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Social Science Libraries Interdisciplinary Collections
Services Networks International Federation of Library
Associations and Institutions 1st Edition Steve W. Witt
Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Steve W. Witt
ISBN(s): 9783110232158, 3110232154
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 1.51 MB
Year: 2010
Language: english
International Federation of Library Associations and Institutions
Fédération Internationale des Associations de Bibliothécaires et des Bibliothèques
Internationaler Verband der bibliothekarischen Vereine und Institutionen
Международная Федерация Библиотечных Ассоциаций и Учреждений
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About IFLA www.ifla.org

IFLA (The International Federation of Library Associations and Institutions) is the

leading international body representing the interests of library and information ser-
vices and their users. It is the global voice of the library and information profession.

IFLA provides information specialists throughout the world with a forum for ex-
changing ideas and promoting international cooperation, research, and develop-
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Library and information professionals gather annually at the IFLA World Library
and Information Congress, held in August each year in cities around the world.

IFLA was founded in Edinburgh, Scotland, in 1927 at an international conference

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Koninklijke Bibliotheek (Royal Library), the national library of the Netherlands, in
The Hague, generously provides the facilities for our headquarters. Regional of-
fices are located in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil; Pretoria, South Africa; and Singapore.
IFLA Publications 144

Social Science Libraries:

Interdisciplinary Collections,
Services, Networks

Edited by
Steven W. Witt and Lynne M. Rudasill

De Gruyter Saur
IFLA Publications
edited by Sjoerd Koopman

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Social science libraries : interdisciplinary collections, services, networks /

edited by Steven W. Witt and Lynne M. Rudasill.
p. cm. -- (IFLA publications, ISSN 0344-6891 ; 144)
“Each chapter is a direct result of the IFLA Social Science Libraries Sec-
tion’s 2008 conference titled Disappearing disciplinary borders in the social
science library : global studies or sea change?, which took place August
6th- 7th, 2008 at the University of Toronto’s Faculty of Information (FI)”--
Foreword.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-3-11-023214-1 (alk. paper)
1. Social science libraries. 2. Interdisciplinary research. I. Witt, Steve W.
II. Rudasill, Lynne M. III. International Federation of Library Associations
and Institutions. Social Science Libraries Section.
Z675.S6S63 2010
026.3--dc22
2010019674

ISBN 978-3-11-023214-1
e-ISBN 978-3-11-023215-8
ISSN 0344-6891

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 5

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

Introduction

Revolutions in Science and the Role of Social Science Libraries

Steven W. Witt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

Disciplinary and Organizational Shifts

Being Undisciplined; Or Traversing Disciplinary Configurations in
Social Science and Humanities Databases: Conceptual Considerations
for Interdisciplinarity and Multidisciplinarity
Jean-Pierre V. M. Hérubel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25

Disciplinary Boundaries in an Interdisciplinary World

Margaret Robb . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40

Walls Tumbling Down: Opportunities for Librarians

in Interdisciplinary Research
Jeffrey A. Knapp . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53

‘New Kids on the Block’: Developing a Social Science Strategy

in the British Library
Jude England . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62

Data Services
Share and Share Alike? Data-Sharing Practices
in Different Disciplinary Domains
JoAnn Jacoby . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79

Socio-economic Databases as a Support System for

Interdisciplinary Research: Indian Scenario
P. R. Goswami . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95

Developing Social Networks

Going Global: Facilitating Global Research and Education
at George Mason University Libraries
LeRoy LaFleur, Melissa Johnson, and Beth Roszkowski . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
6 Table of Contents

No Passport Needed: Border Crossings in the Academic Library

Suzan Alteri and Michael C. Sensiba. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118

Conclusion

Dispersion and Consilience – Futures for the Social Science Library

Lynne M. Rudasill . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131
 7

FOREWORD

This volume focuses on practical and empirical accounts of organizational

change as it is occurring in the social sciences and impacts upon the profes-
sional skills, collections, and services within social science libraries. The ques-
tions raised relate to the changes that are occurring in the disciplines we serve
and in the libraries in which we work. Are these changes real or falsely per-
ceived? What is truly interdisciplinary work and what is multi-disciplinary
work? Is subject integration occurring in some areas? How can librarians facili-
tate moving from knowledge silos to a more commonly shared understanding
of the social sciences?
Section One focuses upon the question of interdisciplinary within social
science libraries and the role of libraries to both react to and facilitate para-
digm shifts in research and science. Section Two focuses on the rise of data
as a resource to be collected and shared within social science libraries. Sec-
tion Three focuses on the role of librarians to facilitate the development of
social organizations that arise around new technologies and research commu-
nities. The editors contextualize the development and trajectory of new re-
search practices and their impact on social science libraries in chapters one
and ten.
Each chapter is a direct result of the IFLA Social Science Libraries Sec-
tion’s 2008 conference titled Disappearing disciplinary borders in the social
science library – global studies or sea change?, which took place August 6th –
7th, 2008 at the University of Toronto’s Faculty of Information (FI).
The conference focused on changes within the social sciences and ways
in which academic and special libraries can continue to provide services and
resources to researchers who are working on necessarily interdisciplinary
research questions within the constraints of organizational structures (univer-
sities, libraries, associations, and journals) that can’t easily support this work.
Over 60 librarians and information professionals from North America, Cen-
tral America, Europe, Asia, and South Asia attended the conference to dis-
cuss this important topic in the context of the twenty papers that were pre-
sented.
The IFLA Social Science Libraries Section would like to thank Carol
Moore, Judith Dunn, Victoria Owen, the staff and student volunteers from FI
for hosting this conference and providing essential material and personal sup-
port. Special thanks are also due to Judith Snow and Barbara Ford for bringing
together the University of Toronto and the University of Illinois at Urbana-
Champaign to work on this project. Additional thanks go to the collaborating
organizations, which include The University of Toronto Faculty of Information
Science, the University of Toronto Library, University Library of the Univer-
sity of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, and the Center for Global Studies at the
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. We also appreciate financial sup-
8 Foreword

port from CQ Press, the Worldwide Universities Network, and the U.S. De-
partment of Education Title VI NRC Program.

