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The Nocturnal City 1st Edition Robert Shaw Digital
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Author(s): Robert Shaw
ISBN(s): 9781138676404, 1138676403
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 1.26 MB
Year: 2018
Language: english
The Nocturnal City
Night is a foundational element of human and animal life on earth, but its
interaction with the social world has undergone significant transformations
during the era of globalization. As the economic activity of the ‘daytime’ city
has advanced into the night, other uses of the night as a time for play, for
sleep or for escaping oppression have come increasingly under threat.
   This book looks at the relationship between night and society in con-
temporary cities. It identifies that while theories of ‘planetary urbanization’
have traced the spatial spread of urban forms, the temporal expansion of
urban capitalism has been less well mapped. It argues that, as a key part of
planetary being, understanding what goes on at night in cities can add nuance
to debates on planetary urbanization.
   A series of practices and spaces that we encounter in the night-time city are
explored. These include: the maintenance and repair of infrastructure; the
aesthetics of the urban night; nightlife and the night-time economy; the home
at night; and the ecologies of the urban night. Taking these forward the book
will ask whether the night can reveal some of the boundaries to what we call
‘the urban’ in a world of cities, and will call for a revitalized and enhanced
‘nightology’ to study these limits.
The Routledge Research in Culture, Space and Identity Series offers a forum for
original and innovative research within cultural geography and connected
fields. Titles within the series are empirically and theoretically informed and
explore a range of dynamic and captivating topics. This series provides a forum
for cutting edge research and new theoretical perspectives that reflect the wealth
of research currently being undertaken. This series is aimed at upper-level
undergraduates, research students and academics, appealing to geographers as
well as the broader social sciences, arts and humanities.
Spaces of Spirituality
Edited by Nadia Bartolini, Sara MacKian and Steve Pile
Robert Shaw
First published 2018
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2018 Robert Shaw
The right of Robert Shaw to be identified as author of this work has been
asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright,
Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
A catalog record for this book has been requested
Acknowledgements ix
    Introduction                                                           1
1   Changing spaces, changing times: urban futures                         7
    How is the world urban? Contemporary urban theory 10
    Urban machines: environment, society and the self 16
    Night and the limits of the city 20
       Index                                                                 122
Acknowledgements
This book has emerged slowly over the last ten years, starting with my PhD
research but evolving with subsequent teaching, research, conversations and
publications. Inevitably, more people have helped me than I have room to
name here and I don’t want to list too many names: so simply, thank you to
the many colleagues at Durham and Newcastle who have supported my work.
   Still, a few names. It is worth highlighting the role of Paul Harrison and
Gordon MacLeod in providing me with space and time to develop my ideas
as PhD supervisors. While many colleagues have helped me develop my ideas
over the years, Divya Tolia-Kelly, Nick Rush-Cooper and Ben Anderson have
in particular provided support and advice. Tim Edensor’s time in Durham
during 2014 was very important in helping me expand the scope of my research
interests beyond the night-time economy, and collaborations or conversations
with Casper Ebbensgaard, Ankit Kumar and Gerry Taylor-Aiken have helped
me at different moments along the way. At Newcastle, my colleagues have
been more welcoming than I could imagine, but Jon Pugh, Michael
Richardson and Helen Jarvis have all been particularly supportive.
   Then of course there is Jenny, who first as my colleague, then as my friend
and eventually as my wife has helped me both intellectually and personally in
ways that I could not even begin to thank her for. Lucy entered our lives when
this book was nearly finished, and night-time feeds have been an appropriate
time for me to ruminate over the final edits. My parents, sister and wider family
have always been supportive too; I consider myself very lucky.
   A number of people have looked at chapters or extracts of this book during
the writing process. Some of them are mentioned above; in addition, Alastair
Bonnett, Colin McFarlane, Lizzie Richardson, James Ash, Jon Silver, Gareth
Powells and Matt Jenkins have all looked at draft versions of parts of the text.
Any errors or limitations are clearly mine, not theirs.
This page intentionally left blank
Introduction
To enjoy this book at its best, you might want to create your own experience
of night. If it’s light outside, you’ll need take a series of actions. Draw your
blinds and turn off any overhead lights. Reading lamps or table lamps will do
just fine. Dim your computer screen a little if it’s on – there’s no need for that
bright electronic glow here. Maybe make yourself a drink – a hot drink if you
want, or something a little stronger if you feel like it – and a snack if you’re
committing to reading this for a while. Snuggle down, and revel in your mini-
experience of night, even if it is midday outside. The night that you’re in right
now, however, could be ruptured at any moment. A telephone call; a parcel
delivery; a friend or colleague knocking on your door. These would not
happen in the night, or at least would be highly unlikely, but all of them
would disrupt the nocturnal atmosphere that you have created. It is a fragile
imitation of night, therefore, a faint replication of the real thing. Night
cannot be reduced to one essential feature. It is not darkness. It is not sleep. It
is not the time in which services close down. Rather, night is multiple. It is
atmospheric, it is affective, it is subjective, it is natural, it is social, it is static,
it is rhythmic. While we can create nocturnal scenes or features, we can neither
expect to be able to produce ‘night’ easily, nor can we expect the night to be
untouched by interruptions and perturbations.
