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Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
197 Hening, ii. 192. An old satirical writer mentions the same
custom at a Maryland inn, where, however, he did not
seem in all respects to relish his supper:—

So after hearty Entertainment

Of Drink and Victuals without Payment;
For Planters Tables, you must know,
Are free for all that come and go.
While Pon and Milk, with Mush well stoar’d,
In Wooden Dishes grac’d the Board;
With Homine and Syder-pap,
(Which scarce a hungry dog would lap)
Well stuff’d with Fat from Bacon fry’d,
Or with Mollossus dulcify’d.
Then out our Landlord pulls a Pouch
As greasy as the Leather Couch
On which he sat, and straight begun
To load with Weed his Indian Gun....
His Pipe smoak’d out, with aweful Grace,
With aspect grave and solemn pace,
The reverend Sire walks to a Chest;...
From thence he lugs a Cag of Rum.

The night had for our traveller its characteristic American

nuisance:—

Not yet from Plagues exempted quite,

The Curst Muskitoes did me bite;
Till rising Morn and blushing Day
Drove both my Fears and Ills away;

but the morning-meal seems to have made amends:—

 I did to Planter’s Booth repair,
And there at Breakfast nobly Fare
On rashier broil’d of infant Bear:
I thought the Cub delicious Meat,
Which ne’er did ought but Chesnuts eat.

Ebenezer Cook, The Sot-Weed Factor; or, a Voyage to

Maryland, London, 1708, pp. 5, 9.

198 For the description of the planter’s house and its

surroundings I am much indebted to the admirable work
of Mr. Bruce, chap. xii.

199 Beverley, History and Present State of Virginia, book iv. p.

56.

200 One often hears it said, of some old house or church in

Virginia, that it was built of bricks imported from England;
but, according to Mr. Bruce, all bricks used in Virginia
during the seventeenth century seem to have been made
there. Bricks were 8 shillings per 1,000 in Virginia when
they were 18s. 8¼d. in London, to which the ocean
freight would have had to be added. It is not strange,
therefore, that Virginia exported bricks to Bermuda. As
early as the Indian massacre of 1622 some of the Indians
were driven away with brickbats. See Bruce, Economic
History, ii. 134, 137, 142.

201 See above, vol. i. p. 212.

202 The Marquis de Chastellux, who visited Monticello in 1782,

says: “We may safely aver that Mr. Jefferson is the first
American who has consulted the fine arts to know how he
should shelter himself from the weather.” See Randall’s
Life of Jefferson, i. 373.
203 Lee of Virginia, p. 116.

204 Larousse, Dictionnaire universel, viii. 668.

205 A double entendre, either “fork-bearer” or “gallows-bird.”

206 Meercraft.—Have I deserved this from you two, for all

My pains at court to get you each a patent?

Gilthead.—For what?

Meercraft.—Upon my project o’ the forks.

Sledge.—Forks? what be they?

Meercraft.—The laudable use of forks,

Brought into custom here, as they are in Italy,
To the sparing o’ napkins

Ben Jonson, The Devil is an Ass, act v. scene 3.

207 Lee of Virginia, p. 116.

208 Lee of Virginia, loc. cit.

209

For Planters’ Cellars, you must know,

Seldom with good October flow,
But Perry Quince and Apple Juice
Spout from the Tap like any Sluce.
Cook’s Sot-Weed Factor, p. 22.

210 A minute account of the beverages and their use is given

in Bruce, op. cit. ii. 211-231.
211 Smyth’s Tour in the United States, London, 1784, i. 41.

212 Samuel Peters, a Tory refugee, published in London, in

1781, an absurd “History of Connecticut,” in which he
started the story of the “Blue Laws” of the New Haven
Colony, which most people allude to incorrectly as “Blue
Laws of Connecticut.” These “Blue Laws” were purely an
invention of the mendacious Peters. There never were any
such laws. See my Beginnings of New England, p. 136.

213 Miss Rowland’s Life of George Mason, i. 101, 102. This

Mason, author of the Virginia Bill of Rights, and member
of the Federal Convention of 1787, was great-grandson of
the George Mason who figured in Bacon’s rebellion. His
son John, whose narrative I here quote, was father of
James Murray Mason, author of the Fugitive Slave Law of
1850, and one of the Confederacy’s commissioners taken
from the British steamer Trent by Captain Wilkes in 1861.