Steven W. Witt
Lynne M. Rudasill
INTRODUCTION
 11

REVOLUTIONS IN SCIENCE AND THE ROLE

OF SOCIAL SCIENCE LIBRARIES

Steven W. Witt

The moment for grand-scale organ-

izational transformation is approach-
ing (Wallerstein, 1991)
Real problems of society do not come
in discipline shaped blocks (Roy, 1979)

INTRODUCTION:
THE ROLE OF SOCIAL SCIENCE LIBRARIES IN FOSTERING
RESEARCH COMMUNITIES

Libraries and information services have always been closely intertwined with
the social structures that facilitate research and knowledge production. By their
nature, libraries serve broader organizational or cultural missions and thus must
in some manner simultaneously reflect the logic of the structures in which they
are embedded while anticipating future needs and imperatives. Social science
libraries, whether they exist within a strictly academic setting or support re-
search and dissemination in any number of specialized governmental or corpo-
rate settings are not exempt from maintaining such a balance. In a non-complex
world, where problems remain the same and organizational structures are nei-
ther fluid nor permeable, collections, services, and the notion of a user com-
munity is straightforward. Knowledge production and the structures of inquiry
that social science libraries support, however, are by their nature complex and
ever changing.
This complexity is evidenced by the growth of new fields of scholarship and
research that libraries and librarians within the social sciences are called upon
to support. How does one develop the parameters for building a collection to
support Sustainability Research? In what department will one find students and
researchers involved in Refugee Studies? How does a librarian effectively dis-
seminate information and data from the multiple fields that conspire to inform
Global Studies research?1
This continued growth of interdisciplinarity and problem centered research
that both challenges and draws upon the strengths of academic structures pre-
sents social science libraries with new opportunities to develop structures for
collection building, services, and the organization of knowledge that don’t
simply reinforce or mirror institutional structures as they are currently codified
12 Steven W. Witt

in the academic world. If libraries and professional practices are truly going to
reflect the nature of the knowledge production they support, then one of the ar-
eas of increased focus needs to be changes within the paradigms of science and
the logic of the paradigms themselves. As Kuhn notes, “one central aspect of
any revolution [in science] is that some of the similarity relations change. Ob-
jects that were grouped in the same set before are grouped in different ones af-
terward and vice versa” (Kuhn, 1996, p. 200). In order to remain relevant to the
organizations and scholars that libraries support, librarians need to be able to
map and anticipate new interdisciplinary or problem focused research commu-
nities. This will allow libraries to not only support critical new areas and forms
of research but to also challenge the logic of organizational structures and fa-
cilitate the paradigmatic shifts central to problem solving and knowledge pro-
duction.
Through an exploration of interdisciplinarity and transdisciplinarity, this
chapter provides suggestions for ways in which social science libraries can bet-
ter map and anticipate new interdisciplinary or problem focused research
communities in order to serve the needs of researchers and aid in dissemination
of knowledge to new groups.

DISCIPLINARITY, INTERDISCIPLINARITY, AND COMPLEX

PROBLEM SOLVING

Readings on disciplinarity suggest that disciplines focus research within a sin-

gle paradigm, while paradoxically striving to expand their authority and do-
main. This complicates the use of disciplines as the unit of analysis for map-
ping research communities and developing services to support them. These dif-
ficulties are made clear through a review of literature on disciplinarity and in-
terdisciplinarty.
Traditionally, science and inquiry within the academic disciplines are fo-
cused on small or esoteric problems in order to “investigate some part of nature
in detail and depth that would otherwise be unimaginable” (Kuhn, 1996, p. 24).
This rationale forms the basis for disciplinary thinking and drives the organiza-
tion of scientific communities into disciplines. As Kuhn and others note, these
structures serve a valuable function in maintaining the preconditions for re-
search, which includes structures to ensure funding, dissemination, and the
training of new scholars to continue work within the discipline. Without the
shared knowledge, rigor, and avenues that disciplines provide to support and
disseminate research, it is impossible to imagine the explosion of knowledge
that humans have experienced in the past century.
As organizations, however, disciplines are also inclined to support and serve
the social structures from which research communities emerge. This social
layer creates an added level of complexity through which the logic of discipli-
 Revolutions in Science and the Role of Social Science Libraries 13

nary objectives has the power to supplant the problem that originally informed
the discipline. As Salter and Hearn note, disciplines also serve as registers
which dictate “the manner in which information is understood, arguments are
marshaled, and issues are discussed” (1997, p. 23). These disciplinary registers
are characterized by a dominant set of methods or a paradigm; institutional
recognition through departments, conferences and journals; a self-identified
community; and methods of disciplining community members (Salter and
Hearn, 1997).
Others take a more provocative approach to disciplinary behavior and its
impact on knowledge production. Gieryn characterizes disciplines as protecting
their boundaries from both inside and outside of the academy by expanding
their domains of authority, monopolizing knowledge and resources, and pro-
tecting its members from external scrutiny (1983). Damrosch uses of the meta-
phor of free market competition among nation states to depict disciplines in a
state of constant competition for ideas, eroding the sense of communities of in-
quiry and fostering greater divides amongst the disciplines (1995).
Although the disciplines have erected strong mechanisms of control to sus-
tain work in a problem area, scientific inquiry lays the foundation for discipli-
nary change. Klein attributes this constant state of change to six drivers of
permeation:
1. the epistemological structure of a particular discipline
2. relations with neighboring disciplines
3. the pull of powerful or fashionable new tools, methods, concepts, and
theories
4. the pull of problem-solving over strictly disciplinary focus
5. the complexifying of disciplinary research
6. redefinitions of what is considered intrinsic and extrinsic to discipline
(Klein, 1993, p. 187).