   This book is an attempt to put the night at the centre of geographical
enquiries into the city and the world. The urban night is a time of fascination
for many, in which people enjoy a drink, explore the city’s dark corners, view
the planets and stars, or go in search of a life outside of the surveillance that
the light of day brings. Night appears in a range of research areas, from
exploration of women’s safety in accessing public space through to studies of
infrastructure maintenance. However, night is rarely the focus of research in
and of itself. As a ‘natural’ phenomenon, the night is often overlooked: a
forgotten background with which we are all familiar and which as such does
not present itself as an obvious topic for research. Furthermore, the majority
of our research is diurnal. Ethnographers visit organizations during the day,
and then go home. Interviewees are asked about their daily rhythms. Surveys
and questionnaires speak of days, not nights. Even where night comes up,
nocturnality is rarely taken as the topic of research. Researchers looking at
2   Introduction
‘the night-time economy’, for example, focus almost universally on the
presence of alcohol and the governance of its consumption. If temporality
appears as a research topic in this area, it is typically in relation to the rhythm
and scheduling of bar opening hours and licensing laws. Meanwhile, research
which does explore temporalities is often focused on phenomenological
experiences or rhythms, as opposed to constructed periods of time such as
night. That something such as the night-time economy is the night-time
economy is barely explored: the difference that night makes to the alcohol
and leisure industry is largely absent.
   Nonetheless, a growing range of researchers are exploring topics which
relate to the night. The social life of sleep and rest has emerged as an interesting
interdisciplinary field between science, the humanities and social science
(Callard, 2014). How we inhabit the night shapes how we inhabit day, as
society moves towards rhythms of 24/7 (Crary, 2013). Research in this area
has repeatedly reinforced the value of sleep and rest, despite the ways in
which it is attacked. Another field of blossoming research has been the
exploration of experiences, constructions and productions of dark and light,
across multiple disciplines (Dunn, 2016; Edensor, 2017; Jóhannesson and Lund,
2017; Pritchard, 2017; Stone, 2017). As explored in this book, light and dark are
understood as relational, coming as a pair rather than as separate entities.
Rarely, if ever, do we actually experience pure dark or light; rather, we encounter
a world of shadows, of spotlights, of overcast skies, of glowing firelight and so
on. It is these shifting patterns of light and dark that shape our world at both
day and night. Noted previously, ‘night-time economy’ research has driven the
nocturnal agenda in much of social science, exploring the ways in which cities
are opened up at night for the alcohol and leisure industry. Researchers have
developed a diverse picture as to the range of drinkers and drinking practices,
attempting to show how night-time economies globally are more than binge
drinking (Jayne et al., 2011; Eder and Öz, 2014; Fjær et al., 2016). Studies
which go beyond this one element of the night-time economy are rare, however.
Other night-time activities that have had some attention have been routines of
repair and maintenance (Graham and Thrift, 2007; Carr, 2017), in which the
role of night as a repair time for both infrastructure and broader social life is
emphasized. Night shift work has been a major focus of health and psycho-
logical research (Wang et al., 2014), but much less has been done to explore
how this intersects with wider themes in social science. So night and related
topics are beginning to appear in the literature, but rarely with nocturnality as
a focus.