214 Meade’s Old Churches, i. 98.

215 A rich Oriental silk, usually watered, first made in the

Attabiya quarter of Bagdad, whence its name.

216 Mr. Bruce gives many inventories taken from county

records, of which the following may serve as a specimen:
“The wardrobe of Mrs. Sarah Willoughby, of Lower
Norfolk, consisted of a red, a blue, and a black silk
petticoat, a petticoat of India silk and of worsted prunella,
a striped linen and a calico petticoat, a black silk gown, a
scarlet waistcoat with silver lace, a white knit waistcoat, a
striped stuff jacket, a worsted prunella mantle, a sky-
coloured satin bodice, a pair of red paragon bodices, three
fine and three coarse holland aprons, seven
handkerchiefs, and two hoods.” Economic History, ii. 194.
217 The following specimen of a bill of funeral expenses is
given in Bruce, op. cit. ii. 237:—

lbs. tobacco.
Funeral sermon 200
For a briefe 400
“ 2 turkeys 80
“ coffin 150
2 geese 80
1 hog 100
2 bushels of flour 90
Dunghill fowle 100
20 lbs. butter 100
Sugar and spice 50
Dressing the dinner 100
6 gallon sider 60
6 “ rum 240

218 Virginia Magazine, ii. 294; cf. William and Mary College
Quarterly, iii. 136.

219 Jones’s Present State of Virginia, London, 1724, p. 48.

220 Mr. W. G. Stanard, in an admirable paper on this subject,

gives some names of famous horses then imported,
“many of them being ancestors of horses on the turf at
the present day;” such as “Aristotle, Bolton, Childers,
Dabster, Dottrell, Fearnaught, Jolly Roger, Juniper, Justice,
Merry Tom, Sober John, Vampire, Whittington, James,
Sterling, Valiant, etc.” Virginia Magazine, ii. 301.

221 Smyth’s Tour in the United States, i. 20.

222 Ford, The True George Washington, pp. 194-198.

223 Hening, v. 102, 229-231; vi. 76-81. Washington was very

fond of playing at cards for small stakes, also at billiards;
and he sometimes bet moderately at horse-races. See
Ford, loc. cit.

224 About four dollars.

225 Virginia Gazette, October, 1737, cited in Rives’s Life of

Madison, i. 87, and Lodge’s History of the English
Colonies, pp. 84, 85.

226 The recorder was a member of the flute family, and its
name may be elucidated by Shakespeare’s charming lines
(Pericles, act iv., prologue):—

To the lute
She sang, and made the night-bird mute
That still records with moan.

Mr. Bruce (op. cit. ii. 175) mentions cornets as in use in

Old Virginia, but this of course means an obsolete
instrument of the hautboy family, not the modern brass
cornet, which has so unhappily superseded the noble
trumpet.

227 The inventory is printed in William and Mary College

Quarterly, iii. 251.

228 The full list is given in William and Mary College Quarterly,
iii. 170-174.

229 See Lyman Draper, in Virginia Historical Register, iv. 87-90.

230 William and Mary College Quarterly, iii. 247-249.

231 Hening, ii. 517.

232 Hening, ii. 518.

233 Virginia Magazine, i. 326, 348; William and Mary College

Quarterly, v. 113. Allusion has already been made, on
page 5 of the present volume, to the school founded by
Benjamin Symms, or Symes.

234 Hening, i. 336.

235 President Tyler cites from the vestry-book of Petsworth

Parish, in Gloucester County, an indenture of October 30,
1716, wherein Ralph Bevis agrees to “give George
Petsworth, a molattoe boy of the age of 2 years, 3 years’
schooling, and carefully to Instruct him afterwards that he
may read well in any part of the Bible, also to Instruct and
Learn him ye sd molattoe boy such Lawfull way or ways
that he may be able, after his Indented time expired, to
gitt his own Liveing, and to allow him sufficient meat,
Drink, washing, and apparill, until the expiration of ye sd
time, &c., and after ye finishing of ye sd time to pay ye sd
George Petsworth all such allowances as ye Law Directs in
such cases, as also to keep the aforesd Parish Dureing ye
aforesd Indented time from all manner of Charges,” etc.
William and Mary College Quarterly, v. 219.