Klein’s analysis of the permeation of disciplines highlights the paradoxical role

that the disciplines play in creating increasingly miniscule research problems
and their accompanying new disciplines while simultaneously fostering more
cross-disciplinary exchange through the drawing of new borders to be pro-
tected and crossed. The nature of disciplines as described by Klein and others
suggests an internal structural weakness that has the potential to inhibit work
on complex problems that do not fit within one domain. As Roy notes in his
plea to develop permanent interdisciplinary units on campuses dedicated to so-
cial problems, “real problems of society do not come in discipline-shaped
blocks” (1979, p. 165).
Research on interdisciplinarity focuses largely on knowledge production and
organization as it occurs outside of the traditional disciplines. As alluded to by
Roy, interdisciplinarity is often seen as the optimal approach for fostering re-
search that draws from the knowledge produced by disciplines to focus upon
14 Steven W. Witt

societal problems such as climate change, health, and food security. This
makes understanding interdisciplinary practices and scholarly communications
a key ingredient to learning more about how research problems and communi-
ties evolve.
Salter and Hearn (1997) provide a good map of interdisciplinarity as it is
practiced and viewed by its practitioners. These are broken down into three
forms: an instrumental view of knowledge, new synthesis of knowledge, and
critical interdisciplinarity. The instrumental view of knowledge is problem cen-
tered and responds to external demands. This represents research and structures
such as thematic research centers advocated by Roy, which don’t challenge ex-
isting paradigms and draw upon disciplines for expertise. New synthesis of
knowledge challenges existing structures by developing novel conceptual
frameworks and methodologies, leading to a new discipline. Critical interdis-
ciplinarity views both as trapped within the logic of disciplinarity and operat-
ing under disciplinary control mechanisms when classifying and categorizing
interdisciplinary work.
Woven through these three types of interdisciplinarity is the core of scien-
tific inquiry: problem solving. Much of the research on interdisciplinarity fo-
cuses on the role of interdisciplinary research in addressing problems that exist
beyond the confines of Kuhn’s “Normal Science.” Mote’s research on the in-
formation needs of scientists paves the way for understanding interdisciplinary
research as a means to solve complex problems that fall outside the limits of a
single subject. Mote identifies three groups of scientists, each working within
wider and increasingly variable subject areas, arriving at the third group,
through which information must be synthesized from a non-organized literature
that relies upon more than one specialist literature (1962, p. 171). Although
Mote does not address interdisciplinarity directly, he concludes that these re-
searchers need more informational support and thus require more resources by
virtue of their existence outside the disciplinary support structures that sustain
the organization of literature and research.
As reported by Klein, research on interdisciplinary and knowledge produc-
tion later yields conclusions similar to Mote’s. Reynolds’ three types of prob-
lems overlap with Mote’s while adding “problems of the third kind”, which are
“generated increasingly by society . . . and [call for] policy-action results [or] a
technicological quick fix (Reynolds in Klien, 1999, p.13). These paradigms of
interdisciplinarity fall within the traditional social framework of science
through which interdisciplinary work is carried out amongst the disciplines.
Gibbons, however, articulates a level of research that is abstracted one level
further from what might be seen as traditional interdisciplinarity. Often charac-
terized as transdisciplinarity, Mode 2 knowledge production again mirrors
Mote and Reynolds yet adds another layer of complexity by theorizing upon a
means of knowledge production that not only focuses on problems driven by
social need but also includes the emergence of new non-university/non-
 Revolutions in Science and the Role of Social Science Libraries 15

disciplinary actors in identifying problems, finding solutions, and articulating

research based policy (Gibbons et al, 1994; 2006). This new research paradigm
represents a shift away from disciplinarirty and even interdisciplinarity by
breaking down traditional boundaries between science and society and creating
new configurations of research and accountability that even moves beyond the
university-corporate-government structure (Etkozwitz, 2007).

PROBLEM SOLVING RESEARCH

Research on complex social problems falls within much of what is described as

Mode 2 (M2) knowledge production. In the social sciences, the emerging aca-
demic area known as Global Studies is an example of scholarly activity that
shares many M2 qualities. Global Studies attempts to marshal research, teach-
ing, and even advocacy around global social problems ranging from climate
change, human security, sustainable development, and role of the rule of law in
governing at a global level. Global Studies often uses the world’s population or
the phenomena of globalization as a unit of analysis through which to either
understand the global dimensions of a problem or determine a means through
which a global society is conspiring to develop a solution. Often this is carried
out explicitly to inform or advocate for a social outcome or policy position. For
example, a topic such as the viability of biofuel production as a replacement for
fossil fuels in the context of “global studies” would rely upon the synthesis of
knowledge from chemical engineering, agricultural economics, sociology, an-
thropology, political economics, and area studies. Research methods might
combine the use of large data sets for econometric analysis on the real cost of
production with deep case studies that document the societal and cultural ef-
fects of the displacement of rural economies and traditional food sources. The
results of such research might be policy advice on how to best implement tech-
nologies taking into account the transnational impact on culture and economies
in regions that are seemingly removed from the technical, scientific, problem.
Research of this type has all of the hallmarks of the M2 paradigm; Global Stud-
ies knowledge discovery is trans-disciplinary, oriented to the solution of an ap-
plied problem, distributed across academic and non-academic research com-
munities, and subject to use and analysis by actors from multiple disciplines
and organizational settings (Gibbons, 1994).
Given our knowledge of disciplinarity and interdisciplinarity, research of
emerging scholarly fields such as Global Studies are of potential merit for exam-
ining empirically the organization of communities and knowledge within the M2
framework in order to better understand the broader implications of this kind of
research on the library collections, services, and the organization of knowledge.
Problem based research areas such as Global Studies share few qualities
with a traditional discipline. These fields of inquiry do not focus on a discrete
16 Steven W. Witt