   A key aim of this book is to put the night front and centre in the research
agenda. How do we understand (some) of these issues if we make the night
itself the question that we are exploring? Night offers an interesting lens
because of the ways in which it straddles the social and the natural. Night is
both an inherent feature of earthliness, bound up in the evolutionary history
of all animals on the planet, and a socially produced feature of routines and
rhythms. The natural and social elements cannot be untangled; they work in
                                                                   Introduction    3
unison, though as residents of high latitudes in mid-winter will tell you, not
always in harmony. Night is similar to what Deleuze and Guattari would call
a ‘haecceity’: an assemblage which consists ‘entirely of relations of movement
and rest between molecules or particles, capacities to affect and be affected’
(Deleuze and Guattari, 1987, pp. 287–288). In other words, night has a being
different to a thing, a subject, a person, an animal; it is a collection of relations,
possibilities and materialities. While there are material features to night, and
elements of night which act in unison, there is no material, thing or form that
we can point to as ‘night’. I cannot hold a lump of night in my hand, but I
can take you to a city and show you its night. So night is much more of a
collection of precarious relations than any one thing or set of things. To close
down the breadth of this haecceity, this book focuses on night in cities, drawing
on this timespace because of the ways in which the mixing of the planetary
and the social that defines night speaks to contemporary debates in urban
geography. Specifically, as urban forms and infrastructure have spread and
urbanization continues across the globe, researchers have asserted that we are
entering or have entered an area of ‘planetary urbanization’, in which the
whole earth becomes subject to the conditions of urban life. The strongest
proponents of this theory see this urbanization as a continuation of the
expansion of global capital, as ever more of the globe becomes part of a single
urban system (Merrifield, 2013; Brenner and Schmid, 2015). This argument
stretches traditional claims about urban hinterlands to argue that the spread
of capitalist relations, infrastructure and the capacity to live an urban life in
the most ‘rural’ of areas mean that the city can now be said to be at one with
the planet.
   In contrast to this Marxist-rooted argument, proponents of what Derickson
(2015) calls ‘planetary urbanization 2s’ offer a similar but perhaps more cautious
description of planetary urbanization drawing from postrustrucalist and
postcolonialist theory. These theories see the contemporary urban moment as
characterized by increased exchange between cities, with urban conditions in
Global North and Global South becoming more and more alike, and the
urban form increasing in dominance. While such theories argue that the world
is highly urbanized, they are less likely to claim that this urbanization is, or
will be, total. Instead, they emphasize the unequal and differentiated nature
of urban living, looking for comparisons between the multiple different forms
of city life across the globe.
   Night in the city can interject into this debate by bringing together planetary
being and socialized being. To inhabit the urban night is to inhabit both the
earth and the constructed city environment. As such, it offers an interesting
lens for exploring these arguments about the planetary nature of urban life in
the twenty-first century. In particular, the night points to the idea that being
‘planetary’ is more than being ‘global’. Being planetary involves experiencing
the conditions of living on earth as a planet. Night is one such condition; it is
inevitable, even if developments in technology mean that it has been drama-
tically altered. In this book, I argue that if we understand being as planetary,
4   Introduction
then we need to follow the suggestions of Naess (1989) and Guattari (2000)
and develop an ecosophical understanding of the earth. In other words, we need
to put the knowledge of planetary being and our relationship to earth as a home
(the Greek oikos, which has resulted in our contemporary prefix ‘eco-’,
meaning both ‘home’ and ‘family’) at the heart of our research. In addition to
this, introducing the night as a topic of enquiry brings in questions about the
rhythms of the city in a planetary context. In other words, are there spaces
which are ‘urbanized’ at day but not urbanized at night? Would it be mean-
ingful to continue to speak of temporal boundaries to urbanism in the world,
even if spatial boundaries are being or have been eroded? Exploring some of
these questions, and understanding the difference that night makes, is the key
aim of this book.
   The Nocturnal City draws from my own research experience, from the wider
published literature and from social and geographical theory. Inevitably, there
will be some gaps. The book could say more about the themes of rest and
relaxation, and it does not explore the research on night shift work that to
date has mainly focused on physical and psychological health. The organisation
of the book means that issues of race, gender, sexuality and other identity
positions are spread throughout the work, rather than forming a central part
of any one chapter. In part, this is a result of the argument that the urban
night is a ‘subjectivity machine’, producing both urban space and the people
within it; the book focuses more on these underlying processes and their
mechanisms, rather than the experiential components of the urban night
that emerge from them. Nonetheless, it is worth highlighting here that the
subjects produced in the night-time city do not encounter it equally. Night-
time cities are spaces in which, broadly speaking, men are more freely able
to choose to enter, while women are more likely to be forced to enter for
work. People from ethnic minorities in any given country are more likely to
suffer violence at night than at day. While historically used as cover from
surveillance by LGBT people or political dissidents in many countries, the
night also has dangers in it for both groups. The reduction in visibility and
increase in conviviality that come with night do not remove the structured
problems of day.
   Chapters 1 and 2 provide conceptual underpinnings for the book. In
Chapter 1, I position the book within urban theory, and in particular the
debates surrounding planetary urbanization that I have introduced here. By
bringing the writing of Felix Guattari to the forefront in particular, I hope to
offer fresh perspectives on the urban–world relationship that is at the heart of
the planetary urbanization debate yet perhaps somewhat overlooked. Guattari’s
theorization of the ‘Three Ecologies’ of self–society–earth provides an espe-
cially useful framework for considering what is brought together in the urban
night, and how we might continue to conceptualize planetary urbanization.