236 Miss Rowland’s Life of George Mason, i. 97.

237 Butler’s “British Convicts Shipped to American Colonies,”

American Historical Review, ii. 27.

238 The worthy pastor even goes so far as to exclaim, with a

groan, that two thirds of the schoolmasters in Maryland
were convicts working out a term of penal servitude!
Boucher’s Thirteen Sermons, p. 182. But in such
 declamatory statements it is never safe to depend upon
numbers and figures. In the present case we may
conclude that the number of such schoolmasters was
noticeable; we are not justified in going further.

239 From the excellent papers by W. G. Stanard, on “Virginians

at Oxford,” William and Mary College Quarterly, ii. 22, 149,
I have culled a few items which may be of interest:—

John Lee, armiger (son of 1st Richard, see above, p, 19),

educated at Queens, B. A. 1662, burgess.

Rowland Jones, cler., Merton, matric. 1663, pastor Bruton

Parish.

Ralph Wormeley, armiger, of Rosegill (see above, p. 243),

Oriel, matric. 1665, secretary of state, etc.

Emanuel Jones, cler., Oriel, B. A. 1692, pastor Petsworth

Parish.

Bartholomew Yates, cler., Brasenose, B. A. 1698, Prof.

Divinity W. & M.

Mann Page, armiger, St. John’s, matric. 1709, member of

council.

William Dawson, plebs., Queens, matric. 1720, M. A.

1728, D. D. 1747, Prof. Moral Phil. W. & M. 1729, Pres. W.
& M. 1743-52.

Henry Fitzhugh, gent., Christ Church, matric. 1722,

burgess.

Christopher Robinson, gent., Oriel, matric. 1724, studied

at Middle Temple.
 Christopher Robinson, gent., Oriel, matric. 1721, M. A.
1729, Fellow of Oriel.

Musgrave Dawson, plebs., Queens, B. A. 1747, pastor

Raleigh Parish.

Lewis Burwell, armiger, Balliol, matric. 1765.

240 Weeden, Economic and Social History of New England, i.

282, 412, 419; ii. 861. For neglecting to “set up school”
for the year, a town would be presented by the grand jury
of the county, and would then try to make excuses. “In
February, 1744, the usual routine was repeated. The
farmers were summoned ‘to know what the Town’s Mind is
for doing about a School for the insuing year.’ The school
of the previous year having cost £55 old tenor, which may
have been equivalent to 55 Spanish dollars, and it being
necessary to raise this sum by a general taxation, the
Town’s Mind was for doing nothing; and not until the
following July did it consent to have a school opened.”
Bliss, Colonial Times on Buzzard’s Bay, p. 118.

241 In my Beginnings of New England, pp. 148-153.

242 Of the numbers in The Federalist, 51 were written by

Hamilton, 29 by Madison, and 5 by Jay. But the frame of
government which the book was written to explain and
defend was not at all the work of Hamilton, whose part in
the proceedings of the Federal Convention was almost nil.
It was very largely the work of Madison, and while The
Federalist shows Hamilton’s marvellous flexibility of
intelligence, it is Madison who is master and Hamilton who
is his expounder.

243 See above, vol. i. p. 221.

244 Stith, History of Virginia, preface, vi., vii.

245 Byrd’s History of the Dividing Line, with his Journey to the
Land of Eden, and A Progress to the Mines, remained in
MS. for more than a century. They were published at
Petersburg in 1841, under the title of Westover
Manuscripts. A better edition, edited by T. H. Wynne, was
published in 1866 under the title of Byrd Manuscripts.

246 Byrd MSS. i. 5.

247 Bruce, Economic History, ii. 234.

248 See the history of the case, in Washington’s Writings, ed.

W. C. Ford, xiv. 255-260. According to Mr. Paul Ford,
“there can scarcely be a doubt that the treatment of his
last illness by the doctors was little short of murder.” The
True George Washington, p. 58. The question is
suggested, if Washington had lived a dozen years longer,
would there have been a second war with England?

249 Meade’s Old Churches, i. 18, 361, 385.

250 It is difficult to obtain exact data. My impression is derived

from study of the statutes and from general reading.