or small problem or domain of knowledge, but rather on solutions to problems

that encompass other broad domains such as the global population as a whole.
There may also be no faculty trained in the area and few structures that yield
disciplinary identity or allegiance; journals may be few and degree programs
only emergent if existent at all.
As interdisciplinary fields, these problem centered areas would fall within
both the instrumental view of knowledge and a critical, transdisciplinary per-
spective. Research relies upon borrowed methodologies and synthesis from
large domains of knowledge. Many also fall into Klien’s category of exogenous
interdisciplinary knowledge since research problems are created by the real so-
cietal problems (1996). This suggests that many of these new areas trend toward
the transdisciplinarity that Gibbons attributed to M2 knowledge production.
The methods and disciplines used in any given problem may vary depending
on the problem and the way in which the question is framed. Looking at cli-
mate change, one may focus on global governance issues that arise from multi-
country talks, another may look at global governance from the perspective of
the power of civil society to affect policy, and another may focus on variants
by which agricultural communities respond to global warming. Each is at-
tempting to answer the question of how humans as a global society respond to
climate change.
Research in these domains also tends to be socially distributed. The research
community may include multiple institutional, national, and organizational ac-
tors that reside within and without the traditional academic based scientific
community. This broad network from which to draw and communicate places
the mechanisms of control outside of the disciplines and creates the potential
for a dynamic system of accountability.
The complexity presented by M2 knowledge production oblige us to re-think
how collections are developed and to whom services are focused, requiring
new methods of identifying and conceiving users and knowledge organization.

RE-GROUPING PROBLEM BASED DISCIPLINES

The characteristics of transdisciplinary research presents problems in mapping

and measuring its research communities. Identifying these communities relies
less upon mapping disciplinary structures or institutional practices and more on
mapping and exploring the “self-organized ecologies” or “individual constitu-
encies” that emerge around complex problems (Van Raan, 2000; Palmer,
2001). Our knowledge of the difficulties that scholars have in importing and
exporting information between scholarly communities also creates a paradoxi-
cal situation (Palmer, 2001, p. 125). How does one identify, measure, and ana-
lyze an inter/trans-disciplinary group that is not self-identified and operates at
an organizational disadvantage? How do libraries justify funds, provide ser-
 Revolutions in Science and the Role of Social Science Libraries 17

vices, develop collections, or even identify users in a research community that

only exists marginally when viewed through the traditional disciplinary struc-
tures? The first step is to map or re-organize research groups to form interdis-
ciplinary or transdisciplinary communities.
Van Raan describes three analytical approaches to studying interdisciplinar-
ity. These include the “research activity profile”, which focuses on a group or
institute to break activities down into subfields; “the research influence pro-
file”, which focuses on works that cite a research group / institute; and “the
construction of bibliographic maps”, which rely upon co-currance analysis to
identify structural relations to expose “self-organized ecologies” (2000).
The use of purely bibliometric tools to analyze social connections within re-
search communities points back to Small and Griffith’ s work in 1974 to iden-
tify academic specialties that constitute disciplinary subfields. Small and Grif-
fith’s approach is still employed to cluster research specialties and applicable
to learning more about the nature of M2 research.
Schummer’s research on patterns of research in nanotechnology, provides
various rationales and descriptions of four bibliometric approaches, which in-
clude co-currance, co-classification, journal classification analysis, and citation
analysis (2003). He concludes that the use of co-author, a type of co-currance
analysis, allows one to map geographical, organizational, and disciplinary af-
filiations to “understand interdisciplinarity as a combined cognitive and social
phenomena,” which is important in ambiguous fields. Similar uses of co-author
analysis are used to identify and visualize M2 research groups (Perianes-
Rodriguez et al, 2009).
In each of these instances co-author analysis is used to reveal social linkages
among scholars across disciplines, organizations and regions. Although techni-
cally different, this method is similar conceptually to Crane’s approach to in-
visible colleges. Like Schummer, Crane uses individual linkages to draw social
circles around groups of scholars connected across institutions and to some ex-
tent disciplines (1972).
Several articles in the May 2006 issue of Entrepreneurship Theory and
Practice use co-citation analysis to overcome what is perceived by scholars as
fragmentation of this research community and estimate the levels of conver-
gence in research to determine whether the field is evolving into a scholarly
discipline (Grégoire et al, 2006; Schildt & Zahra, 2006). This research, how-
ever, focuses largely on the use of bibliometrics to measure disciplinarity rather
than the social phenomena the surrounds knowledge production around the
problem of entrepreneurship.
Schwechheimer and Winterhager analyze the problem areas of climate re-
search and retrograde amnesia in two studies that use keywords to cluster co-
cited publications in order to expose new research fronts or “highly dynamic
specialties,” following directly the work of Small and Griffith yet applying it to
M2 problems (1999; 2001).
18 Steven W. Witt

Heimeriks et al employ an elegant yet complex three tiered approach to

studying the network and social dynamics of research areas, such as artificial
intelligence and biotechnology, that are “characterized by heterogeneous col-
laborations between different actors, and by heterogeneous communications
using an increasing number of different media.” Their methodology begins by
building a journal-journal citation matrix based upon a key journal in the area
to help represent the nodes, relations, and content within the field of research.
Employing co-citation analysis and co-word analysis, content areas, organ-
izational representation, and virtual linkages are then mapped to show how
different organizations play the role of users, producers, suppliers and drivers
of research in various networks that exist across sectors and countries (2003).
This research provides a powerful model to consider, yet relies heavily upon
quantitative analysis, missing opportunities to triangulate and deepen their
understanding of the social dynamics and motivating factors driving this re-
search.
The range of bibliographic or scientiographic methods employed to graph
M2 knowledge production and their social milieu, allows for several routes to
explore research on complex social issues. Each of the noted methods, with the
exception of Crane, use almost exclusively quantitative methods to expose the
social and organizational dynamic of the problems on which they focus. Stud-
ies such as these provide a framework from which to begin rationalizing collec-
tion strategies, developing bibliographies, or even identifying research com-
munities to which target information dissemination.

