colonial, Lipton's, etc., and kept open late at night for
the same reason. Even then they would not have been able to live
but for giving credit, which the big combinations do not allow their
employees to do. Many hundreds of families would come to the
workhouse long before they do, especially in hard winters, but for
these small tradesmen giving them credit for the bare necessities of
life, and thus tiding them over the pinching time. This system of first
aid can hardly be called philanthropy, since those who extend it do it
for a living, and yet in the multitudinous life of poor London it is a
huge and most important factor. Even the poor itinerant coal
merchant, who goes to the wharf and buys his coal by the ton, and
then retails it through the streets in small quantities from dawn to
dark, may be seen on Saturdays, the hardest day of all, when his
selling of coal is done, painfully dragging his weary way from door to
door, collecting the payment for the coal he has been vending on
credit all the week.
The costermonger, who has a regular pitch and regular customers,
competing with the tradesmen to whom he stands opposite in the
most unfair way, in that he has no rent, rates, or taxes to pay, will
give credit, and generously too, although he may often through a
bad week have to pay usurious interest in order to borrow the
money to go to market with. In fact all the small traders give credit,
for the reasons I have already stated. Of course, in this way much
very inferior stuff is got rid of, because it is certain that he who buys
on credit retail with either tradesman will have to pay higher prices
than for cash, or will have to put up with inferior goods, since it is
impossible to scrutinise too closely what you are receiving on credit
unless indeed you are of sufficient rank to make a tradesman glad to
serve you on any terms.
One great exception to the universal rule of credit is the publican.
Because his wares are a luxury, and the indulgence in them in many
cases prevents the payment of legitimate claims, money can always
be found for him much, to the other shopkeepers' disgust. So far is
this system of credit carried out that I have known men get their
ha'penny morning and evening paper on credit, and even take their
workman's ticket, which their news vendor kept a supply of for the
convenience of customers, with the casual remark, "Stony broke this
mornin', old man, pay you on Saturday." More fools they to allow it,
I hear some folks say, but such poor traders allow a good many
things to be done to them rather than get the name of being close-
fisted with their customers.
To return for a moment to the work of the small shopkeeper, take for
instance the butcher. He must needs go to market, no matter what
the weather may be, as early as three or four in the morning; he is
hard at work all day fully exposed to the weather, and on Saturday
must keep open until one o'clock on Sunday morning. In addition to
this in many neighbourhoods it is imperative for him to open again
on Sunday for a few hours in order to satisfy the demands of those
curious folk who will not do their marketing on Saturday while the
"houses" (public understood) are open, and when they close at
twelve o'clock are unfit for anything but quarrelling or reeling home
to bed. Hence Sunday trading with all its attendant evils and its cruel
strain upon the small tradesman.
I must confess, however, that although I sympathised so deeply with
all my shopkeeping associates, personally, I did not suffer as they
did. For my business being of a non-essential character it did not
greatly matter how late I opened my shop or how early I closed it.
That I had to carry my materials home from the city was due to the
facts of my position being so bad that I could not lay in a stock, and
partly because I found it cheaper and more convenient, if more
laborious, to buy my moulding as I got orders for frames. Another
thing I must say in justice to my customers, and in spite of the
reputation of the neighbourhood as impressed upon me when I
started in business there—I made practically no bad debts. Perhaps
that was partly due to the fact that people do not, in humble walks
of life that is, have pictures framed until they have the money ready
to pay for the work; and another thing, when I took work home, I
always waited for the money, for I always wanted it urgently.
Occasionally, it is true, I had a little difficulty with people who talked
grandiloquently of calling round in a day or two, and paying a bill of
a few shillings, or of sending a cheque, say, of seven and sixpence,
but they were exceedingly seldom. But I had many heart burnings
through the vagaries of a certain type of person who would come in
and waste hours of my time (and I noticed that these visits usually
occurred when I was urgently busy) examining mouldings and
getting estimates up to several pounds in value. After which they
vanished, and I never saw them again.
