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Language and Space Theories and Methods An
International Handbook of Linguistic Variation Volume 1
1st Edition Peter Auer Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Peter Auer,Jurgen Erich Schmidt
ISBN(s): 9783110220278, 311022027X
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 7.43 MB
Year: 2010
Language: english
Language and Space:
Theories and Methods

HSK 30.1
Handbücher zur
Sprach- und Kommunikations-
wissenschat
Handbooks o Linguistics
and Communication Science

Manuels de linguistique et
des sciences de communication

Mitbegründet von Gerold Ungeheuer ()

Mitherausgegeben 19852001 von Hugo Steger

Herausgegeben von / Edited by / Edités par

Herbert Ernst Wiegand

Subseries:
Language and Space
An International Handbook o Linguistic Variation
Edited by Jürgen Erich Schmidt

Band 30.1

De Gruyter Mouton
Language and Space
An International Handbook o
Linguistic Variation
Volume 1: Theories and Methods

Edited by
Peter Auer and Jürgen Erich Schmidt

De Gruyter Mouton
ISBN 978-3-11-018002-2
e-ISBN 978-3-11-022027-8
ISSN 1861-5090

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Language and space: theories and methods : an international hand-

book of linguistic variation / edited by Peter Auer, Jürgen Erich
Schmidt.
p. cm. ⫺ (Handbooks of linguistics and communication science ;
30.1)
Includes index.
ISBN 978-3-11-018002-2 (hardcover : alk. paper)
1. Language and languages ⫺ Variation. 2. Linguistic geography.
3. Dialectology. I. Auer, Peter, 1954⫺ II. Schmidt, Jürgen Erich,
1954⫺
P120.V37L33 2010
417⫺dc22
2009048180

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek

The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie;
detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de.

쑔 2010 Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, Berlin/New York

Typesetting: META Systems GmbH, Wustermark
Printing: Hubert & Co. GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen
Cover design: Martin Zech, Bremen
⬁ Printed on acid-free paper
Printed in Germany
www.degruyter.com
Introduction to the Language and Space series

In 1982 and 1983 the renowned HSK series was launched with a two-volume handbook,
Dialektologie: Ein Handbuch zur deutschen und allgemeinen Dialektforschung. Even
though this first handbook played a significant role in the subsequent success of the
series and was out of print by the mid 1990s, early plans to publish an updated edition
(as was done with other successful titles) were soon shelved. Consensus instead settled
around the view that advances in the understanding of the object of dialectological study,
along with fast-paced developments in the relevant disciplines and the need to adequately
represent the rich findings of this global research effort, made a completely fresh start
necessary.
Even though the variability of human language is in essential ways caused and con-
strained by the dimensions of time and space, and although most people today still speak
with some form of distinct regional coloring, dialects isolated from supranational and
standard varieties are increasingly becoming marginal phenomena, right across the
world. Accordingly, a reorientation of research into language and space has begun ⫺
shifting from a discipline focused on the reconstruction of premodern language states
(traditional dialectology) to approaches dedicated to a precise analysis of the dynamic
processes at work within complex language systems and their explanation in terms of
cognitive and interactive-cum-communicative factors.
This shift in emphasis towards embodied and evolving language has led to a blurring
of the established boundaries between dialectology, sociolinguistics and language contact
studies and to the adoption of impulses from geography, sociology and anthropology as
part of a wider reappraisal of the relationship between geographical place and cultural
space. Additionally, a way has needed to be found to take account of significant differ-
ences in how language is “territorialized”. These range from traditional, sedentary settle-
ment patterns to personally mobile and electronically delocalized postindustrial life-
styles, and from semiliterate, largely oral cultural traditions through, say, the formation
and maintenance of immigrant communities and enclaves within multicultural and ur-
banized landscapes, to the inhabiting of pre-eminently social spaces in the increasingly
fragmented and ad hoc milieus of contemporary society.
Against the background of this reorientation, the idea of a subseries within the HSK
range entitled Language and Space: An International Handbook of Linguistic Variation
developed out of intensive discussions between representatives from various research
fields, the editors and publishers. Inaugurating this subseries are two “foundation” hand-
books, canvassing international developments in theory and research methods and, for
the first time, interrogating the theoretical and practical foundations of linguistic cartog-
raphy. These cross-linguistic foundational volumes are to be complemented by a loose
sequence of volumes that each analyze the full dimensions of spatial variation within an
individual language or language group whilst remaining guided by a uniform structure.
This first introductory volume, Theories and Methods, directly addresses both the
changes in the object of study (linguistic variation across “space”) and the attempts
within the relevant disciplines to adjust to the concomitant reconceptualization of its
nature. As intimated by its subtitle, the volume is divided into two halves. The first of
vi Introduction to the Language and Space series

these, the theoretical wing, encompasses a transdisciplinary discussion of the notion of

space together with critical evaluations of linguistic approaches to it plus several articles
on the structure and dynamics of (and between) language spaces. The second, methodo-
logical wing details and showcases traditional and contemporary methods of data collec-
tion, analysis and presentation in linguistic geography and language variation studies,
with special emphasis on the methodological problems within the individual structural
domains (phonology, prosody, morphology, lexis, syntax and discourse) and a series of
illustrative and multifaceted case studies.
The second volume, Language Mapping, addresses a striking deficit in the field of
studies into language and space. To date there has never been a collected consideration
of the many issues impinging upon the creation and use of maps in the investigation of
language, its distribution and variation. Within various major languages, schools and
traditions have emerged within which problems have been addressed and approaches
have been refined, but there has been a dearth of exchange between these traditions.
Starting from a thoroughgoing consideration of the conceptual, cognitive and carto-
graphic fundamentals of committing languages to maps, the second foundational volume
also explores the individual traditions, their origins, peculiarities and strengths, before
considering numerous aspects of the revolutionary enabling impact of computing on
language mapping and some of the intersections between the cartography of language
and other fields of human endeavor. Naturally, given the topic, the volume will be ac-
companied by an extensive, separately bound collection of maps.
These two foundation stones are to be followed by a series of works that will, while
oriented to a uniform structure, thoroughly explore the current state of research into the
spatial dimensions of particular languages or language areas. Given linguists’ increased
awareness of the complexity of the relationship between language and physical space,
and of the fiction of a single “authentic” variety per speaker, the volumes are focused on
(groups of) languages rather than regions and attempt to chart their internal variational
structure and dynamics, their interface with other languages and their distribution across
physical, social and cultural space. Each volume will open with a section examining the
history of investigation into the language(s) in question, the foci of current research and
perceived deficits. Then the genesis of the (areal) linguistic constellations and variety
spectra will be treated along with a complete anatomy of the language space. But the
bulk of each volume will be devoted to a detailed description of linguistic subregions
and domains including, obviously, those which transcend traditional bounded spaces as
well as attitudes and social configurations, and to an exploration of aspects specific to
the language (group), including its use in a range of locations as a postcolonial or an
immigrant language, the roles of various media and the techniques and technology used
to present results.
For the noble HSK handbook tradition, Language and Space thus represents the
revisiting, after more than a quarter of a century, of one of the fundamental dimensions
of human language in all its variety and flux. The new series attempts to draw together
and take account of the advances in our understanding of this dimension, broaching the
boundaries between disciplines, questioning but not abandoning established traditions,
drilling down into the concept of space itself, in order to bring to its readers some of
the excitement of the scientific hunt for that most immanent quarry ⫺ language itself.