CONCLUSION

Continuing to develop our understanding of interdisciplinarity and the manner

by which new research communities emerge is the first step in facing the chal-
lenges that new and emerging research problems and disciplines pose to librar-
ies and services. As Palmer notes, it is also essential to learn more about how
information is used in the context of problem based research (1996). To do this
librarians need to insinuate themselves into research communities to gain ac-
cess to research groups as they emerge and work within these communities to
develop the resources, data, and services to support new modes of inquiry and
research on complex problems that reside outside of the disciplines.2 By doing
this, “librarians can provide essential boundary services . . . by actively dis-
seminating work across domains and helping to link scientists to others who
have complementary expertise.” (Palmer, 1996, p. 186).
Providing boundary services embeds librarians into the research process and
reinforces the role of librarians as an intermediary of knowledge. It also en-
ables librarians support what Wallerstein characterizes as “a social science that
feels comfortable with the uncertainties of transition” (2001, p. 256). In essence,
 Revolutions in Science and the Role of Social Science Libraries 19

it positions social science libraries to participate in the process of organiza-

tional and structural change rather than reacting to or inhibiting it.

NOTES

1. For research on interdisciplinary collection development and services see:

Wilson, M. C., & Edelman, H. (1996). Collection development in an inter-
disciplinary context. The Journal of Academic Librarianship, 22(3), 195-
200; Searing, S. E. (1996). Meeting the Information Needs of Interdiscipli-
nary Scholars: Issues for Administrators of Large University Libraries. Li-
brary Trends, 45(2), 315-42; and Dobson, C., Kushkowski, J. D., &
Gerhard, K. H. (1996). Collection evaluation for interdisciplinary fields: A
comprehensive approach. The Journal of Academic Librarianship, 22(4),
279-284.
2. See chapters throughout this volume on disciplinarity and organizational
shifts, data services, and social networks that explore further case studies
and analysis of library programs that attempt to these knowledge organiza-
tion and dissemination needs that social science libraries can address.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Börner, K., & Scharnhorst, A. (2009). Visual conceptualizations and models of