Chapter 2 turns to conceptualizations of the night in social science, with a
view to bringing out how it has been understood as an object of research.
Central to this chapter is the argument that night should be understood as a
                                                                       Introduction    5
‘fragmenting frontier’, a borderland between urban and non-urban that is
becoming increasingly stretched.
   Chapters 3, 4 and 5 all illustrate some key fields in which researchers have
explored the night. Chapter 3 focuses on infrastructures, using lighting as its
key example; it introduces the concept of the ‘biogeoastronomical’ night to
describe those elements of night which emerge because of planetary living.
Chapter 4 discusses the night-time economy and attempts to connect the best-
researched case – the UK – to global night-time leisure in cities. Chapter 5 is
a discussion of the aesthetics of the night that have emerged, contrasting the
city as spectacular with the city as spectacle: that is, the urban night as a site
of display versus the urban night as a site for exploration. Here, I focus on
night as aesthetic to try to get at its use as a way of promoting ways of living
in the city.
   Chapter 6 moves us beyond the public sphere and into the night at home. It
looks at how the domestic night troubles narratives of planetary urbanism as
a way of asking whether we can find in the night-time city some of the
boundaries to this idea, the outside of the city that Brenner (2014) claims
does not exist.
   In Chapter 7, I conclude with a reflection on these temporal limits to the
city, and offer a few suggestions as to what a future ‘nightology’ might study.
   The urban night is a fruitful place, both dark underbelly of the city and a
core element of how we must understand urbanism as a way of life. This book
brings together a range of ideas from many fields and explains how these can
help us unpack the urban night, and in so doing understand planetary urban
life. The night has appeared in fragments and moments in a range of different
research projects. Taken as a whole, it provides a new opportunity to consider
the conditions of planetary urban living – the ways in which earth, society
and self come together uniquely in the built environment.
References
Brenner, N. (2014) ‘Introduction: Urban theory without an outside’, in Brenner, N.
  (ed.) Implosions/Explosions. Berlin: Jovis, pp. 14–31.
Brenner, N. and Schmid, C. (2015) ‘Towards a new epistemology of the urban?’, City,
  19(2–3), pp. 151–182.
Callard, F. (2014) ‘Hubbub: Troubling rest through experimental entanglements’, The
  Lancet, 384(9957), p. 1839.
Carr, C. (2017) ‘Maintenance and repair beyond the perimeter of the plant: Linking
  industrial labour and the home’, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers,
  online early access: http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/tran.12183/full (acces-
  sed 17 October 2017).
Crary, J. (2013) 24/7. Los Angeles: Verso.
Deleuze, G. and Guattari, F. (1987) A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia.
  Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Derickson, K.D. (2015) ‘Urban geography I: Locating urban theory in the “urban
  age”’, Progress in Human Geography, 39(5), pp. 647–657.
6   Introduction
Dunn, N. (2016) Dark Matters. Arlesford: Zero Books.
Edensor, T. (2017) From Light to Dark. Minneappolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Eder, M. and Öz, Ö. (2014) ‘Neoliberalization of Istanbul’s nightlife: Beer or champagne?’,
   International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 39(2), pp. 284–304.
Fjær, E.G., Pedersen, W. and Sandberg, S. (2016) ‘Party on wheels: Mobile party
   spaces in the Norwegian high school graduation celebration’, British Journal of
   Sociology, 67(2), pp. 328–347.
Graham, S. and Thrift, N. (2007) ‘Out of Order: Understanding Repair and
   Maintenance’, Theory, Culture and Society, 24(3), pp. 1–25.
Guattari, F. (2000) The Three Ecologies. London and New Brunswick, NJ: Athlone
   Press.
Jayne, M., Valentine, G. and Holloway, S.L. (2011) Alcohol, Drinking, Drunkenness:
   (Dis)orderly Spaces. Aldershot: Ashgate.
Jóhannesson, G.T. and Lund, K.A. (2017) ‘Aurora Borealis: Choreographies of dark-
   ness and light’, Annals of Tourism Research, 63, pp. 183–190.
Merrifield, A. (2013) ‘The urban question under planetary urbanization’, International
   Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 37(3), pp. 909–922.
Naess, A. (1989) Ecology, Community and Lifestyle. Translated by Rothenberg, D.
   Cambridge: Cambridge Unviersity Press.
Pritchard, S.B. (2017) ‘The trouble with darkness: NASA’s Suomi satellite images of
   earth at night’, Environmental History, online early access: https://academic.oup.
   com/envhis/article-abstract/22/2/312/2998686/The-Trouble-with-Darkness-NASA-
   s-Suomi-Satellite (accessed 17 October 2017).