251 It is authoritatively stated in the Virginia Magazine, i. 347,

that from the time of the Company down to the time of
the Revolution, “there is no record of any duel in Virginia.”
In the thirteen volumes of Hening I find no allusion to
duelling; for the mention of “challenges to fight” in such a
passage as vol. vi. p. 80, clearly refers to chance affrays
with fisticuffs at the gaming table, and not to duels. Yet in
1731 Rodolphus Malbone, for challenging Solomon White,
a magistrate, “with sword and pistol,” was bound over in
£50 to keep the peace: see Virginia Magazine, iii. 89.

252 Virginia Magazine, i. 128. A woman named Eve was

burned in Orange County in 1746 for petty treason, i. e.
 murdering her master. Id. iii. 308. For poisoning the
master’s family a man and woman were burned at
Charleston, S. C., in 1769. Id. iv. 341. For petty treason a
negro woman named Phillis was burned at the stake in
Cambridge, Mass., Sept. 18, 1755: see Boston Evening
Post, Sept. 22, 1755; Paige’s History of Cambridge, p. 217.
For riotous murder in the city of New York 21 negroes
were executed in 1712, several of whom were burned and
one was broken on the wheel; and again in 1741, in the
panic over an imaginary plot, 13 negroes were burned at
the stake: see Acts of Assembly, New York, ann. 1712;
Documents relating to Colonial History of New York, vol.
vi. ann. 1741. There may have been other cases. These
here cited were especially notable.

253 Prof. M. C. Tyler (History of American Literature, i. 90)

quotes a statement of Burk (History of Virginia,
Petersburg, 1805, vol. ii. appendix, p. xxx.), to the effect
that in Princess Anne County a woman was once burned
for witchcraft. But Burk makes the statement on hearsay,
and I have no doubt he refers to Grace Sherwood, who
between 1698 and 1708 brought divers and sundry
actions for slander against persons who had called her a
witch, but could not get a verdict in her favour! She was
searched for witch marks and imprisoned. It is a long way
from this sort of thing to getting burned at the stake! Mrs.
Sherwood made her will in 1733, and it was admitted to
probate in 1741. See William and Mary College Quarterly,
i. 69; ii. 58; iii. 96, 190, 242; iv. 18.—There is a
widespread popular belief that the victims of the
witchcraft delusion in Salem were burned; scarcely a
fortnight passes without some allusions to this “burning”
in the newspapers. Of the twenty victims at Salem,
nineteen were hanged, one was pressed to death; not one
was burned. See Upham’s History of Witchcraft and Salem
Village, Boston, 1867, 2 vols.
254 Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist. v. 286.

255 Fox-Bourne’s Life of John Locke, i. 203.

256 The Fundamental Constitutions are printed in Locke’s

Works, London, 1824, ix. 175-199. An excellent analysis of
them is given by Prof. Bassett, “The Constitutional
Beginnings of North Carolina,” J. H. U. Studies, xii. 97-
169; see, also, Whitney, “Government of the Colony of
South Carolina,” Id. xiii. 1-121.

257 Hening, i. 380.

258 He is commonly called a Quaker, but the tradition is ill

supported. See Weeks, Southern Quakers and Slavery, p.
33.

259 See my Discovery of America, i. 167-169.

260 Hawks, History of North Carolina, ii. 72.

261 Lawson, A Description of North Carolina, London, 1718, p.

73.

262 Rivers, Early History of South Carolina, Charleston, 1856,

p. 96.

263 Williamson, History of North Carolina, Philadelphia, 1812,

p. 120.

264 Williamson, op. cit. i. 121.

265 Moore’s History of North Carolina, Raleigh, 1880, i. 18.

266 I am glad to find this opinion corroborated by Professor

Bassett in his able paper above cited, J. H. U. Studies, xii.
109.
267 Hawks, History of North Carolina, ii. 470.

268 See above, p. 85 of the present volume.

269 Dr. Hawks, in his History of North Carolina, ii. 463-483,

gives a detailed and very entertaining account of the
Culpeper rebellion, to which I am indebted for several
particulars.

270 Hawks, op. cit. ii. 489.

271 Rivers, Early History of South Carolina, p. 145.

272 Id. p. 153.

273 Records of General Court of Albemarle, 1697; Hawks, op.

cit. ii. 491.