science. Journal of Informetrics, 3(3), 161-172.
Damrosch, D. (1995). We scholars: changing the culture of the university.
Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Dobson, C., Kushkowski, J. D., & Gerhard, K. H. (1996). Collection evaluation
for interdisciplinary fields: A comprehensive approach. The Journal of Aca-
demic Librarianship, 22(4), 279-284.
Etzkowitz, H. (1997). Universities and the global knowledge economy: a triple
helix of university-industry-government relations. New York: Pinter.
Gibbons, M. et al (1995). The new production of knowledge the dynamics of
science and research in contemporary societies. London: Sage
Gibbons, M. et al (2006). Re-thinking science: knowledge and the public in an
age of uncertainty. Cambridge UK: Polity.
Gieryn, T. F. (1983). Boundary-Work and the demarcation of science from
non-science: strains and interests in professional ideologies of scientists.
American Sociological Review, 48(6), 781-795.
Gregoire, D. A., Noel, M. X., Dery, R., & Bechard, J. (2006). Is there concep-
tual convergence in entrepreneurship research? A co-citation analysis of
frontiers of entrepreneurship research, 1981-2004. Entrepreneurship Theory
and Practice, 30(3), 333-373.
Other documents randomly have
different content
"I never thought of it," answered Worth, ruefully. "Besides, they
went so quickly that I didn't have time."
"They ought to have stood still for a minute or two, that's a fact,"
said Sumner, who was rather inclined to laugh at his less
experienced companion.
Just then there came another crashing of the palmettoes, and a third
deer bounded into sight for an instant, only to disappear
immediately as the others had done.
"Why didn't you fire?" laughed Worth. "It was a splendid shot!"
"Because this is your station," replied Sumner, anxious to conceal
beneath this weak excuse the fact that he had been fully as startled
and unnerved as his companion. "I do believe, though," he added,
"that this last fellow was wounded, and perhaps we may get him
yet."
The discovery of fresh blood on the palmetto leaves through which
the flying animal had passed confirmed this belief, and without a
thought of the possible consequences the boys set off in hot pursuit
of the wounded deer.
They easily followed the trail of the blood-smeared leaves, and in the
ardor of their pursuit they might have gone a mile, or they might
have gone ten for all they knew, when suddenly, without warning,
they came face to face with the deer. He was a full-grown buck, with
branching antlers still in the velvet, and by his swaying from side to
side he was evidently exhausted. The sight of his enemies seemed
to infuse him with renewed strength, and the next instant he
charged fiercely towards them.
Worth, attempting to run, tripped and fell in his path. Sumner, with
better luck, sprang aside, and sent a charge of buckshot into the
furious animal at such short range that the muzzle of his gun nearly
touched it. It fell in a heap on top of Worth, gave one or two
convulsive kicks, and was dead.
Its warm life-blood spurted over the prostrate boy, and when
Sumner dragged him from beneath the quivering carcass he was
smeared with it from head to foot.
"Are you hurt, old man?" inquired Sumner, anxiously, as his
companion leaned heavily on him, trembling from exhaustion and his
recent fright.
"I don't know that I am," replied Worth, with a feeble attempt at a
smile. "I expect I am only bruised and scratched. But, oh, Sumner,
what an awfully ferocious thing a deer is! Seems to me they are as
bad as panthers. What wouldn't I give for a drink of water! I can
hardly speak, I am so choked with smoke."
With this, Sumner suddenly became aware that the smoke, which
they had not noticed in the excitement of their chase, had so
increased in density that breathing was becoming difficult.
Thoroughly alarmed, he looked about him. In all directions the
woods were full of it, and even at a short distance the trees showed
indistinctly through its blue haze. Now, for the first time, the boys
were conscious of a dull roar with which the air was filled. Their long
chase must have led them directly towards the fire.
"We must get back to camp as quickly as possible!" exclaimed
Sumner, realizing at once the danger of their situation. "Come on,
Worth, we haven't a moment to lose!"
"But what shall we do with our deer?" asked the blood-covered boy,
who could not bear the thought of relinquishing their hard-won
prize.
"Never mind the deer, but come along!" replied Sumner. "If I am not
mistaken, we shall have our hands full taking care of ourselves. That
fire is coming down on us faster than we can run, and we haven't
any too much start of it as it is."
 Chapter XXXIV.
HEMMED IN BY A FOREST FIRE.
Which way were they to fly? The terrible roar of the burning forest
seemed to come from all directions, and the smoke seemed hardly
less dense on one side than on another. But there had been no fire
where they came from, and they must retrace their steps along the
blood-marked trail that they had followed, of course. Although the
body of the deer lay near the spot where it had ended, they were at
first too bewildered to discover it, and lost several precious minutes
in searching among the palmetto leaves for its crimson signs. At
length they found them, and started back on a run.
It was exhausting work trying to run through the thick scrub, over its
loglike roots, and among the rough rock masses strewn in the
wildest confusion between them, and their speed was quickly
reduced to a walk. Sumner went ahead, and, with arms uplifted to
protect his face from the sawlike edges of the stout leaf stems,
forced a way through them, with Worth close behind him.
They had not gone far when Sumner suddenly stopped and, with a
despairing gesture, pointed ahead. The flames were in front of
them, and could be distinctly seen licking the brown tree-trunks, and
stretching their writhing arms high aloft towards the green tops.
"We are going right into the fire!" the boy exclaimed, hoarsely. "The
deer must have seen it, and been curving away from it when we
overtook him!"
So they turned back, and rushed blindly, without trying to follow the
trail, in the opposite direction. Before they had gone half a mile
Worth's strength became exhausted, and he sank down on a
palmetto root gasping for breath.
"I can't go any farther, Sumner! Oh, I can't!" he cried, piteously.
"But you must! You can't stay here to be burned to death! We are