Stone, T. (2017) ‘The value of darkness: A moral framework for urban nighttime
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   com/article/10.1007/s11948-017-9924-0 (accessed 17 October 2017).
Wang, F., Zhang, L., Zhang, Y., Zhang, B., He, Y., Xie, S., Li, M., Miao, X., Chan,
   E.Y.Y. and Tang, J.L. (2014) ‘Meta‐analysis on night shift work and risk of metabolic
   syndrome’, Obesity Reviews, 15(9), pp. 709–720.
1      Changing spaces, changing times
       Urban futures
On New Year’s Eve, around the world, people in cities, towns and villages
celebrate in a routine choreographed according to the globe’s complex and
geopolitically constructed time zones. Where and when the New Year begins
is somewhat contested: in 1995, Kiribati shifted the time zone of its most
easterly islands, ostensibly to iron out logistical difficulties of having land
either side of the International Date Line, but conveniently making Caroline
Island the first inhabited land to reach the year 2000, an event which resulted
in the island being renamed ‘Millennium Island’ and hosting a celebration
viewed by a billion people across the world. Starting in Kiribati, New Year
celebrations travel roughly westwards, bringing to cities in the middle of the
night fireworks, public gatherings, dances, concerts, public broadcasts and
other celebrations. Twenty-six hours later on Baker Island – actually a few
hundred miles to the northwest of Millennium Island – the final celebrations
are held by the few US naval personnel serving at this isolated base.
   Between Kiribati and the USA, then, this celebration incorporates local,
regional and national cultures, at the same time as marking a globalized
system in which a European–Christian calendar has become the international
standard. This nocturnal celebration is at once simultaneous – in that it
occurs in all countries at midnight – and separated, travelling around the
world. It is made up of both small moments (house parties, individuals with
fireworks, families seated around the television) and large moments (specta-
cular events, with cities such as Sydney, Dubai, London, Paris and New York
competing with one another to host the biggest or most extravagant firework
displays). It is marked by its mundanity, as an annual reoccurrence, in which
many people will not participate, but also by its rupture, as a moment of
celebration and unity into which many people put a lot of emotional energy.
It is notable in the almost unique centrality it places on midnight: while other
festivals or celebrations contain nocturnal components, no other event brings
a worldwide focus to the night at the same time, across cultures.
   This moment and the contradictions that it contains reveal many of the
difficulties that we face when considering how a globalized world connects
together. How do we resolve the gaps between the specific or the individual
and the general or the collective? Cities are sites in which many people
8   Changing spaces, changing times
collectively experience the same events, emotions, routines and so forth, but in
which these experiences are vastly differentiated according to both individual
circumstance and large socio-cultural groupings. As many people are alienated
and excluded from urban life as are enchanted and enraptured by it. We could
if we wanted describe New Year’s Eve in terms of the flows that go into
making ‘event capitalism’; we could write with reference to the society of the
spectacle, or to Baudrillard’s simulacra; we could contrast the excess of cele-
bration with the waste and damage that it creates; we could discuss it as an
event of globalization; we could explore the role of ritual within society; we
could take a practice theory or actor-network approach, showing the complex
processes of organization and coordination through which such events occur.
To a greater or lesser degree, all these approaches have validity. However, each
of them would tell us only part of the story about New Year’s Eve. They
would reveal some of the ways in which different relations result in the pro-
duction of spaces, moments and events in which the very being of urban
dwellers is created out of their relations to the bodies and events around
them. However, each narrative would also hide something, elide differences
and overlook complexities.
   In this chapter, I will offer my own narrative in relation to global urbanism.
The aim will be to show how both conceptual development and empirical
exploration of the urban night can expand our understanding of global urban
life more broadly. I do so with the aim that this narrative and theorization be
understood as adding something to previous accounts, rather than correcting
or contradicting them. Therefore, I will address the city in this chapter before
providing an introduction to the nocturnal in Chapter 2.
   My approach begins with the premise that cities are machines which
through all of the processes described above produce the people who inhabit
the city, the built environment and the social norms that define urban life. My
reading is inspired by the French philosopher, psychologist and activist Felix
Guattari’s conceptualization of the machine:
    If one broadens the concept of machine beyond its technical aspects and
    takes into account its economic, ecological and abstract dimensions and
    even the desiring machines that people our unconscious drives, one must
    treat the mass/aggregate of urban and architectural machinery as machinic
    components, all the way down to their smallest subgroupings.
                                                      (Guattari, 1993, p. 145)
Guattari is not the typical first choice of the urban theorist, but his work
offers an interesting way for thinking about cities. In particular, I find him
useful in helping frame urban life as at the intersection of what he calls the
‘environmental ecology, social ecology and mental ecology’ (Guattari, 1993).