274 Spotswood’s Official Letters (Va. Hist. Soc. Coll.),

Richmond, 1882, i. 106. Several other passages in
Spotswood’s letters of the summer and autumn of 1711
express a similar belief. The opinion of Spotswood is
adopted in Hawks, History of North Carolina, ii. 522-533,
who is followed by Moore, History of North Carolina, i. 35.
I am glad to find that my opinion of the inadequacy of the
evidence is shared by so great an authority as Professor
Rivers, in Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist. v. 298.

275 See the learned essay by James Mooney, The Siouan

Tribes of the East (Bureau of Ethnology, Bulletin 22),
Washington, 1894. Until recent years it was not known
that there were ever any Sioux in the Atlantic region. The
Catawbas, etc., were supposed to be Muskogi.

276 Lawson, The History of Carolina; containing the Exact

Description and Natural History of that Country; together
with the Present State thereof. And a Journal of a
 Thousand Miles travelled through several Nations of
Indians, giving a particular Account of their Customs,
Manners, etc. London, 1709, small quarto, 258 pages.

277 For this and other atrocities see the letter of November 2,
1711, from Major Christopher Gale to his sister, printed in
Nichols’s Illustrations of the Literary History of the
Eighteenth Century, iv. 489-492.

278 In Professor Rivers’s version of the story there was either

no general conspiracy or only a sudden one conceived
after the murder of Lawson. He suggests that “being
fearful of the consequences” of that act, the Indians “were
hurried into the design of a widespread massacre,” etc.
Early History of South Carolina, p. 253. It may be so.
Questions relating to concert between Indian tribes are
apt to be hard to settle. I think, however, that in this case
the simultaneity of attack at distant points is in favour of
the generally accepted view of a conspiracy arranged
before Lawson’s death.

279 Spotswood to the Lords of Trade and to Lord Dartmouth,

December 28, 1711, Official Letters, i. 129-138. This was
one of the early instances of the extreme difficulty of
obtaining money from “whimsical” legislatures for the
common defence, which in later years led Parliament to
the attempt to cure the evil by means of the Stamp Act.
Even in what he did accomplish on the border, Spotswood
had to depend upon voluntary contributions, just as
money was raised by Franklin in 1758 for the expedition
against Fort Duquesne, and by Robert Morris in the great
crisis of Washington’s Trenton-Princeton campaign.

280 See my Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy, ii. 200.

281 Dr. Hugh Williamson, in his History of North Carolina,
Philadelphia, 1812, ii. 173-211, gives a very interesting
account of these malarial swamps, their geological causes,
and their effects upon the people.

282 For a sprightly account of the Alpine region of North

Carolina and its inhabitants, see Zeigler and Grosscup,
The Heart of the Alleghanies, Raleigh, 1883.

283 Lawson’s History of Carolina, London, 1718, p. 79.

284 Byrd MSS. i. 59, 65.

285 Byrd MSS. i. 56.

286 Byrd MSS. i. 59.

287 See above, p. 188 of the present volume.

288 William and Mary College Quarterly, ii. 146.

289 Spotswood to the Lords of Trade, April 5, 1717, Official

Letters, ii. 227.

290 Olmsted’s Slave States, p. 507.

291 Cf. Ramage, “Local Government and Free Schools in South

Carolina,” Johns Hopkins Univ. Studies, vol. i.

292 Ramage, op. cit.

293 The remarks of Herbert Spencer on state education, in his

Social Statics, revised ed., London, 1892, pp. 153-184,
deserve most careful consideration by all who are
interested in the welfare of their fellow-creatures.

294 Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, ii. 108.

295 Americans are apt to forget how much nearer the equator
the familiar points in this country are than familiar points
in Europe. Although every family has an atlas, many
persons are surprised when their attention is called to the
facts that Great Britain is in the latitude of Hudson Bay,
that Paris and Vienna are further north than Quebec, that
Montreal is nearly opposite to Venice, Boston to Rome,
Charleston to Tripoli, etc.

296 Simms, History of South Carolina, p. 106; Williams, History

of the Negro Race in America, i. 299.

297 Whitney, “Government of the Colony of South Carolina,”

Johns Hopkins Univ. Studies, xiii. 95; Statutes of South
Carolina, iii. 395-399, 456-461, 568-573.