almost certain to find a slough with water in it, or a stream!" and
grasping his comrade by the arm, Sumner pulled him again to his
feet.
As he did so, the hammers of Worth's gun became caught in
something, and the next instant both barrels were discharged with a
startling explosion.
"That's a good idea!" exclaimed Sumner. "Let's fire all our cartridges
as fast as we can. Perhaps they are out looking for us, and will hear
the shots."
So saying, he fired both barrels of his own gun into the air, and
quickly reloading, fired again. Worth followed suit; but just as
Sumner was ready to fire for the third time he was startled by a
sharp crackling sound close beside him. He turned quickly. There
was a bright blaze within ten feet of him. The first accidental
discharge of Worth's gun, as it lay pointed directly into a mass of dry
grass and dead palmetto leaves, had set this on fire. Worth
instinctively sprang towards it with the intention of trying to stamp it
out, but, with a joyful cry, Sumner restrained him.
"It's the very thing!" he shouted. "A back fire! Why didn't I think of it
before? We must set a line of it as quick as we can!"
Worth did not understand, and hesitated; but seeing Sumner, with a
bunch of lighted leaves in his hand, rush from one clump of palmetto
to another, touching his blazing torch to their dry, tinderlike stalks,
he realized that his companion knew what he was about, and began
to follow his example.
Within five minutes a wall of flame a hundred yards in length was
roaring and leaping in front of them, fanned into such fury by the
high wind that they were obliged to retreat from its blistering breath.
They could not retreat far, however, for during their delay the main
fire had gained fearfully upon them, and its awful roar seemed one
of rage that they should have attempted to escape from it. Mingled
with this was the crash of falling trees and the screams of wild
animals that now began to rush frantically past the boys. A herd of
flying deer nearly trampled them underfoot; and directly afterwards
they were confronted with the gleaming eyes of a panther. With an
angry snarl he too dashed forward. Great snakes writhed and hissed
along the ground, and Worth clutched Sumner's arm in terror.
Seizing his gun, the latter began shooting at the snakes; nor did he
stop until his last cartridge was expended.
It was horrible to stand there helplessly awaiting the result of that
life-and-death race between those mighty columns of flame; but
they knew not what else to do. Now they could no longer see in
which direction to fly. The swirling smoke-clouds were closing in on
them from all sides, and only by holding their faces close to the
earth could they catch occasional breaths of fresh air.
Sumner's plan was to remain where they were until the last
moment, and then rush out over the smouldering embers of the fire
they had set. The main body of this was now rapidly retreating from
them. At the same time a fringe of flame from it was working
backward towards them. Though they made feeble efforts to beat
this out, their strength was too nearly exhausted for them to make
much headway against it. The heat was now so intense that their
skin was blistering, and their brains seemed almost ready to burst.
Worth had flung away his gun, just after loading it, when he began
to set the back fires, and now the sound of a double report from
that direction showed that the flames had found it. The noise of
these reports was followed by a loud cry, and out of the smoke-
clouds a strange, wild figure came leaping. It was a human figure.
As the boys recognized it, they echoed its cry. Then by their frantic
shouts they guided it to where they were crouching and making
ready for their desperate rush into the hot ashes and still blazing
remains of the back fire.
The figure that sprang to their side, and, seizing Worth's arm,
uttered the single word "Come!" was that of Ul-we, the young
Seminole, though the boys, having never seen him, did not, of
course, recognize him.
With thankful hearts and implicit faith they followed him as he
dashed back into the thickest of the smoke-clouds that still hung low
over the newly burnt space before them. They choked and gasped,
and their feet became blistered with the heat that penetrated
through the soles of their boots. Worth would have fallen but for the
strong hand that upheld him, and dragged him resistlessly forward.
The ordeal of fire lasted but a minute, when they emerged in a
grassy glade at one end of the burnt space, and ran to a clump of
water-loving shrubs that marked a slough beyond it.
The vanguard of the main fire raced close after them, flashing
through the brittle grass as though it were gunpowder; and as they
dashed into the bushes, and their feet sank into the mud and water
of the slough, its hot breath was mingled with theirs.
In the very centre of the thicket Ul-we threw himself down in water
that just covered his body, and held his head a little above its
surface. The boys followed his example, and experienced an instant
relief from the cool water. In this position they could breathe easily,
for the smoke-clouds seemed unable to touch the surface of the
water, but rolled two or three inches above it.
Here they lay for what seemed an eternity while the fire-fiends
raged and roared on all sides of them, and in the air above. The
heat waves scorched and withered the green thicket, the water of
the little slough grew warm and almost hot, the air that they
breathed was stifling, and for a time it almost seemed as though
they had escaped a roasting only to be boiled alive like lobsters.
After a while, that appeared to the poor boys a long, weary time, the
fiercest of the flames swept by, and their roar no longer filled the
surrounding space. There were rifts in the smoke-clouds, and
perceptible intervals of fresh air between them. Finally the boys
could sit up, and at length stand, but not until then were they
certain that the danger had passed.
Then Sumner grasped the young Indian's right hand in both of his,
and tears stood in the boy's eyes as he said: "I don't know as you
can understand me; I don't know who you are, and I don't care. I
only know that you have saved us from a horrible death, and that
from this moment I am your friend for life."
As for poor Worth, the tears fairly streamed down his smoke-
begrimed, blood-stained cheeks, as, in faltering words, he also tried
to express his gratitude.