In other words, urban life emerges jointly out of the natural/built environment,
social norms and power relations, and the psycho-social sense of self and
identity. In a 1990 public lecture titled ‘Space and Corporeity’, given just
                                            Changing spaces, changing times      9
eighteen months before his death, he predicted that urban studies would face
the need to respond to shifts in the relationship between these ecologies and,
as he outlined in more detail elsewhere, the necessary response would need to
be an ‘ecosophy’ (a ‘knowledge of the home’) that would involve producing
an ‘ethico-aesthetic paradigm’ (Guattari, 1995; 2000). In other words, the
challenge for future urban studies would be to find ways of producing under-
standings of cities as inhabited machines which produce. In developing this
understanding, researchers might offer small insights into the production of
more egalitarian societies in which people live with both the ‘natural’ and
‘built’ environment around them. Guattari, in his own writing and in his
collaborations with Gilles Deleuze, developed a vision of the social world as
emerging out of the intersections of the environmental, social and psycholo-
gical. In conversation with contemporary urban theory, this can provide what
is for me a persuasive vision of the urban world that can help us answer
questions about changes to urban life today.
   As cities become bigger, as speeds of communication become faster, as
technology becomes more pervasive, the urban subjectivity machine is changing
in both positive and negative ways. To focus on the more negative challenges
that this transformation of urban life is bringing is to focus on multiple new
and emerging challenges. Extreme rural poverty is being replaced with pre-
carious urban poverty. Droughts and famines may become rarer, but insecurity
increases in the informal settlements of megacities around the globe, in the
deindustrialized cities of many developed counties and in the cities globally
that experience a daily threat of terrorism. Basic services, information and
other facilities are now more readily accessible by greater percentages of the
globe’s population than ever before, but at the cost of reduced interactions
with people, increased centralization of power, and a series of increasingly
negative and alienating affective experiences (Berlant, 2011). Urban violence
replaces rural oppression. Gentrification dispossesses the poor, so that the
richest cities become more and more the playthings of a small, elite global
group. In urban studies, the current desire to rethink the city can be connected to
the empirical and conceptual recognition of these trends, which were predicted
by many key theorists of the late twentieth century.
   But in this list of contemporary problems, why then look at the urban
night? My answer is that the night is uniquely placed at the intersection of the
three ecologies (environment, society and self) that Guattari identifies. It helps
us understand the intersection of these three fields, and the way in which they
mechanically produce urban life. So while this book is clearly not the place
for answering all the challenges of the contemporary city, it can offer two key
contributions. First, it uses the urban night as a useful case study: how has
this particular timespace been transformed, altered and shaped as cities have
grown and time has accelerated? Almost uniquely, ‘night’ is a feature of every
single city across the globe; some version of it is universal. As we shall see,
during the twentieth century the night was repeatedly characterized as a time
that was being ‘colonized’ by day; a ‘frontier’, akin to the spatial frontiers of
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            [1861] 439 a Sarteano e più lievemente a Montepulciano.
Nel 22, a 3^ a., una poco sensibile in quest' ultima località ed a 7^
15"^ a. a Cetona una forte. [1048] 1861. Ottobre 16. Porli. QrARiNi
F. : / terr. a Forli^ pa^r. 96-99 - Malvasia-De Rossi: Documenti ecc.,
pa^. 101 pbrrey a.: XaU sur les tretnàL i86i, pag. 96 > piovene g.:
Cron, dei terr, a Vicenza, pajf. 56. Il 16 ottobre, a 4^ 45"* pom., in
Forlì scossa fortissima sentita con eguale intensità a Forlimpopoli, ed
a Ravenna e propagatasi anche a Bologna, a Venezia, a Trieste, a
Rimini e lievemente fino a Vicenza. A Forlì produsse screpolature in
vari muri e fece cadere moltissimi comignoli : a Ravenna durò 5" e
causò V abbattimento di qualche fumaiolo e r apertura di fenditure.
A Ravenna, ad 11^ 45" pom. lieve replica : aForll, a 2*» 30" e 6*»
a. del 17 due altre lievi, V ultima delle quali fìi pure avvertita a
Ravenna. [1049] 1861. Novenribre 19-28. Potensa. perret a. : Note
sur les trembl, en isei, pag. 99. Nel 19 novembre a Potenza scossa
che causò qualche danno : nei fi^iorni 26 e 27 altre molto forti ed a
9** 55" p. del 28 una nuova assai intensa per la quale la
popolazione usci air aperto. [1050] 1861. Dicembre 9. Vesovio.