Once I was fairly victimised, though fortunately for only a small
amount, but I must plead that it took a long time. And as the story
is, in my opinion at any rate, exceedingly romantic, I may be
pardoned for telling it at length. In the course of business we had
made the acquaintance of a French lady, said to be a countess, and
through her we became intimate with her son and a lady from
Sweden reputed to be his wife. He was a pupil of Schubert, and an
exquisite violinist, and as I was always a great lover of music, and
he was exceedingly hospitable, we often went to his house, which
was close at hand in Melbourne Grove. There we met a truculent
individual, black-avised, as the old description runs, speaking a most
hideous travesty of English, and withal behaving as if he owned the
establishment. His name I never rightly knew, but it was nearly all
consonants I remember, and he was introduced to me as a Russian
prince who had taken a prominent part in the tragedy of Plevna, and
held the rank of Captain in the Preobrajensky Guards. Only a day or
two elapsed after my first meeting with this warrior when he
appeared in my shop, and endeavoured to tell me a wonderful tale
of a diamond necklace worth some thousands of pounds, the
property of a French lady of high rank. This splendid article had
been pawned for a large sum, and the ticket had nearly run out, but
if it were redeemed it could be repledged for a greatly increased
sum, and the kindly person who would advance the cash for this
transaction would make something like 200 per cent. for his
amiability. How I understood all this I do not know but I did, and
smiled sardonically at the idea of me being selected for the
operation, me! who never had any money except what I was in
immediate and pressing need of.
His highness seemed genuinely and pathetically surprised, also
somewhat incredulous, when I managed to convey to him the true
state of affairs concerning myself. I did not, however, trouble to tell
him that I felt absolutely bristling with caution towards him,
regarding him as the worst type of the Chevalier d'industrie I had
ever heard of. So he went away, but did not cease his visits to me,
sometimes flashing a pocketful of gold, sometimes without a sou. At
last he made his grand coup. He advertised in the French papers for
a valet to attend upon a Russian nobleman, who, as he had much
valuable jewellery, would require a deposit of £70 as security against
dishonesty. Then he took a house in East Dulwich Grove on a
twenty-one year lease, and entered into negotiations with a
furnishing company to fit it up. Of course he got his valet and his
security, with part of which he paid the first instalment of the
purchase of his furniture. Within a week he had sold every item of
that furniture, and leaving his hapless valet to starve in the empty
house, had departed to the wilds of Soho to lead a gay life as long
as the money lasted. For this was his peculiarity, stamping him
indubitably as one of the boys so graphically depicted by Mr Ernest
Binstead; he would lie, swindle, steal, do anything to obtain money,
sell the bed from under his dying mother, let us say, or worse than
that if it were possible, and when the money was in his possession
he would fling it broadcast with both hands as if he were lord of
millions.
He had hardly disappeared before a man came to me who gave me
his card, which described him as a diamond merchant. He told me a
pitiful story of how the vanished nobleman had victimised him in the
matter of a diamond necklace, at which I felt the corners of my
mouth relax as I thought "same old song and dance." In
consequence of the evil wrought in his accounts by this most
untoward transaction, he was under the painful necessity of raising a
loan on a bill of sale. His house was fairly well furnished, but—he
had no pictures. Now I knew what pictures were to a house and—by
the way—what a beautiful lot of engravings I had framed to be sure.
(I almost purred.) If I would only lend him a few just to hang on his
walls while the money-lender looked around, he would be glad to
pay me a pound for the accommodation, and I could have the
pictures back the next morning. Of course I wanted a pound very
badly, and I didn't see much risk, and the pictures had been in stock
so long that I didn't reckon them at more than £2. 10s. anyhow, so I
said, "All right, I'll bring them round in an hour's time." He thanked
me and left. He had not been gone more than five minutes, when a
neighbour who was a baker came in and asked me if that wasn't the
tenant of No. — East Dulwich Grove, who had just gone out. I said it
was, and gave an outline of the transaction just completed. My
neighbour quietly said that they owed him fifty bob for bread, and
he meant to have it, and left.