298 The story is told by St. John de Crèvecœur, in his Letters

from an American Farmer, Philadelphia, 1793, pp. 178-
180. Crèvecœur was on his way to dine with a planter
when he encountered the shocking spectacle. He
succeeded in passing a shell of water through the bars of
the cage to the lips of the poor wretch, who thanked him
and begged to be killed; but the Frenchman had no
means at hand.

299 Statutes of South Carolina, vii. 410, 411.

300 “La plupart des riches habitans de la Caroline du Sud,

ayant été élevés en Europe, en ont apporté plus de gout,
et des connaissances plus analogues à nos mœurs, que
les habitans des provinces du Nord, ce qui doit leur
donner généralement sur ceux-ci de l’avantage en société.
Les femmes semblent aussi plus animées que dans le
Nord, prennent plus de part à la conversation, sont
davantage dans la société.... Elles sont jolies, agréables,
piquantes; mais ... les hommes et les femmes vieillissent
 promptement dan ce climat.” La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt,
Voyage dans les États-Unis, Paris, 1799, iv. 13.

301 Boswell has a characteristic anecdote of Oglethorpe, who

was very high-spirited, but extremely sensible. When a lad
of nineteen or so, he was dining one day with a certain
Prince of Würtemberg and others, when the insolent
prince fillipped a few drops of wine into his face. “Here
was a nice dilemma. To have challenged him instantly
might have fixed a quarrelsome character upon the young
soldier; to have taken no notice of it might have been
considered as cowardice. Oglethorpe, therefore, keeping
his eye upon the prince and smiling, ... said, ‘That’s a
good joke, but we do it much better in England,’ and
threw a whole glass of wine in the prince’s face. An old
general, who sat by, said, ‘Il a bien fait, mon prince, vous
l’avez commencé,’ and thus all ended in good humour.”
Life of Johnson, ed. Birkbeck Hill, ii. 180.

302 See the charter, in Jones’s History of Georgia, i. 90.

303 Blackstone’s Commentaries, bk. iv. chap. 5.

304 See above, vol. i. p. 24.

305 Burney, History of the Buccaneers of America, p. 52.

306 Exquemeling was sent to Tortuga in 1666, in one of the

Dutch West India Company’s ships, and on his arrival was
sold for thirty crowns into three years’ servitude. He says
very neatly: “Je ne dis rien de ce qui a donné lieu à mon
embarquement, suivi d’un si fâcheux esclavage, parce que
cela seroit hors de propos, et ne pourroit estre
qu’ennuyeux.” He was cruelly treated. After gaining his
freedom he joined the buccaneers, apparently because
there was nothing else to do. He went home in 1674 in a
Dutch ship, “remerciant Dieu de m’avoir retiré de cette
 miserable vie, estant la première occasion de la quitter
que j’eusse rencontré depuis cinq années.” Oexmelin,
Histoire des Avanturiers, Paris, 1686, i. 13; ii. 312. The
English version of his book is entitled “History of the
Bucaniers of America” (London, 1684). The Spanish
version is known as “Los Piratas.” Not only do the titles
thus differ, but each translator has added more or less
material from other sources, in order to exalt the fame of
the rascals of his own nation.

307 “Le capitaine ... du vaisseau submergé était un pirate

hollandais; c’était celui-là¡ même qui avait volé Candide.
Les richesses immenses dont ce célérat s’était emparé
furent ensevelies avec lui dans la mer, et il n’y eut qu’un
mouton de sauvé. Vous voyez, dit Candide à Martin, que
le crime est puni quelquefois; ce coquin de patron
hollandais a en le sort qui’il méritait. Oui, dit Martin; mais
fallait-il que les passagers qui était sur son vaisseau
périssent aussi? Dieu a puni ce fripon, le diable a noyé les
autres.” Voltaire, Œuvres, Paris, 1785. tom, xliv. p. 294.

308 Histoire des avanturiers, ii. 216.

309 Exquemeling says: “A l’heure que je parle il est élevé aux

plus éminentes dignitez de la Jamaique; ce qui fait assez
voir qu’un homme, tel qu’il soit, est toujours estimé & bien
receu par tout, pourveu qu’il ait de l’argent.” Histoire des
avanturiers, ii. 214.

310 Ringrose’s MS. Narrative, British Museum, Sloane

collection, No. 3820.

311 See Hughson, “The Carolina Pirates and Colonial

Commerce,” Johns Hopkins University Studies, xii. 241-
370.