Jürgen Erich Schmidt, Marburg (Germany)

19 June 2009
Introduction to this volume

Theory and Methods, the introductory volume of the Language and Space series, is ap-
pearing at a point in time when the theoretical and methodological reorientation of
research into the interplay of language and space is in full swing. It is illuminating to
see this current reorientation against the background of the major research tradition and
developments within the disciplines involved, since this also reveals how the present
handbook positions itself.
At the time when Georg Wenker and Jules Gilliéron were establishing linguistic geog-
raphy (the late nineteenth century), other linguists were already struggling to gain a
theoretically and methodologically adequate understanding of the variability of language
and expressing surprisingly modern theoretical and methodological concerns. As early
as 1880, for instance, the neogrammarian Philipp Wegener set out a program with which
the “unendliche menge” of “sprachformen” (‘infinite number of linguistic forms’; 1880:
465) of areally, socially and contextually determined linguistic variation should be ap-
proached, starting out from individual village dialects. In 1905 and based on detailed
observations of numerous, carefully socially classified informants, Louis Gauchat un-
dertook an analysis of linguistic variation within the village of Charmey (in Switzerland)
before reaching the conclusion that “l’unité du patois … est nulle” (‘the unity of the
dialect is zero’; 1905: 222). The critical methodological insight to emerge from his work
was that the alleged homogeneity of a village dialect was in fact an artifact (1905: 179,
222; vs. Zimmerli 1899). However, methodical and practical constraints long prevented
these early insights into the complexity of linguistic variation from playing a key role in
the shaping of research undertakings. Wegener failed to develop a methodology that was
adequate to the task of dealing with the complex research goals, and while Gauchat’s
laborious methods were of use in providing a meticulous analysis of the linguistic dy-
namics in a single village (also cf. Enderlin 1910, who even employed covert data collec-
tion techniques), they were not suited to gaining an overview of the areal dimension of
linguistic variation.
In hindsight, it therefore appears almost inevitable that, despite these efforts, robust,
relatively simple to execute, yet also reductionist methods have dominated research for
so long: introspection (in the neogrammarian paradigm of Ortsgrammatiken) and, even
more importantly, surveys featuring translation and naming tasks (traditional dialect
geography). With the help of these methods, an enormous effort over several generations
of European researchers produced an abundance of relatively precise descriptions of the
phonology, phonetics, lexicon and morphology of the dialects spoken in specific loca-
tions, alongside monumental dialect atlases that provide an accurate but partial account
of variation in spoken language across space. The methodological standards of this ep-
och of language and space research increasingly aimed at establishing strict comparabil-
ity across space with the highest possible density of survey locations. As a consequence,
the heterogeneous groups of informants originally selected for the national dialect atlases
(of Wenker and Gilliéron) were replaced in the later regional atlases by informants with
identical social characteristics (elderly, sedentary men and women with little education
and manual occupations), indirect survey methods based on the distribution of written
viii Introduction to this volume

questionnaires (Wenker) were replaced by direct (face-to-face) surveys conducted by

phonetically trained fieldworkers, and so on.
The enormous wealth of data on spatial variation in spoken language accumulated
in this way opened up fascinating possibilities for the analysis of language change; it
allowed the study of the effects of both internal and external factors on language and
reconstructions of the processes that may have produced the areal distributions discov-
ered. For structuralists, it allowed the defining of systems of contrasts between broad
dialectal areas. All this obscured the fact that the mainstream of dialectology had taken
a reductionist turn, ignoring the fundamental problems Gauchat had astutely recognized
so early on. The intrinsic heterogeneity of language and its embedding in a range of
social and other factors was excluded, so that in the end only the spatial dimension re-
mained.
While Wegener and Gauchat were confronted with the problem of how to develop
adequate methods of data collection, later attempts to break away from the monodimen-
sional and homogenizing approach of dialect geography suffered from the lack of appro-
priate analytic techniques; in the end, analysis was often replaced by pure documenta-
tion. The sound archives which began to be set up relatively soon after the emergence
of viable recording technologies and which recorded “the individual language, at the
same location, of persons of differing age, gender and social standing” (Wagner 1924⫺
1925: 230; our translation) are one example. Another example is Hans Kurath’s Linguis-
tic Atlas of New England, for which, between 1931 and 1933, direct survey techniques
were used to collect variants from six “types” of informants who differed in level of
education, degree of social contact, age and general attitude (“old fashioned” vs.
“modern”).
Significantly, the decisive methodological breakthrough finally came from outside,
namely from the sociolinguistics of urban life. The complex sociolinguistic reality of
contemporary, urbanized societies could not be adequately captured using traditional
dialectological methods (cf. Chambers and Trudgill 1980: 55⫺56). Borrowing quantita-
tive methods from the social sciences, William Labov (1966) grounded a new discipline
that was able to observe and precisely analyze the facets of urban language use of repre-
sentative social groups. Aside from Labov, it was the pioneering work of linguists such
as John Gumperz, Joshua Fishman, Leslie Milroy, Peter Trudgill and many others which
led to the rapid development of an independent and extremely successful new discipline:
sociolinguistics. With increasingly refined data collection and analysis techniques, it was
finally possible to isolate the social, interactional and attitudinal factors that steer the
complex language use of disparate social groups, to uncover the regularities behind the
variational registers and styles of groups of speakers and finally, through the combina-
tion of apparent and real-time studies, to capture the dynamics of language change.
But, mirroring the origins of language and space research, it was the roaring success
of sociolinguistics which ⫺ for methodological and practical reasons ⫺ at the same time
led to a renewed narrowing of focus. Whereas traditional dialectology suppressed the
complexity of linguistic variation beyond the areal dimension and favored the survey
and analysis of rural informants’ dialect knowledge to the exclusion of language usage
data, sociolinguistics tended to ignore both variation across space and competence data.
The amount of effort required to gain valid spontaneous speech data in comparable
contexts made the systematic investigation of the full spread of linguistic variation across
space appear an impossible task. It was also not clear how a valid analytic connection
Introduction to this volume ix

could be established between the new corpora of spoken everyday language and the data
on dialect knowledge elicited by traditional dialectologists.
The separate developments in traditional dialectology and modern quantitative socio-
linguistics (with its equally rigid methodology) thus led to the isolation of dimensions of
language variation that were in fact intimately interconnected and to the creation of
apparently incompatible data classes.
In comparison to the situation described above and documented in the earlier hand-
books in this series on Dialektologie (1982⫺1983) and Sociolinguistics/Soziolinguistik
(first edition 1987⫺1988), i. e., 30 years ago, the current landscape has shifted fundamen-
tally. The strict boundaries between sociolinguistics and dialectology have fallen, and
approaches have been developed in which theoretical and empirical linguistics can be
interrelated in promising ways. It should be immediately obvious why research on lan-
guage and space has a significant role to play here. No other dimension of variation so
fundamentally shapes the diversity of human language as does space, both across and
within languages. The spatial, social and contextual dimensions are inextricably linked
to each other, and language diversity and variability are related in complex ways to
interactional and attitudinal factors. The problem that shaped the very beginnings of
language and space research, namely how to obtain data on language use and language
competence that are both reliable and comparable (across space), still awaits a workable
solution. But nowhere else in the field of linguistics are we (or have we ever been) offered
such a great opportunity to analytically combine a wealth of data about well-chosen
sectors of the linguistic knowledge of areally distributed groups of speakers at different
times with a wealth of well-documented data about sectors of the variable speech behav-
ior of speakers in such a way that empirical explanations for the fundamental questions
posed by a theory of language (change) can be found.
The Theory and Methods volume has set itself the goal of rendering the current meth-
odological and theoretical reinvigoration of language and space research visible and, in
so doing, of highlighting the innovative impulses this is bringing to the whole of linguis-
tics. If we are right, it is the following lines of development which have characterized
research into language and space over the last thirty years:
⫺ A breakdown of interdisciplinary barriers, as a consequence of which a field of study
emerges which reaches far beyond classical dialectology and sociolinguistics to also
encompass language contact studies, linguistic and areal typology, theoretical linguis-
tics and cognitive sciences and which draws in and adapts impulses from geography
and anthropology.
⫺ A turn to the exploration of the entire spectrum of language variation, in which the
two fields of dialectology and sociolinguistics are being drawn closer together. On the
one hand, traditional dialectology’s monodimensional surveys of linguistic compe-
tence have been expanded to include competence data from different social groups
(starting with Fujiwara’s work in Japan, 1974⫺1976) and finally combined with the
systematic collection of speech data across space (pluridimensional dialectology, cf.
Thun in this volume). On the other hand, community studies centered upon specific
locations have increasingly begun to take the spatial dimension of linguistic variation
into account (thereby putting an end to the “sidelining of the spatial in early varia-
tionism”, cf. Britain in this volume), so that ⫺ at least in Europe ⫺ the broad devel-
opment of regional varieties can be sketched (cf. Auer 2005).
x Introduction to this volume