Baratta h. : Il Vesuvio e le sue eruzioni^ Roma 1897, paf?. 152IK -
Palmieri L. : Intorno alV incendio vesuviano cominciato il di 8 die»
i86t, Napoli 1862 - Perret a. : Note sur les tremai. i86i, pa«r. 102-3 e
i862^ pa^. 108. Nei giorni 5 e 6 dicembre V imbasamento del
Vesuvio fu in preda a piccolissimi tremiti percettibili ai soli strumenti
dell' Osservatorio Vesuviano : al 7 le scosse furono pure avvertite
dalle persone : crebbero infine di intensità e di frequenza nel di 8,
specialmente dalle 11*» ant. alle 2*'30" pom. : alle 3** pom. circa si
squarciò il cono ad 1 miglio circa da Torre del Greco dando luogo al
principio di una eruzione eccentrica, che alla sera del 9 si può
considerare come già terminata. A 6** 15° ant. del giorno 9 a Torre
del Greco una scossa fece lesionare parecchie case e chiese ; fu
sentita sensibilissimamente a Napoli ed a Resina. Nella giornata
parecchie altre forti : nel di 10 due lievi al Vesuvio, air 11 una forte
(4*» 15" sic) e qualcuna nel 12-15: 5 sensibili al 16, 1 lievissima al
17 : 3 al 23 : 4 al 24 : 2 al 25 : 1 al 26, 27, 29, 30 e 31. Nel 2-3
gennaio 1862 molte lievi : nel 10, 12, 14 e 19 iiualcuna forte : al 22
altre lievi : ad 11'' ant. del 27 una assai forte : nel 28-29 varie lievi e
cosi pure al 12, 22, 26 e 28 febbraio.
          440 [1863-1864] [1051] 1863. Monteeassino (Caserta).
Bollettino dell' Osserv. del. Collegio Romano, 1868, pag. 61. Al 19
gennaio, a 7^ ant. circa, a Montecassino una violenta ed istantanea
scossa suss. produsse alcune lesioni al monastero : fu forte anche a
S. Germano, ove fece crollare qualche vecchia casa ed aprire varie
fenditure nei muri. Fino ad 1*» 30° ant. altre 7 ond. leggere ; dalle
4^ 30° alle 6*» 30° pom. tre repliche ed a vari intervalli rombi,
qualcuno dei quali accompagnato da lieve tremito. Al 20, fra 1** 30"
e 4^ a,, tre sensibilissime ond. : ad 11** 30° ant. una più forte delle
tre precedenti ; a 4*» 30" pom. replica, e nella notte varie lievi. Nel
21, a 3*» 30° ant., una sensibile ond. e nella giornata vari rombi e
tremiti : al 22, a 10** 30° pom., una forte e alti'e lievi; al 23, a 10**
15° p., una e poi altre lievi ; nel 24, ft'a 1** e 3** ant., due lievi ; ad
1** pom. una molto sensibile ed alle 11*» pom. una forte: fra le
10** pom. del 25 e 3** ant. del 26 tre scosse e cosi pure nel di
susseguente : al 27, ad 11** 15° a., quattro sensibili a pochi secondi
d'intervallo, ed a 10** 30° p. del 28 una lieve. [1052] 1863. Gennaio
30. Casanieeiola. OHEVALLBY DE RivAS: lettera su di un terr, ecc. -
Baratta m. : Materiali ecc., pa^. 156. Nel 30 gennaio, a 0^30° pom.,
a Casamicciola forte scossa ond. E-W di 2" che nella campagna
circostante fece cadere qualche muro a secco e franare varie roccie
dall' Epomeo ; fti sentita ad Ischia, a Barano, a Testacelo, a Fontana,
a Forio, a Lacco ed anche a Ventotene. Nel 22 marzo una replica a
Casamicciola ed al 29 aprile due altre, cioè, una lieve suss. con cupo
rombo a 6** 30° p., e V altra pure leggera ad 8** p. [1053] 1864.
Febbraio-marzo. Appennino Bolognese. Baratta m. : Materiali ecc.,
pajf. 156-57 - chistoni c. : Notizie sui terr. ecc., paff. 5-6 PERREY A. ;
Xote sw les trembl. i864, pag. 49-51 e 53-55. Al 7 febbraio, a 7**
45™ pom., a Modena diverse scosse ond. a 10-12» d' intervallo, la
seconda delle quali più forte. Nel giorno 8, a 6** 55°* p.. in Modena
due altre ond. N-S a 5-6' d' intervallo : questo terremoto a Castel d'
Alano (Vergato) fu forte a SE-NW : ivi furono sentite molte scosse,
alcune delle quali fortissime anche a Vergato, a Pradura, a Sasso e
specie a Porretta, ove al 7 ne furono avvertite più di 40 tra ond. e
suss. sempre precedute ed accompagnate da rombi più o meno
intensi. L' area mesosismica di questo terremoto è delineata nella
cartina 34 a pag. 362. Seguirono le seguenti repliche : 9 febbraio)
3«* a. e 12»* merid. a Castel d' Aiano altre - iO) 4^ 30™ p. una
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           ri864] 441 forte - i2) 7" a. e 4" p. due altre - i3) 8^ a. e i4)
9'' a. due mediocri; Della notte i-i-i5 a Vergato quattro mediocri,
state perù più intense a Porretta i'-\ i*" ly" p, a Modena due end.