312 See Watson’s Annals of Philadelphia, ii. 222.

313 In Kidd’s case there were many extenuating
circumstances; he was far from being such a scoundrel as
most of the pirates.

314 See the cases of Mary Read and Anne Bonny, in Johnson’s
History of the Pirates, London, 1724, 2 vols.

315 Burton’s History of Scotland, vi. 403.

316 In writing to James Stanhope, secretary of state,

Spotswood says: “Such is the unaccountable temper of
the People that they have generally chosen for their
Representatives Persons of the meanest Estates and
Capacitys in their Countys, And as if the House of
Burgesses were resolved to copy after the patern of their
Electors, of the few Gentlemen that are among them, they
have expelled two for having the Generosity to serve their
Country for nothing, w’ch they term bribery.” Official
Letters, ii. 129. This reminds one of the language applied
by Sherwood and Ludwell to Bacon’s followers (see above,
p. 102); and suggests the presence among the burgesses
of a considerable party which felt it necessary to contend
against aristocratizing tendencies. To establish the
principle that representatives might serve without pay
would tend to disqualify poor folk from serving in that
capacity.

317 There is evidently a slip of the pen here; Letters must have
been the word intended.

318 Spotswood to the Lords of Trade, June 24, 1718. Official

Letters, ii. 280, 281.

319 The 58th birthday of George I., May 28, 1718.

320 Spotswood, Official Letters, ii. 284.

321 His feelings find temperate expression in his letters to the
Lords of Trade and to the secretary of state, James
Stanhope; e. g., in October, 1712: “This Unhappy State of
her Maj’t’s Subjects in my Neighbourhood is ye more
Affecting to me because I have very little hopes of being
enabled to relieve them by our Assembly, which I have
called to meet next Week.... No arguments I have used
can prevail on these people to make their Militia more
Serviceable;” and in July, 1715: “I cannot forbear
regretting yt I must always have to do w’th ye
Representatives of ye Vulgar People, and mostly with such
members as are of their Stamp and Understanding, for so
long as half an Acre of Land ... qualifys a man to be an
Elector, the meaner sort of People will ever carry ye
Elections, and the humour generally runs to choose such
men as are their most familiar Companions, who very
eagerly seek to be Burgesses merely for the Lucre of the
Salary, and who, for fear of not being chosen again, dare
in Assembly do nothing that may be disrelished out of the
House by ye Common People.... However, as my general
Success hitherto with this sort of Assemblys is not to be
Complained of, and as I have brought them, in some
particulars, to place greater Trust in me than ever they did
in any Governor before, and seeing their Confidence in Me
has encreased with their Knowledge of me, I have great
hopes to lead even this new Assembly into measures that
may be for the hon’r and safety of these parts of his
Maj’t’s Dominions.... Ye Assembly of No. Carolina has
already faulted their Governor for dispatching away to ye
relief of his next Neighbours a small reinforcement of Men,
they alledging that their own danger requir’d not to
weaken themselves.... None of ye Provinces on ye
Continent have yet sent any Assistance of Men to So.
Carolina, except this Colony alone, and No. Carolina, and
by w’t I understand from Govern’r Hunter [of New York] I
am afraid they may be diverted from it, he writing me
word yt their Indians are grown very turbulent and
ungovernable. We are not here without our dangers, too,
but yet I judg’d it best, and ye readiest way to save
ourselves, to run immediately to check the first kindling
Flames, and even to stretch a point to succour Carolina
with Arms and ammunition; and I made such dispatch in
ye first Succours of Men I sent thither yt they pass’d no
more than 15 days between the Day of ye Carolina
Comm’rs coming to me and ye day of my embarking 118
Men listed for their Service. I have since sent another
Vessel with 40 or 50 Men more; and hope in a short time
to have ye Complem’t raised w’ch this Government has
engag’d to furnish.... I need not offer, for my justification,
to wound his Maj’t’s Ears with particular relation of the
miserys his Subjects in Carolina labour under, and of ye
Inhuman butchering and horrid Tortures many of them
have been exposed to.” So in Oct. 1715: “Such was the
Temper and Understanding [of the House of Burgesses]
that they could not be reason’d into Wholesome Laws,
and such their humour and principles yt they would aim at
no other Acts than what invaded ye Prerogative or
thwarted the Government. So that all their considerable
Bills Stopt in the Council.... On ye 8 of Aug’st ... they
plainly declar’d they would do nothing ... till they had an
Answer from his Maj’tie to their Address about the Quitt
rents. I need not repeat to you, S’r, what I have formerly
represented of the inconveniency a Governm’t without
money is expos’d to, especially in any dangerous
Conjuncture.... The bulk of the Ellectors of Assembly Men
concists of the meaner sort of People, who ... are more
easily impos’d upon by persons who are not restrain’d by
any Principles of Truth or Hon’r from publishing amongst
them the most false reports, and have front enough to
 assert for truth even the grossest Absurdities. [How well
this describes the blatant demagogues who thrive and
multiply in the cesspool of politics to-day, like maggots in
carrion!] ... These mobish Candidates always outbid the
Gent’n of sence and Principles, for they stick not to vow to
their Electors that no consideration whatever shall engage
them to raise money, and some of them have so little
shame as publickly to declare that if, in Assembly,
anything should be propos’d w’ch they judg’d might be
disagreeable to their Constituents, they would oppose it,
tho’ they knew in their consciences yt it would be for ye
good of the Country.” Spotswood’s Official Letters, ii. 1, 2,
124, 125, 130, 132, 164.