⫺ The development of web-based resources which cross-connect data on the dialect

knowledge of groups of speakers collected at different points in time with data from
historical sound archives and more recent surveys of regional speech. This enables
real-time analyses across space in which stability and change in regional varieties can
be tracked and the effects of interactional and cognitive/linguistic factors accurately
determined (Schmidt in this volume).
⫺ The end of the traditional focus on monolingual, immobile speakers from small re-
gions or specific locations. More recent language and space research asks about the
linguistic foundation of spaces (and places) of all sizes: from those which have tradi-
tionally formed the focus of dialectological research (villages or regions) to politically
defined territories (such as nation-states) which assume a (standard) language as their
correlate and ideological justification, from global spaces called into existence by
European colonial expansion (overseas varieties of European languages, pidgins and
creoles) via supranational regions in which languages have converged (sprachbund)
to transnational spaces emerging with the support of electronic media in the age of
globalization.
⫺ The emergence and development of folk linguistics, in which the subjective spatial
structurings (including evaluations) that speakers develop are systematically investi-
gated. It takes as its object those perceived differences between the ways in which
people speak that enable them to locate conversation partners within larger frames
of reference ⫺ frames which, however, are still dependent upon the “placing” partici-
pant’s perspective, i. e., on his or her life-world (cf. Niedzielski and Preston 2000).
⫺ The rapprochement between theoretical linguistics and language and space research.
In the last decades, language and space research has begun to systematically reclaim
the long-neglected research fields of areal syntax (e. g., SAND and SADS) and pros-
ody. Given the importance of syntactical and phonological studies (OT, autosegmen-
tal phonology) for theoretical linguistics, this creates the preconditions for a system-
atic consideration of the areal dimension of linguistic variation in the ongoing
attempts to theoretically model the cognitive processes supporting language.
⫺ A focus on postmodern views of the language and space connection. In the wake of
globalization, especially the increasing speed of communication and enlarged com-
municative reach, studies have set out to explore the consequent changes in the degree
to which language is spatially bounded. At the forefront of these investigations is a
focus on the dissolution of traditional ties to space on the one hand, and on new
ways of symbolizing belonging in spatial terms (cf. place-making activities) on the
other. We will discuss this highly productive development in more detail below.
The powerful impulses currently re-orienting language and space research are not ex-
hausted by the empirical investigation of the relation of language to space in its full
complexity. At the same time, the notion of space itself is no longer taken for granted
and has become the object of theoretical reflection. Potential docking points are earlier
and ongoing discussions in geography (cf. Johnstone 2004 and in this volume or Cress-
well 2004 for a geographer’s point of view) or Simmel’s (1903) sociological theory of
space, not to mention the phenomenological tradition spearheaded by Edmund Husserl
(cf. Günzel 2006).
Any linguistic theory of space will need to acknowledge the central importance of the
empirical fact of a multilayered relationship between language and space together with
its historical development, the contours of which can be sketched as follows.
Introduction to this volume xi

The primary form of the relationship of language to space is the product of millennia
of exclusively face-to-face interactions leading to the development of commonalities and
differences in linguistic systems in pre-modern times. Speakers’ perception and recogni-
tion of language differences occurred within a spatial framework, which led to an evalu-
ation of language in terms of the basic categories of own vs. other. Spatially differentiated
speech therefore did not just provide the base medium for the interactive constitution of
social and cultural systems, themselves perceived in relation to space. Rather, linguistic
categorizations and evaluations were an integral part of these systems, and language
differences an indexical (socially symbolic) expression of them.
In two important transformations, the nature of this pre-modern “language⫺body⫺
place connection” (as Quist, this volume, puts it) has altered and become more complex.
In a first, modern transformation, this connection was dissolved by the uniformitarian
language ideology that the modern nation-state imposes upon its citizens: the individual
no longer just belongs to the local Gemeinschaft, co-extensive with Schütz’s “world
within … actual and potential reach” (Schütz and Luckmann [1983] 1989: 166) and
characterized by strong network ties based on face-to-face communication; beyond this
local Gemeinschaft, there is the imagined community of the nation-state, which is beyond
the reach of the individual subject. This community is symbolically present through its
national standard language, a language variety which is by definition distributed evenly
over the territory of the nation-state, although it is not evenly distributed across the
social layers of the population. The invention of printing plays a central role here. It
made linguistic interactions in the absence of direct personal contact possible, which in
turn enabled the emergence of written norms across larger areas and laid the foundation
for wide-scale (national) pronunciation norms.
The tension between the local vernacular (dialect) and a uniform state language estab-
lished a new dimension of sociolinguistic variability; it became a motor and symbol of
social differentiation and thereby defined a social space (Mæhlum in this volume), i. e.,
a vertical structure on top of the existing horizontal one. What used to be nothing more
than the “natural” way of speaking in a given location (“first order indexicality” in the
sense of Johnstone, Andrus and Danielson 2006), now became, in the worst case, the
language of the underprivileged classes who had no access to education, a variety that
needed to be avoided in out-group situations, or, in the best case, a symbol of regional
or local belonging (“second order indexicality”; Johnstone, Andrus and Danielson 2006).
The second social and medial transformation which has untied the body⫺language⫺
place connection is the post-modern one. Its wider context is the process of globalization,
which accelerated during the last quarter of the last century, a period which Bauman
(1998: 8) calls the “Great War of Independence from space”. There has been not just an
enormous increase in the speed at which capital and information flow freely around the
world (beyond the control of the nation-state), but also, for expanding groups of speak-
ers (especially migrants and elites), a fundamental shift in the spatial boundedness of life
and language. As a consequence of the effective overcoming of distance (for both face-
to-face and mediated communication), the individual’s communicative reach is enlarged.
Where people reside and where they are socialized can have less influence on their com-
municative practices than forms of communication that transcend spatial separation.
Alongside the typical, historically anchored, complex, yet monolingual registers of
groups of speakers, clusters of speakers can increasingly be observed whose linguistic
repertoires are composed of variants typical of a region, urban speech forms that have
xii Introduction to this volume

arisen among linguistically heterogeneous peer groups and pan-ethnolectal forms origi-
nating from different contact languages, etc.
But not only has this untying of the language-body⫺space connection led to a com-
plex, multilayered situation in which pre-modern and modern groups of speakers co-
exist with post-modern ones; it has also evoked counter-tendencies. The age of globaliza-
tion has given rise to a new interest in symbolizing belonging in spatial terms, in turning
abstract space into places, which are impregnated with meaning and which symbolize
belonging. People living in a location ⫺ whether born there or (more often) not ⫺ may
choose to construe a local identity for themselves. These place-making activities use the
symbols of (local) language(s):
⫺ multilingual street signs and graffiti (Auer 2009) colonize public spaces and symbolize
their producers’ claims to them;
⫺ dialects and autochthonous minority languages are revitalized in order to mark lo-
cal belonging;
⫺ dialects and minority languages may also become folklorized and commodified; they
then become part of the way in which a location presents itself to its inhabitants and
to outsiders as “special”, “genuine” or “authentic”, in order to attract tourists, etc.;
⫺ dialect stereotypes help to create identity-rich places (Johnstone, Andrus and Daniel-
son 2006 call this “third order indexicality”), usually reinforced by the media (cf.
Androutsopoulos in this volume);
⫺ fragments of both the international lingua franca (English) and some immigrant mi-
nority languages become available as resources for creating new regional (“gloca-
lized”) ways of speaking, new (supra)regional styles and lects.
Space still matters. The theoretical challenge for the future will be to analyze how, to
what degree, and why it matters for language and how language matters for space. In
order to do so, we need to model (a) the interactional and social bases of the spatial
categorization of linguistic variation under pre-modern, modern and post-modern condi-
tions, (b) the conversion of heterogeneous linguistic practices into consolidated language
change in intergenerational transmission, (c) the relevance of ethnodialectological repre-
sentations of language spaces and of place-making language-related activities for lan-
guage change and (d) the relationships between large-scale (global, international), me-
dium-scale (national) and small-scale (regional) spatial frames and language contact on
all these levels. We offer up this volume in the hope that it will provide a rich foundation
for the necessary theoretical advance.
Let us now turn to an overview of the structure of the handbook.
Vis-à-vis the relation of language to space, the first half of the handbook serves the
dual goal of (comprehensively) documenting the theoretical achievements to date and
offering impulses for necessary future development. The introductory part is dedicated
to a transdisciplinary discussion of current conceptualizations of space. The concepts of
“geographical space”, “social spaces”, “political spaces” and “transnational spaces” are
examined in historical and theoretical terms with reference to the neighboring academic
disciplines, whereby their constitutive and interactively mediated relevance to language
is made clear. Insights from the “linguistic turn” in the social sciences are productively
reflected back upon their source to reveal implicit economic and ideological dimensions,
particularly in relation to territoriality, identity and standard languages. The extent to
which place is a linguistic and cultural construct becomes manifest.
Introduction to this volume xiii