sensibilissime - 18) 11"* a. a ^' '- ^'nsiMle sentita anche a
Savìgnano ■ i9 a Villa d' Alano nel) brusche scosse: a Porretta altre.
Afarto 9) l*" a. a Parma usa forte e T" a. una lieve. Al 15 marzo, a
2^ 45"" ani. a Modena fu sentito un terrei snitd di una serie di
riprese isolate a brevi intervalli le une e della durata totale di 15"
circa : le prime furono or Mitre SUS9.. e quindi ancora ond. A
Vergato tali Bcosse fi violenti e precedute da ben distinto rombo:
causarono pan e guasti considerevoli, cioè danni in molte case,
caduta >nioli e di una cornice di pietra del campanile. A Tolè (fl
^ato). a Savignano (fraz. di Tavemoia Reno) e specie a 2 remoto
ebbe la stessa intensità e fece cadere il campa comignoli, ed aprire
fenditure nei muri della chiesa (v pag. 362),' A Pracchia ed a Porretta
fu molto forte, e cosi naglione. A Firenze la scossa fa brusca ed a 3
riprese ; a {iresentò 3 ond. a 25' d'intervallo con la 2' più intensa. F
Parma, a Reggio e leggermente a Mantova ed a Vicenza. Al 16
marzo, a 4'' ant., a Borgotaro mediocre scossa, « una lieve : nella
notte alcune a Vergato ed a Modena : ne n Bologna nella mattina del
4 aprile ancora alcune ond. a tl064] 1864. Dicembre 12. RiHATTA U.:
Sla/erlall ecc., pag. 157 - Tcnin;T A 4" 49" 32* pom. a Firenze scossa
ond, di 10* circa, ci bile a Bologna e lederà a Modena : a 5" òS"
pom. a Firens lieve, ed a e"" 50° p. una terza appena sensibile. Nel
Mug Barberino, a Scarperia ed a Firenzuola dalle 5" poni, cin notte
fra il 12 e 13 ne furono sentite circa 13, specie fra le i danni quivi
arrecati non furono tanto considerevoli ; il < iiii stato presso
Firenzuola (Hg. 2, pag. 97), [\(&Sl 1864. Dicemttre 2i o 31. S.
Nioadr* Qarganieo h^»^^TA M.: Sull'altictla sismira nella Capllaiiala,
pair. 11-15- Palmikki L. : a proposito (tei lerr. di S. Xlra/iitro - Pkhhev
a. ; Xole )ur les treiiibl, eec Tii. SS, m, ta, 03, -!se ea. Intorno al
periodo sismico che scosse un'area limitatissi; .1 S. Nìcandro, il
Perroy reca le seguenti notizie : Febbraio 22) a S. Nìcandro scossa
ond. di 2' intesa anche a 3 nttù — Marzo 23) V' di notte, una ond.
simile alla precedei furie — Aprile S) 2^ a., circa, una verticale intesa
Ano a Foggi
The text on this page is estimated to be only 20.64%
accurate
          Nelle stesse località a 2' forte con rombo. A Siena i a 3" 15"
ant. del 28. [1071] 18B9. Novembre 28. nviiwie Merculll Q.: I UT:
della Calaòrla ecc., pag. 63-8S - Pbhxby a. : ffoU sur tet tremi/!. r~
ise9, ecc. A] 30 gennaio (S* a.) ed al 21 febbraio {7" a.) a Catanzaro
2 scos^ee ond. ed an'altra forte a 2" IS™ ani. del 30 loglio : una a
Reggio ed a Fio. 54. Catanzaro al 22 agosto, 10" 15" pom. ; al 28
agosto, verao mezzanotte fu scosso molto fortemente Pizzoni : al 12
settembre (e*" IG" a.) lejrgiermente Catanzaro s ai 21 novembre (l*"
30™ ital. notte) Cosenza; al Ut) la Calabria Ullcriore ed infine al 28 a
Monteleone terremoto vin 
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accurate
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