322 The expression is suggested by a famous passage in Lord

Macaulay, who seems to think that it all happened in order
that Frederick the Great might keep his hold upon Silesia!

323 See above, vol i. p. 27.

324 See above, vol. i. p. 61.

325 See above, vol. i. p. 116.

326 Hening’s Statutes, i. 381.

327 These were Kaskaskia and Cahokia in 1700, Detroit in

1701, Mobile in 1702, and Vincennes in 1705; and
Bienville was just about to found New Orleans, which he
did in 1718.

328 “I have often regretted that after so many Years as these

Countrys have been Seated, no Attempts have been made
to discover the Sources of Our Rivers, nor to Establishing
Correspondence w’th those Nations of Indians to ye
Westw’d of Us, even after the certain Knowledge of the
Progress made by French in Surrounding us w’th their
 Settlements.” Spotswood, Official Letters, iii. 295. A
reconnoissance was made in 1710, which reported that
the Blue Ridge was not, as had been supposed,
impassable. Id. i. 40.

329 Fontaine’s journal of the expedition shows that the

crossing was not at Rockfish Gap, as formerly supposed.
Cf. Peyton’s History of Augusta County, Staunton, 1882,
pp. 24, 29.

330 “Thus it is a pleasure to cross the mountains.”

331 Jones, Present State of Virginia, London, 1724, p. 14.

332 Spotswood, Official Letters, ii. 297.

333 He understood that from Swift Run Gap it was but three
days’ march to a tribe of Indians living on a river which
emptied into Lake Erie; also that from a distant peak,
which was pointed out to him, Lake Erie was distinctly
visible; so he estimated the total distance as five days’
march. The river route thus vaguely indicated was
probably down the Youghiogheny or the Monongahela to
the site of Pittsburgh, then up the Alleghany and so on to
the site of Erie, distant in a straight line about 300 miles
from Swift Run Gap. Braddock in 1755 was a month in
getting over less than one fourth of the actual route. But,
in spite of the false estimate, Spotswood’s general idea
was sound.

334 William and Mary College Quarterly, i. 7.

335 In this respect one of his family in the days of our great
Civil War was like him. The noble statue at the entrance of
Forest Park in St. Louis stands there to remind us that it
was chiefly the iron will of Francis Preston Blair that in
1861 prevented the secessionist government of Missouri
 from dragging that state over to the Southern
Confederacy.

336 George Washington’s elder brother, Lawrence, served in

this expedition, and named his estate Mount Vernon after
the admiral.

337 In 1781 the mansion at Temple Farm was known as the

Moore House.

338 In my next following work, entitled “The Dutch and Quaker

Colonies in America,” I hope to give a more detailed and
specific account of the Scotch-Irish and their important
work in this country.

339 Conway’s Barons, p. 213; Kercheval’s History of the Valley

of Virginia, Winchester, 1833, p. 65.

340 Cf. Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist. v. 276.

341 Greene’s Antiquities of Worcester, p. 273.

Transcriber’s Note:
Obvious printer errors corrected silently.

Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.

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