As a counterfoil, Part II introduces the impressive abundance of genuinely linguistic

approaches developed over the long history of the study of the spatial dimension of
language. These range from the foundation of an exact, empirically based investigation
of linguistics (by the neogrammarians and in early linguistic geography), through the
development of structuralism (including its generative variants) and variation linguistics,
to those approaches which are currently shaping the ongoing theoretical development
and refinement: social anthropology and interactional sociolinguistics, perceptual dialec-
tology (folk linguistics) and the new linguistic dynamics approach, which attempts to
integrate linguistic-cognitive and interactional explanatory factors. The discussion of
these approaches is decidedly critical, i. e., the specific deficits of an approach are also
made visible (e.g., the tendency towards an artificial isolation of an Ortssprache ‘village
variety’ in the neogrammarian period or the virtually unexamined relation to space in
generativist theories) and the question of potential ideological exploitation is also dis-
cussed (as with the kulturmorphologische approach).
Part III addresses the consequences that emerge from the critique of spatial monodi-
mensionality in the classification of varieties and spaces. It attempts to provide insight
into the anatomy and dynamics of variety formations. The concept of a language space
here is construed broadly, i. e., as a complex experiential space constituted out of interac-
tions in a particular language and its varieties. A catalogue of the basic dimensions of
variation is followed by studies exploring the unfolding of the key recurrent dynamic
patterns of development (horizontal and vertical convergence vs. divergence and stasis
of existing varieties and the emergence of new varieties). Language spaces are generally
perceived as contiguous but, due to past or more recent migration, they can also be
discontinuous, a situation that is discussed in separate articles, as are languages which
have developed into minority languages as a result of the horizontal diffusion of stan-
dard varieties.
The perspective shifts in Part IV. While the focus on confluent and divergent develop-
ments across time and space is maintained, in contrast to the concentration on the com-
plex “internal” structure of a single dynamic language space of Part III, Part IV turns
the attention outward, to the interplay between language spaces. In addition to founda-
tion articles from the perspectives of language contact studies and areal language typol-
ogy, there are contributions that explore specific consequences of migration and colonial-
ism (pidgins and creoles, overseas varieties, new minorities) and the special case of non-
convergence in the face of continuing language contact.
The second major division of the handbook is devoted to the methods of language
and space research. Since excellent discussions of the general methods of empirical re-
search into language variation are already available in the HSK handbooks Sociolinguis-
tics / Soziolinguistik, Quantitative Linguistik / Quantitative Linguistics and Corpus Lin-
guistics, it has been possible to refrain from revisiting such topics here. Instead, given
that the effectiveness of methods and the limitations of methodological approaches can
only be properly assessed on the basis of concrete research findings, we have included a
number of illustrative case studies. These represent the various schools (and traditions)
that characterize the current research climate; they reveal the interplay between the dif-
fering methods and the concrete object of study and, taken together, offer a good over-
view of the entire span of contemporary research into language and space.
Part V takes as its topic the basic problems of data collection and corpus-building in
areal linguistic research. The articles first address the problem of how to maintain empir-
xiv Introduction to this volume

ical standards in traditional survey methods. Part V is then rounded off with an overview
of contemporary methods for collecting linguistic and attitudinal data with varying de-
grees of (un)obtrusiveness, each assessed with respect to the linguistic observer paradox.
Part VI, “Data analysis and the presentation of results”, can also be compact, since
map-based data analysis will be the topic of a separate volume (Language Mapping).
The focus is confined to developments with specific relevance to the investigation of
language and space. For instance, there have been have marked improvements in the
various methods for measuring dialectality in recent years, and these are now becoming
something of a standard analytical tool. Advances have also been made in the modes of
data presentation through linguistic atlases and dictionaries. The printed versions have
been joined by internet-based counterparts that combine and integrate numerous sources
and, by making it possible to directly compare different classes of data across time
(dynamic atlases) and space (digital networks of dictionaries), open up new and more
exact analytical possibilities. This part is rounded out by an article which attempts to
draw together the entire sweep of analytical approaches from classical dialectology via
traditional sociolinguistics to speaker-oriented interpretative social dialectology.
Part VII demonstrates the full spectrum of research topics and methodological ap-
proaches by means of exemplary studies. Three articles are devoted to different types of
regional atlases. The Swiss German dialects are taken as an example with which to
illustrate the potentially rich findings a theoretically informed analysis of the “static”
maps of a classical monodimensional linguistic atlas can offer: the diffusion of innova-
tions emerges as neither a random process nor one that is in any simple way reducible
to the prestige enjoyed by groups of speakers. Far more decisive for the development and
maintenance of regional types are language-internal structural constraints. The principles
steering the transformation of the old European base dialects into modern regional dia-
lects can be demonstrated using the example of the bidimensional atlas of the German
dialects of the Middle Rhine, which systematically took account of social and areal
dimensions. The effectiveness of pluridimensional atlases is demonstrated using the ex-
ample of Portuguese varieties (Fronterizo) in the border regions between Uruguay and
Brazil, where clear zones characterized by differing innovation rates and orientations
can be seen to have emerged under the influence of the contact languages (Spanish and
Brazilian Portuguese).
In contrast to these studies, all of which illustrate the ongoing development of genu-
inely linguistic geographic methods of data collection and analysis, three further contri-
butions present exemplary studies of urban and transnational spaces that make use of
methods developed in and adapted from sociolinguistics, social dialectology and anthro-
pology. Taking small multiethnic groups of school pupils in Copenhagen as an example,
the establishment of “communities of practice” and the social styles that shape them are
illustrated. In contrast, a methodologically diverse Swedish project studying multiethnic
groups of school pupils in different major cities reveals the problems raised in identifying
higher order urban varieties, styles or practices on the basis of a wealth of differences at
different linguistic levels. It also shows how the perception of linguistic differences is
independent of observable language use. How and why ethnographic methods can be
applied to the investigation of transnational language spaces is demonstrated using an
example from the francophone world, in which the circulation of language, identities
and resources on a global market are elucidated. This part of the handbook is rounded
off by a résumé of various studies on the role of both the mass media and new media
in the construction and perception of “linguistic locality”.
Introduction to this volume xv

While the investigation of phonetic/phonological, lexical and, to a more limited ex-

tent, morphological variation has been of central relevance from the very beginnings of
dialectology, other linguistic levels were long neglected. There are various reasons for
this: for instance, although the significance of prosody was recognized from the outset,
there was a lack of widely accepted and manageable survey and analysis procedures.
Research into areal syntax is yet another story. Here, traditional linguistic geography
underestimated the degree to which syntactic structures played a role in the formation
of language spaces and theoretical linguistics long overlooked the analytic potential
which non-written areal varieties offered for syntax. The handbook thus concludes, in
Part VIII, with a systematic consideration of the methodological problems specific to
the various structural domains. On the one hand, this makes apparent the advances that
have been made in the field since the 1982 Dialektologie handbook was published. In
phonology and morphology new analytic procedures have been developed that are capa-
ble of being applied alongside established methods; research into areal syntax has
evolved into an international hot topic from which landmark publications continue to
emerge. On the other hand, it has also become apparent where deficits and unfulfilled
wishes remain; for instance, although areal prosody studies have profited from the by
now manageable tools of instrumental analysis and the outlines of a consensual descrip-
tive system have been developed, we are still far from an even sketchily complete descrip-
tion of prosodic spatial structures (but cf. Gilles 2005 and Peters 2006). More markedly,
the investigation of areal variation in discourse structures has yet to progress beyond
the stage of initial excursions into this field of study. It remains to be hoped that, pre-
cisely through the explication of such specific research problems and the detailing of
deficits and desiderata, the necessary impulses for future research efforts will become
clear.