I took the pictures up and hung them. They looked very well, and
the family was loud in expressions of admiration. After many
assurances that I should have them back the next day, I left,
meeting on my way back my baker neighbour. He called on me
about two hours later, saying that he'd got his money, but only after
kicking up such a row that the respectable Grove was quite
scandalised, and even the paupers at the workhouse infirmary
opposite were interested. I only smiled, for I thought I understood.
When, however, I found an my arrival home next day that my
pictures had not been returned, and on calling round at the house
found it empty, I realised that in spite of all my confidence in my
own astuteness I had been done. Two days later, I saw my pictures
exposed for sale in a local pawnshop at a far higher price than I had
ever dared to ask for them. I had a chat with the pawnbroker on the
subject, and he seemed very much amused. I found it difficult to
understand why then, although it is clearer to me now.
I also had a visit once from a certain notorious adventuress, whose
alias was, I believe, Mrs Gordon. She made quite a lot of interesting
copy for the newspapers about that time, and her picture was
published in various journals. But her plan for getting something out
of me was not very ingenious, at any rate I easily evaded it, and
took considerable credit to myself for my cleverness in doing so.
Taking things all round, however, I was very fortunate in not being
victimised to any extent, for there is a large number of ingenious
folk going about London whose business it is to entrap unwary
tradesmen who deal in goods which may be easily disposed of for a
trifle of ready money. Dealers in perishable commodities, such as
butchers, bakers, grocers, or green-grocers, are tolerably safe from
the attentions of these gentry, but jewellers, furniture dealers,
picture dealers, etc., are particularly liable to be preyed upon, as I
found, and indeed my poverty was several times my only protection.
I could not fall into their traps, because I wanted money on account,
which they never had.
Now, strange as it may seem, I really did build up a fairly good
reputation in the neighbourhood as a picture-framer of taste and
punctuality, but owing to the fact that I could not wait upon
customers at all hours, could not, that is, attend to both businesses
at once, I was unable to do well. And then there is for suburban
picture-framers a distinctly slack season which extends from June
until November. Then when people are saving for their holidays,
enjoying them or recovering from them, the poor maker of frames
may as well close his shop unless he has other strings to his bow.
The expenses still go on, rent must be paid, gas bills met, etc., but
my takings averaged five shillings a week.
At one of these periods, having received an invitation from a distant
relative in the wilds of Wiltshire to spend a fortnight down there at
an inclusive cost which was less than I must have spent had I
remained at home, I decided to go away. On leaving I pasted a
notice on the shutters: "Gone for a much needed holiday, return on
the 25th of August.—F. T. Bullen." When I did return, I was greeted
by all my shopkeeping neighbours with sardonic surprise, not
unmixed with scorn. They all said they never thought to see me
again, having fully expected that I had "done a guy," as they
inelegantly put it, and several hinted rather plainly that they
considered me a fool for ever coming back; which went to show very
clearly that they knew as well as I did myself that I was in
difficulties. Indeed in a small community such as ours was, it was
not possible to conceal one's straits any more than it would be in a
little country town. I have no doubt that every one of my neighbours
knew how few were the customers that came into my shop as well
as they knew what the expenses of the shop were, in fact, as they
put it frequently to one another, I kept the shop, the shop didn't
keep me.
Yes, everything seemed to trend downwards towards a place of the
depth of which I had no conception. Every fresh run of orders at the
rare intervals when they did arrive, only seemed to stave off the evil
day which would surely come, and it is not putting the matter one
whit too strongly to say that I had lost all hope of ever doing any
good for myself and family. Neither did I see how I was going to get
rid of what had come to be a perfectly diabolical burden, the shop.
Despite all my efforts I got deeper and deeper into debt, and among
other things the crushing load of the rates, then going up by leaps
and bounds, owing to the socialistic tendency of the local
authorities, made me feel peculiarly bitter; especially when I saw the
troops of able-bodied men slouching about the workhouse recreation
grounds.
CHAPTER XII
TOWARDS CAREY STREET
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