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2005 Europe’s sociolinguistic unity, or: A typology of European dialect/standard constell-
ations. In: Nicole Delbecque, Johan van der Auwera and Dirk Geeraerts (eds.), Perspec-
tives on Variation, 7⫺42. (Trends in Linguistics 163.) Berlin/New York: Mouton de
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Auer, Peter
2009 Visible dialect. In: H. Hovmark, I. Stampe Sletten, A. Gudiksen (eds.), I mund og bog.
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and Book. 25 Articles on Language Dedicated to Inge Lise Pedersen on her 70th Birth-
day, 5 June 2009], 31⫺46. Copenhagen: Nordisk Forskningsinstitut.
Bauman, Zygmunt
1998 Globalization: The Human Consequences. New York: Columbia University Press.
Chambers, J. K. and Peter Trudgill
1980 Dialectology. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge.
Cresswell, Tim
2004 Place: A Short Introduction. Malden, MA: Blackwell.
Enderlin, Fritz
1910 Die Mundart von Kesswil im Oberthurgau. Mit einem Beitrage zur Frage des Sprachlebens.
(Beiträge zur Schweizerdeutschen Grammatik 5.) Frauenfeld: Huber & Co.
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Fujiwara, Yoichi
1974 A Linguistic Atlas of the Seto Inland Sea. 3 vols. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press.
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2005 Regionale Prosodie im Deutschen: Variabilität in der Intonation von Abschluss und Weiter-
weisung. Berlin/New York: de Gruyter.
Günzel, Stefan
2006 Einleitung zu Teil II/Phänomenologie der Räumlichkeit. In: Jörg Dunne and Stephan
Günzel (eds.), Raumtheorie: Grundlagen aus Philosophie und Kulturwissenschaften, 105⫺
128. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp.
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2004 Place, globalization, and linguistic variation. In: Carmen Fought (ed.), Sociolinguistic
Variation ⫺ Critical Reflections, 65⫺83. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Johnstone, Barbara, Jennifer Andrus and Andrew E. Danielson
2006 Mobility, indexicality, and the enregisterment of “Pittsburghese”. Journal of English Lin-
guistics 34(2): 77⫺104.
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1966 The Social Stratification of English in New York City. Washington, DC: Center for Ap-
plied Linguistics
Peters, Jörg
2006 Intonation deutscher Regionalsprachen. Berlin/New York: de Gruyter.
Niedzielski, Nancy A. and Dennis R. Preston
2000 Folk Linguistics. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter.
Schütz, Alfred and Thomas Luckmann
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Simmel, Georg
1903 [1995] Soziologie des Raums. [In: Otthein Rammstedt (ed.), Gesamtausgabe, vol. 7:
Aufsätze und Abhandlungen 1901⫺1908, 132⫺184. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp.]
Wagner, Kurt
1924⫺1925 Grammophonische Aufnahmen deutscher Mundarten. Theutonista 1: 229⫺231.
Wegener, Philipp
1880 Über die deutsche Dialectforschung. Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie 11: 450⫺480.
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1899 Die deutsch-französische Sprachgrenze in der Schweiz. Part 3: Die Sprachgrenze im Wallis.
Basel/Geneva: H. Georg.

Peter Auer and Jürgen Erich Schmidt 1

1 Editorial responsibilities for the present volume were divided among the two editors. Parts I⫺IV were edited
in Freiburg, Parts V⫺VIII in Marburg. Peter Auer wishes to thank Elin Arbin and Carolyn Mackenzie for
their help; Jürgen Erich Schmidt thanks Mark Pennay for his editorial assistance with the project.
Contents

Introduction to the Language and Space series . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v

Introduction to this volume . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii

I. Introduction: Language and space

1. Barbara Johnstone, Language and geographical space . . . . . . . . . . 1
2. Brit Mæhlum, Language and social spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
3. Susan Gal, Language and political spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
4. Marco Jacquemet, Language and transnational spaces . . . . . . . . . . 50

II. Linguistic approaches to space

5. Robert W. Murray, Language and space: The neogrammarian tradition 70
6. Renate Schrambke, Language and space: Traditional dialect geography 87
7. Clemens Knobloch, Language and space: The kulturmorphologische
Ansatz in dialectology and the German language and space ideology,
1920⫺1960 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
8. Sjef Barbiers, Language and space: Structuralist and generative
approaches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
9. David Britain, Language and space: The variationist approach . . . . . 142
10. Penelope Eckert, Who’s there? Language and space in social anthropol-
ogy and interactional sociolinguistics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
11. Dennis R. Preston, Language, space and the folk . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
12. Jürgen Erich Schmidt, Language and space: The linguistic dynamics
approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201

III. Structure and dynamics o a language space

13. Gaetano Berruto, Identifying dimensions of linguistic variation in a
language space . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 226
14. Beat Siebenhaar, Horizontal convergence of linguistic varieties in a
language space . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241
15. Unn Røyneland, Vertical convergence of linguistic varieties in a
language space . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 259
16. Rüdiger Harnisch, Divergence of linguistic varieties in a language space 275
17. Alexandra N. Lenz, Emergence of varieties through restructuring and
reevaluation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295
18. Reinhild Vandekerckhove, Urban and rural language . . . . . . . . . . . 315
19. Claudia Maria Riehl, Discontinous language spaces (Sprachinseln) . . 332
20. Johan Taeldeman, Linguistic stability in a language space . . . . . . . . 355
21. Claus D. Pusch, Old minorities within a language space . . . . . . . . . 375
xviii Contents

IV. Structure and dynamics across language spaces

22. Shana Poplack and Stephen Levey, Contact-induced grammatical
change: A cautionary tale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 391
23. Walter Bisang, Areal language typology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 419
24. Christian Mair, The consequences of migration and colonialism I:
Pidgins and creoles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 440
25. Daniel Schreier, The consequences of migration and colonialism II:
Overseas varieties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 451
26. Thomas Krefeld, The consequences of migration and colonialism III:
New minorities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 468
27. Göz Kaufmann, Non-convergence despite language contact . . . . . . 478

V. Data collection and corpus-building

28. Werner König, Investigating language in space: Methods and empirical
standards . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 494
29. Guido Seiler, Investigating language in space: Questionnaire and
interview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 512
30. Tore Kristiansen, Investigating language in space: Experimental
techniques . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 528

VI. Data analysis and the presentation o results

31. John Nerbonne and Wilbert Heeringa, Measuring dialect differences . . 550
32. Alfred Lameli, Linguistic atlases ⫺ traditional and modern . . . . . . . 567
33. Claudine Moulin, Dialect dictionaries ⫺ traditional and modern . . . . 592
34. Juan Andrés Villena-Ponsoda, Community-based investigations:
From traditional dialect grammar to sociolinguistic studies . . . . . . . 613

VII. Exemplary studies

35. Pia Quist, Untying the language-body-place connection: A study on
linguistic variation and social style in a Copenhagen community
of practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 632
36. Walter Haas, A study on areal diffusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 649
37. Joachim Herrgen, The Linguistic Atlas of the Middle Rhine (MRhSA):
A study on the emergence and spread of regional dialects . . . . . . . . 668
38. Sally Boyd and Kari Fraurud, Challenging the homogeneity assumption
in language variation analysis: Findings from a study of multilingual
urban spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 686
39. Harald Thun, Variety complexes in contact: A study on Uruguayan and
Brazilian Fronterizo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 706
40. Monica Heller, Language as a process: A study on transnational spaces 724
41. Jannis Androutsopoulos, The study of language and space in media
discourse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 740
Contents xix

VIII. Structural domains: Methodological problems

42. Peter Gilles and Beat Siebenhaar, Areal variation in segmental
phonetics and phonology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 760
43. Peter Gilles and Beat Siebenhaar, Areal variation in prosody . . . . . . 786
44. Stefan Rabanus, Areal variation in morphology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 804
45. Dirk Geeraerts, Lexical variation in space . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 821
46. Bernd Kortmann, Areal variation in syntax . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 837
47. Norbert Dittmar, Areal variation and discourse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 865

Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 879
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
 MERRYMEETING BAY 221 pears to be a petition to the
General Court from three Indians at Fort George, in October, 1717 ;
and in response to their desire the Rev. Joseph Baxter was sent
north from Medford to preach. In the summer of 1718 Mr. Woodside,
with from twentyfive to forty families, reached Casco Bay from the
Irish Londonderry, or from "Derry Lough.' ' The company went from
Falmouth over land or by water to Merrymeeting Bay, as described in
the deposition of Jane McFadden. Woodside appears to have settled
down, temporarily at least, with his family at Falmouth. It is probable
that the McGregor colony, with the Rev. Mr. Cornwall, had not yet
arrived at Casco Bay, for they are known to have reached there in
cold weather. Furthermore, Mr. Cornwall dined in Boston with Judge
Sewall as late as October 16, 1718, and as he probably sailed with
the rest of his party, the departure was no doubt as late as the end
of October. The settlers at Brunswick, having been without Mr.
Baxter's ministrations for six months, voted in town meeting
November 3, 1718, to call Mr. Woodside from Falmouth. The vote
touches upon several details of interest, and it is given here: "Att a
Leagual Town meeting in Brunswick Novmber 3d 1718, It was Voted
That whereas the Proprietors of Sd Township in their paternal Care
for our Spiritual Good, have by there Joynt Letter Sought to ye
Reverend Mr. James Woodside to be our Minister & in
 222 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS order there to proposed
Conditions for his Settlement on their part, Wee the Inhabitance of
Brunswick will Give Fourty pounds pr annum toward ye support of ye
sd Mr. Woodside & a Sum in proportion there to from this time untill
May next (if he Come to us) & God in his providence Should Then
part us. "It was also at this meeting Voted That Mr Baxters house on
ye 6th Lott in Brunswick Be forthwith made habitable for ye sd Mr.
Woodside. That ye Charges there of ye Transporting him & his f
amoly from Falmouth to Brunswick be paid Equally by us Vs
inhabitance of sd Brunswick & yl Capt Gyles is here by impowered to
se ye Buisness effected. Joseph Heath Town Clk'n In January, 1719,
Cotton Mather wrote letters to the Scotch ministers at the Eastward
to give them courage. Mr. Woodside certainly needed this
encouragement, for matters went ill with him there. In May the town
voted to continue Mr. Woodside 's services for six months, "provided
those of us who are Dissatisfied with his Conversation (as afore
Said) Can by Treating with him as becomes Christians receive Such
Sattisfaction from him as that they will heare him preach for ye Time
afore sd." Mr. Wheeler takes " Conversation' ' to mean character.
Possibly deportment or habits would come a 1 Wheeler's Brunswick,
p. 354.
 MEEEYMEETING BAY 223 little nearer, although in another
place Wheeler says the trouble was that he was not puritanical
enough. Mather, in 1716, writing to a friend in Scotland, spoke of the
transplanted clergy as too often "of a disdainful carriage," and of an
"expression full of a levity not usual among or ministers." The town
voted September 10, 1719, to pay Mr. Woodside to that date and to
dismiss him. In 1721 the Eev. Isaac Taylor, an assistant to the Eev.
Samuel Haliday at Ardstraw, County Tyrone, came over. He could not
have remained long, for in 1729 he was at Ardstraw, and had
conformed to the Church of England. In 1722 he lent money to the
McFarlands, probably those who were later of Boothbay, to pay their
passage across the Atlantic. The Eev. James Woodside returned to
Boston, and on January 25, 1720, Mather writes that "poor Mr.
Woodside, after many and grievous calamities in this uneasy country,
is this week taking ship for London." He obtained credentials from
the Eev. Cotton Mather, and a note of recommendation from the
governor. Mather's letter reads : "Boston, New England "Jan 14,
1720 "Concerning the Eeverend Mr. James Woodside the Bearer
hereof, we have been informed That arriving with other good people
to the Eastern parts of New England from the Northern parts of
Ireland
 224 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS with ample recommendation
[f] from the presbertery of Ronte1 in the year 1718 he had
invitations to settle at several places, bnt chose a settlement at a
New Town called Brunsivick: Declaring that he had in his view the
instrnction of the Eastern Salvages (which he Chould have near unto
him) in the primitive and Reformed Christianity. In the progression
[of] that Excellent service we have been informed." Woodside 's son,
Captain William, remained in Brunswick, where he became
prominent. Captain Woodside had the ready wit and resource of his
people. He once agreed to outrun a very fleet Indian if the savage
would when defeated give him a fur robe. The Indian was delighted
with the plan, since Woodside's corpulent figure was, known far and
wide to be slow of movement. A great crowd gathered at the
appointed time and place, and the trial began. The captain ran so
awkwardly and perspired so freely that the entire company, including
his rival, broke into continual roars of laughter. The Indian remained
near the captain to enjoy the fun, and so far forgot his part in the
sport that the captain, with a final burst of speed, came home a
winner before anyone recalled the fact that he was a competitor. In
1723 the Rev. Mr. Woodside sent a very inter1 "Above these [i. e.
The Glinnes] as far as the river Bann, the country is called Rowte."
— Camden's Britannia, 1722, p. 1406.
 MEPKYMEETING BAY 225 esting petition to the king in
council, which tells„of the family misfortunes i1 "To the Kings most
Excellent Majesty in Council The humble Memorial & Petition of
James Woodside late Minister of the Gospel, at Brunswick, in New
England. "Sheweth * ' That he with 40 Familys, consisting of above
160 Persons did in the Year 1718 embarque on a ship at Derry
Lough in Ireland in Order to erect a Colony at Casco Bay, in Your
Majestys Province of Main in New England. "That being arriv'd they
made a settlement at a Place called by the Indians Pegipscot, but by
them Brunswick, within 4 miles from Fort George, where (after he
had laid out a considerable sum upon a Garrison House, fortify 'd
with Palisadoes, & two large Bastions, had also made great
Improvements, & laid out considerably for the Benefit of that Infant
Colony) the Inhabitants were surpriz'd by the Indians who in the
Month of July 1722 came down in great Numbers to murder Your
Majesty's good Subjects there. "That upon this Surprize the
Inhabitants, naked & destitute of Provisions run for shelter into your
Pet.rs House (which is still defended by his sons) 1From Maine
Historical Society Collections. Baxter Mss., Vol. X, p. 163. Original in
the Rolls office, London.
 226 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS where they were kindly
receivd, provided for, & protected from the rebel Indians. "That the
Sa Indians being happily prevented from murdering Yonr Majesty's
good Subjects (in Revenge to your Pet.r) presently kill'd all his
Cattel, destroying all the Moveables, & Provisions they could come
at, & as Your Petr had a very considerable Stock of Cattel he & his
Family were great sufferers thereby, as may appear by a Certificate
of the Grovernour of that Province a Copy whereof is hereunto
annexed. "Your Petr therefore most humbly begs that in Regard to
his great undertaking, his great Losses & sufferings, the Service
done to the Publicke in saving the Lives of many of Your Majesty's
Subjects, "the unshak[en] Loyalty & undaunted Courage of his Sons,
who still defend the Sd Garrison. Your Majesty in Councel will be
pleas 'd to provide for him, his Wife & Daughter here or grant him
the Post of Mr. Cummins, a Searcher of Ships in the Harbour of
Boston N England, lately deceas'd that so his Family, reduced to very
low Circumstances may be resettled, & his losses repair 'd where
they were sustain 'd. & Your Petr shall ever pray &c. ' ' "I do hereby
certifie that the Rev.d Mr. Woodside went over from Ireland to New
England with a considerable Number of People, that he & they sate
 MERRYMEETING BAY 227 down to plant in a Place they
called Brunswick in the Eastern Parts of New England there he bnilt
a Garrison House, which was the Means of saving the Lives of many
of his People in the late Insurrection of the Indians in July last. That
his Generosity is taken Notice of by both Doctors Mathers & that the
Indians cutt off all his Cattle, whereby he and his Family are great
Sufferers Samuel Shute 1 i Copia vera "London June 25, 1723 14 E:
Memorial & Petition of James Woodside to His Most Excellent
Majesty in Councel. June 1723" During these days of Indian warfare,
pillage and reprisal, men were impressed for sentinel duty, and
distributed in small groups at garrison houses throughout the
frontier towns in Maine, which was then under the jurisdiction of
Massachusetts. One of the unpleasant experiences of young Scotch
Irishmen was to be met in the street by an officer and his
attendants, and forced into military service. Many fell sick under the
strain of such a life in the Maine woods, and through rough usage at
the hands of officers. This ill-treatment fell heaviest upon the ' '
Irish, ' ' and particularly at the outset of the Indian troubles. A case
is on .record of a Scotch Irish impressed soldier returning weak and
crippled to the
 228 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS place of his enlistment with
no attempt at concealment, and because he conld not produce
papers to show his discharge, he was whipped at the cart's tail, and
kept in jail until the Sheriff was moved through pity to ask for his
release. Not until one half the force at the front had disappeared
through illness and desertion did the Governor take the matter in
hand. A committee then visited the frontier and brought back an
unpleasant account of garrison life in such places as Brunswick. With
the coming of militant Indians the colonists fled, some to the New
Hampshire Londonderry or to Worcester, and many to Pennsylvania,
leaving few traces of their sojourn in Maine. William Willis, editor of
Smith and Deane 's Journals, has attempted to gather the names of
these early settlers. The Eev. Everett S. Stackpole, a student of the
subject, suggests the addition of those whose surnames appear
between brackets : [Andrew] McFadden Ward MeGowen [David]
Given [William?] Vincent [Andrew] Dunning [John?] Hamilton
[William] Simpson Johnston [David Alexander and son] [John?]
Malcome [William Alexander] McLellan [James Wilson] Crawford
[James McFarland] Graves [George Cunningham]
 MERRYMEETING BAY 229 [Robert Lithgow] [David Ross]
[John Welch] [William Craigie] [John Yonng] The last four men
Welch,1 Ross, Craigie and Young, witnessed a deposition at
Brunswick September 4, 1718.2 If they were Scotch Irish they might
have come in July or August, but it seems most natural to place
them with John Barbour at York where Scotchmen had lived since
Cromwell's wars in 1650. Possibly they did not have any connection
with the Scotch Irish movement. At the outbreak of Dummer's war
many Brunswick settlers sailed for Boston, and suffered the
customary formality of being warned out of town. Lists of these have
the virtue of being well within the field of verity. The settlers thus
recorded undoubtedly came from the Kennebec country or
settlements adjoining, and nearly all of these were Scotch Irish. The
date at the left shows when the record of warning was reported to
the selectmen in Boston. July 25, 1719 : Mary Banerlen, a widd° wth
6 Children who came from Bronswick into this Town on yee 22th of
July. 1 See Monmouth, Maine. 2 York deeds, Vol. 9, folio 238.
 230 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEEES October 24, 1719 : John
Clark wth his wife & five children who came from Merrymeeting bay.
October 24, 1719 : John Gray wth his wife & five Children John
Newel wth his wife & three Children Eobert Tark wth his wife & three
Children who all came into this Town from Berwick in a sloop
Thomas Bell mastr James Dixwell & James Wallis husbdmen who
arrived here from ye Eastward Susanna Gate who Saves She came
from the Eastwd July 22, 1720: Eliza Eylee from Arrowsack. October
28, 1720: Jean Hall & child from Piscattiqna. January 27, 1721/22 :
Humphry Taylor Wife & Six Children from Smal point, warned Aug.
7th. Jean Sper & three Children from the Eastward, warned August
5th. Mary Shertwell from Arowshick John Miller from Misconges July
28, 1722 from the Eastward viz.1 [the following who from their
names, notably that of McFarland, evidently came from about
Merrymeeting Bay.] Jean Hunter with Two Children
 MERRYMEETING BAY 231 Katherin Carter with & 3 Children
Jean Wilson with 4 Children Sundry from the Eastward viz1 Andrew
Macf aden wife & 6 Children Isaac Hunter wife & 2 Children Alexanr
wife and 4 Children James Johnson wife & 4 Children John Nelson
wife & 2 Children Mathew Acheson wife & 2 Children Andrew Rogers
Robert Rowland Samuel f orgeson William Hambleton November 6,
1722. A List of Sundry Persons Brought from Brunswick, Topsham
and Towns adjacent at the Eastward parts by Thomas Sanders, and
warned to depart the Town of Boston, as the Law directs, August the
12th 1722. viz1. Charles Stuart Susan Lithgoe Hanna Stuart Will"1
Lithgoe Hana Stuart Jean Lithgoe Sam11 Stuart Susan Lithgoe Henry
Stuart James Ross1 Moses Harper Jenet Ross Mary Harper Elizath
Ross Jenat Harper Mary Ross Robert Lithgoe Isb11 Ross 1 Wheeler
thinks he was not Scotch Irish.
 232 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS John Ross Mary Thorn
Thomas Thorn Hugh Minsy [Menzies?] Sarah Minsy John Young
Katherine Young Margaret Young Mary Young Easter Young Sarah
Young James Harper James Miller Margaret Wadburn Mary Wadburn
George Wadburn David Evins Willm Evins Thomas Rogers Elizath
Rogers Isabella Rogers John Hamilton John Hamilton James Beverly
Agnus Beverly James Beverly Sam11 Beverly Joseph Beverly Mary
Smith John Smith Aubia Smith Mathew Smith Robert Wallis Martha
Wallis John Wallis Anbah Wallis Jonas Stanwood1 Sam11 Stanwood1
David Stanwood1 Mr Salter Mary Salter Thomas Salter Mary Salter
Mr Swwanan & Maid Mr Cary & wif James Rodgers April 26, 1723:.
Daniel Hunter & His Wife James Savage His Wife & five ChildrenIrish
people from Smal Point. Apr 10th. *Not Scotch Irish.
 MEREYMEETING BAY 233 October 28, 1723: Tho. Hogg his
wife & Two Children from Arowshick. June 29, 1724: Mary Thomas &
one Child from St. Georges. We may summarize the Merrymeeting
Bay Scotch Irish settlers of 1718-1722 somewhat in this way, using
Wheeler's list of early settlers, pages 865-874; the warnings above;
and various facts found elsewhere. Some names are no doubt
English, but as yet they cannot safely be eliminated. Merrymeeting
Bay Scotch Irish Settlers, 1718-1722. Matthew Acheson, wife and
two children Alexander, wife and four children David Alexander and
son William Alexander Mary Banerlen, widow, and six children James
and William Barns or Burns Agnes Beverly James Beverly Joseph
Beverly Samuel Beverly Calwell Katherine Carter and three children
Cary and wife John Clark, wife and five children
 234 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS John Cochran Selectman at
Brunswick in 1719? " Ireland " in mnster roll William Craigie At
Brunswick September 4, 1718 Crawford George Cunningham James
Dixwell Andrew Dunning "Ireland" in muster roll David Evans John
Evans William Evans Samuel Ferguson Alexander and James
Ferguson were at Kittery in 1711 Thomas Fleming David Given or
Giveen John Graves John Gray, wife and five children Jean Hall and
child John Hamilton Abel and Gabriel Hamilton at Berwick in 1711
Patrick Hamilton Robert Hamilton Robert Hamilton, Jr. William
Hamilton William Hands ard
 MEBRYMEETING- BAY 235 James Harper "Ireland" in
mnster roll Jenet Harper Joseph Harper Mary Harper • Moses Harper
William Harper Thomas Hogg, wife and two children ; from Arrowsic,
1723 ?Adam Hnnter Daniel Hnnter and wife "Irish people from Smal
point/ ' 1723 Isaac Hnnter, wife and two children James Hnnter Jean
Hunter and two children John Hunter James Johnson, wife and four
children Jean Lithgow Robert Lithgow Susan Lithgow William
Lithgow Andrew McFadden, wife and six children James McFarland
McGowen McNut John Malcom James Miller John Miller From
Miscongus
 236 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS Dr Hugh Minnery or Minory
Hugh Minsy Sarah Minsy Henry Mitchell " Ireland' ' in muster
rollHugh Mitchell " Ireland' ' in muster roll William Montgomery John
Nelson, wife and two children John Newel, wife and three children
James Rankin Elizabeth Riley From Arrowic Andrew Rogers Elizabeth
Rogers Isabella Rogers James Rogers Thomas Rogers David Ross
Elizabeth Ross Isabella Ross James Ross Jenet Ross John Ross Mary
Ross Robert Rowland Mr Salter Mary Salter Thomas Salter
 MERRYMEETING BAY 237 James Savage, wife and five
children "Irish people from Smal point/ ' 1723 Mary Shertwell From
Arrowsic William Simpson Anbia Smith James Smith John Smith Mary
Smith Matthew Smith Jean Spear and three children David and
James Steel James Stinson or Stevenson " Ireland " in muster roll
John Stinson Robert Stinson Charles Stnart Hannah Stnart Henry
Stnart Samnel Stnart William Tailer Robert Tark, wife and three
children Humphrey Taylor, wife and six children From Small Point
Mary Thomas and one child From Saint Georges, 1724 Peter
Thompson Mary Thorn Thomas Thorn
 238 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS James Thornton Thomas
Tregoweth John Vincent Anbah Wallis Daniel Wallis James Wallis
John Wallis Martha Wallis Robert Wallis Ward John Welch James
Wilson Jean Wilson and four children George Woodbnrn Margaret
Woodbnrn Mary Woodburn Samnel York Easter Young John Young
Katherine Young Margaret Young Mary Young Sarah Young These
are the settlers who fulfilled the Rev. Cotton Mather's dream of a line
of emigrant outposts. They suffered grievous hardships, but who
shall say that they and theirs did not in the fulness of time reap a
just reward of prosperity, influence and honor ?
 CHAPTER XIII NITTFIELD AND LONDONDERRY, 1719-1720
The Scotch Irish petition, signed in Ireland, bears the date "this 26th
day of March, Annoq. Dom. 1718," a few weeks only before the Rev.
Mr. Boyd set sail for New England, where he arrived about July 25th.
While his friends were crossing the ocean, Mr. Boyd endeavored to
interest Governor Shnte, Judge Sewall and the Rev. Cotton Mather in
their behalf. Evidently he could do little more in Boston than call
upon persons of influence before his flock came into the harbor. We
have seen that many of the settlers went to the frontier settlement
at Worcester, and still others to Casco Bay, where Governor Shute
was endeavoring to foster the growth of Falmouth. James Smith
went to Needham, Walter Beath to Lunenburg, and Matthew Watson
to Leicester, although it is not always possible to say that these or
others went immediately to the towns where they eventually settled.
The followers of the two clergymen, Boyd and McGregor, desired a
grant of land which they might control rather than permission to
settle among the old stock that had founded the colony. These men
remained in Boston while negotiations went on. The
 240 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS Rev. Mr. McGregor and
Archibald Boyd,1 perhaps a brother of the clergyman of that name,
sent the following petition to the General Court: "A Petition of
Archibald Boyd, James MacGregory & sundry others Setting forth
that the Petitioners being under very discouraging circumstances in
their own Countrey (viz. the Kingdom of Ireland) as well on the
Account of Religion, as the Severity of their Rents & Taxes ; & having
h'eard of the great "Willingness to encourage any of his Majestys
Protestant & loyal Subjects of sober conversation to settle within this
Province they have this last Summer, with their Families, undertaken
a long & hazzardous Voyage to the sd Parts & are now residing in &
about Boston, & have been waiting the Meeting of this Honble
Assembly: And Praying that the Court would be pleased to grant
unto them a convenient Tract of their wast Land, in such Place as
they shall think fit, where they may without Loss of time, settle
themselves & their Families, as over forty more Families who will
come from Ireland as soon as they hear of their obtaining Land for
Township; which they apprehend will be of great Advantage to this
Country by strengthening the Frontiers & out Parts & making
Provisions Cheaper. "In the House of Representves October 31,
1718: Read and Committed. In Council; Read." *A Rev. Archibald
Boyd, of Maghera, ordained October 28, 1703, was "set aside" in
1716.
 LONDONDERRY 241 The above petition shows that the
rigorous laws relating to religion, and the rise in rents and taxes
abont Coleraine in Ireland, brought about the Scotch Irish migration.
The reference to forty families soon to follow may indicate some
connection in the plans of the McGregor company and the Rev.
James Woodside's party which finally settled at Brunswick. The
petition was granted November 20, 1718, and a committee of six
was appointed to lay out a town for the people from Ireland. It was
to be six miles square, of unappropriated lands "in the Eastern
parts.' ! Eighty house lots were to be laid out in a defensible manner,
and not exceeding one hundred acres more to each lot. When forty
lots had been taken the owners would manage all their own
prudential affairs, and upon the settlement of eighty families they
could then dispose of common lands. With true New England spirit,
provision was made for two hundred and fifty acres to be set aside
for the ministry before any other allotments were made, and a like
amount for a school.1 Parker states that the company which passed
the winter of 1718-19 on shipboard in Casco Bay explored the
country to the eastward, and finding nothing satisfactory that had
not been claimed they ascended the Merrimac to Haverhill, April 2,
1719 ; at this point they were told of a fertile tract of land covered
with nut trees, lying about fourteen miles 1 Province Laws, 1718-19,
Chapters 99, 104.
 242 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS north west of the meeting-
house at Haverhill. Leaving their families there, or across the river at
Bradford, the men of the party, James McKeen, Captain James Gregg
and others, at once mounted horses and rode over to examine the
land. They found it satisfactory and named the place Nuffield, on
account of the trees growing there. They remained to build #a few
temporary huts near a small tributary of Beaver Brook, which they
called West-running Brook. They then returned to Haverhill for their
wives and children. Those who had remained on the south side of
the Merrimac at Bradford or Andover crossed over the river in boats.
The Haverhill rabble had no love for the " Irish," and greeted them
with jeers and ridicule. When nearing the shore for a landing one of
the boats turned over, so that women and children were thrown into
the water. This afforded boundless delight to the onlookers, and at
last inspired a local bard, who "Then they began to scream and
bawl, And if the devil had spread his net He would have made a
glorious haul. ' " Several of the company went to Nuffield by way of
Dracut, a town near the mouth of Beaver Brook, where it joins the
Merrimac. They met the Rev. 1 B. L. Mirick's Haverhill, 1832, pp.
140-141.
 LONDONDERRY 243 Mr. McGregor and asked him to go
with them. The two parties journeying to Nutfield met on April 11th,
at the little hill where the men had on the previous visit tied their
horses. This happy and memorable occasion was made impressive
by an address from the Rev. Mr. McGregor. He congratulated his
friends on the termination of their wanderings after enduring the
perils of a voyage across the ocean and a pitiless winter. He
besought them to be steadfast in their faith in the midst of a strange
people and unknown dangers. Before he returned to Dracut the next
day he preached from Isaiah xxxii. 2, "And a man shall be a hiding-
place from the wind, and a covert from the tempest; as rivers of
water in a dry place; as the shadow of a great rock in a weary land. '
' He stood under a large oak tree, east of Beaver Pond and within
sight of the first rude cabins of his people, who now gathered round
him. His tall figure was erect and commanding, his dark face serene
and strong. It was a time for courage and for prayer. They had come
over the sea to escape persecution and had met everywhere in the
new world intolerance and distrust. They had not only to subdue the
wilderness but to kindle a brotherly Christian spirit in the grandsons
of those who founded Plymouth and Boston. The settlers decided to
build on either side of West-running Brook, each home lot to be
thirty rods
 244 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS wide, fronting the brook,
and extending back from the bank to a distance sufficient to make
each lot contain sixty acres. In this way they were able for a few
years to live in a close commnnity as a protection from the Indians.
Two stone garrison houses were built for further safety, although as
it happened the town was never attacked, and one man, James Blair,
never sought their sheltering walls. There is a tradition that this
immunity from Indian assault was due to a bond of friendship
between McGregor and Philippe, Marquis de Vaudreuil, Governor-
general of Canada. It has been said that the two men, the Catholic
nobleman and the Protestant commoner, attended the same college.
The improbability of the story is apparent, although some form of
intercourse between the two may be inferred from the fact that a
manuscript sermon in McGregor's hand bears on the margin
Vaudreuil's name and titles. The following paragraph in SewalPs
Diary, under date of March 5, 1718-19, refers . to news obtained by
Boyd, possibly from a letter written by Vaudreuil, although there is
not the slightest evidence that it was sent to McGregor. The passage
reads: "Mr. Boyd dines with me: he says there is a Report in the
Town that Govr Vandrel [Vaudreuil] has written that he can no
longer keep back the Indians from War. ' ' In these days of hewing
and building at Nutfield we get a pleasant bit of humor in the story
of the
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