"THE ORDEAL OF FIRE LASTED BUT A MINUTE."

The Indian seemed to understand, for he smiled and said: "Me Ul-
we. Quor'm know um. You Summer. You Worf. Me heap glad find
um. 'Fraid not. Hunt um; hunt um long time, no find um. Bimeby
hear gun, plenty. Hunt um, no find um. Bimeby hear one gun, bang!
bang! quick. Then come, find um. Hindleste. If me no find um, fire
catch um pretty quick, burn up, go big sleep Holewagus! Ul-we feel
bad, Quor'm feel bad, all body feel bad. Now all body heap hap,
dance, sing, eat heap, feel plenty glad."
All of which may be translated thus: "I am very glad to have found
you, for I was afraid I shouldn't. I hunted and hunted a long time,
but couldn't find you. At last I heard guns fired many times, and
hunted in that direction, still without finding you. Finally I heard both
barrels of a gun fired at once, not far from where I was, and then I
found you. It is good. If I had not found you just when I did, the fire
would have caught you and burned you to death, which would have
been terrible. I should have felt very badly. So would Quorum and all
your friends. Now everybody will rejoice."
Ul-we had been ordered to watch the camp of the white men by the
river until they left it, but to remain unseen by them. He had noted
the departure of the hunting party, and had also been aware of the
approach of the forest fire while it was still at a great distance.
When, some hours later, the Lieutenant came back full of anxiety
concerning the boys, and immediately started off again to hunt for
them, Ul-we also started in another direction, with the happy result
already described.
They remained in the slough two hours longer, before the
surrounding country was sufficiently cooled off for them to travel
over it. Then they set out under Ul-we's guidance, though where he
would take them to the boys had not the faintest idea.
 Chapter XXXV.
THE BOYS IN A SEMINOLE CAMP.
Although Ul-we started out from the slough that had proved such a
haven of safety in one direction, he quickly found cause to change it
for another. This cause was the lameness of the boys, for their
blistered feet felt as though parboiled, and each step was so painful
that it seemed as if they could not take another. They were also faint
for want of food, and exhausted by their recent terrible experience.
The young Indian was also suffering greatly. The moccasins had
been burned from his feet, and the act of walking caused him the
keenest pain; but no trace of limp or hesitation betrayed it, nor did
he utter a murmur of complaint.
He had intended leading them directly to their own camp; but that
was miles away, and seeing that they would be unable to reach it in
their present condition, he changed his course towards a much
nearer place of refuge. He soon found that to get Worth even that
far he must support and almost carry him. As for Sumner, he
clinched his teeth, and mentally vowing that he would hold out as
long as the barefooted Indian, he strode manfully along behind the
others with his gun, which he had retained through all their
struggles, on his shoulder.
In this way, after an hour of weary marching, they entered a live-oak
hammock, into which even the fierce forest fire had not been able to
penetrate. Here they were soon greeted by a barking of dogs that
announced the presence of some sort of a camp. It was that of the
Seminole party which had been detailed to conduct our explorers
across the Everglades, and act as guards about their halting-places.
There were about twenty men in this party, and as they had brought
their women and children with them, and had erected at this place a
number of palmetto huts, the camp presented the aspect of a
regular village. Poor Worth had just strength enough to turn to
Sumner, with a feeble smile, and say, "At last we are going to see
one," when he sank down, unable to walk another step.
A shout from Ul-we brought the inmates of the camp flocking to the
spot. Both the boys were tenderly lifted in strong arms and borne to
one of the huts, where they were laid on couches of skins and
blankets. They were indeed spectacles calculated to move even an
Indian's heart to pity. Their clothing was in rags, while their faces,
necks, and hands were torn by the saw-palmettoes through which
they had forced their way. Worth was found to have received several
cuts from the sharp hoofs of the wounded deer, and he was blood-
stained from head to foot. Besides this, they were begrimed with
smoke and soot until their original color had entirely disappeared.
They were water-soaked and plastered with mud and ashes.
Certainly two more forlorn and thoroughly wretched-looking objects
had never been seen there, or elsewhere, than were our
canoemates at that moment.
But no people know better how to deal with just such cases than the
Indians into whose hands the boys had so fortunately fallen, and
within an hour their condition was materially changed for the better.
Their soaked and ragged clothing had been removed, they had been
bathed in hot water and briskly rubbed from head to foot. A salve of
bear's grease had been applied to their cuts and to their blistered
feet, which latter were also bound with strips of cotton-cloth. Each
was clad in a clean calico shirt of gaudy colors and fanciful
ornamentation. Each had a gay handkerchief bound about his head,
and a pair of loose moccasins drawn over his bandaged feet. Each
was also provided with a red blanket which, belted about the waist
and hanging to the ground, took the place of trousers.
Thus arrayed, and sitting on bear-skin couches, with a steaming
sofkee kettle and its great wooden spoon between them, it is
doubtful if their own parents would have recognized them. For all
that they were very comfortable, and by the way that sofkee was
disappearing, it was evident that their appetites at least had suffered
no injury. They at once recognized sofkee from Quorum's
description. They also knew the history of the wooden spoon; but
just now they were too hungry to remember it, or to care if they did.
At length, when they had almost reached the limit of their capacity
in the eating line, and began to find time for conversation, Worth
remarked, meditatively:
"I believe, after all, that I like fishing better than hunting. There isn't
so much excitement about it, but, on the whole, I think it is more
satisfactory."
"Fishing for what?" laughed Sumner. "For bits of meat, with a
wooden spoon, in a Seminole sofkee kettle, and looking so much like
an Indian that your own father would refuse to recognize you?"
"If I thought I looked as much like an Indian as you do I would
never claim to be a white boy again," retorted Worth.
"I only wish that I could hold a mirror up in front of you," replied
Sumner; and then each was so struck by the comical appearance of
the other that they laughed until out of breath; while the stolid-faced
Seminole boys, stealthily staring at them from outside the hut,
exchanged looks of pitying amazement.
After this, Sumner still further excited the wonder of the young
Indians by performing several clever sleight-of-hand tricks, while
Worth regretted his inability to dance a clog for their benefit. Then
calling Ul-we into the hut, Sumner presented him with his shot-gun,
greatly to the "Tall One's" satisfaction. Worth was distressed that he
had nothing to give the brave young fellow; but brightened at
Sumner's suggestion that perhaps Ul-we would go with them to
Cape Florida, where Mr. Manton would be certain to present him
with some suitable reward for his recent service.
When Ul-we was made to comprehend what was wanted of him, he
explained that it would be impossible to go with them then, but that
he would meet them at Cape Florida on any date that they might fix.
So Sumner fixed the date as the first night of the next new moon,
and Worth added a request that he should bring with him all the
occupants of the present camp, which he promised to do, if possible.
Although the boys had no idea of where they were, they felt
confident that somehow or other they would be able to keep the
appointment thus made, and also that the Mantons' yacht would be
on hand about the same time. They tried to find out from Ul-we how
far they were from Cape Florida at the present moment; but he,
having received orders not to afford any member of Lieutenant
Carey's party the slightest information regarding the country through
which they were passing, pretended not to understand the boys'
questions, and only answered, vaguely, "Un-cah" to all of them.
By this time the day was nearly spent, and it was sunset when the
boys' own clothes were returned to them, dried, cleaned, and with
their rents neatly mended by the skilful needles of the Seminole
squaws. Then Ul-we said he was ready to take them to their own
camp, and though they would gladly have stayed longer in this
interesting village, the boys realized that they ought to relieve
Lieutenant Carey's anxiety as soon as possible. So they expressed
their willingness to accompany Ul-we, but hoped that the walk would
not be a long one.
"No walk," replied Ul-we, smiling. "Go Injun boat. Heap quick."
Accompanied by half the camp, and shouting back, "Heep-a-non-est-
cha," which they had learned meant good-bye, to the rest, they
followed their guide a short distance to the head of a narrow ditch
that had evidently been dug by the Indians. Here they entered Ul-
we's canoe, and after a few minutes of poling they realized, in spite
of the darkness, that they were once more on the edge of the
Everglades.
After skirting the forest line for some time, they turned sharply into a
stream that entered it, and again the boys found themselves borne
rapidly along on a swift current through a cypress belt. An hour later
they saw the glow of a camp-fire through the trees, and their canoe
was directed towards it. Stepping out as the canoe slid silently up to
the bank, the boys, wishing to surprise their friends, stole softly in
the direction of the circle of firelight. On its edge they paused.
At one side of the fire sat Lieutenant Carey, looking worn and
haggard; Quorum stood near him, gazing into the flames with an
expression of the deepest dejection, while the sailor, looking very
solemn, was toasting a bit of fresh meat on the end of a stick.
"No," they heard the Lieutenant say, "I can't conceive any hope that
they have escaped, for the only traces that I found of them led
directly towards the fire. How I can ever muster up courage to face
Mrs. Rankin or meet the Mantons with the news of this tragedy, I
don't know."
"Hit's a ter'ble t'ing, sah. Ole Quor'm know him couldn' do hit."
"Then it's lucky you won't have to try!" exclaimed Sumner, joyously,
stepping into sight, closely followed by Worth.
"Oh, you precious young rascals! You villains, you!" cried the
Lieutenant, springing to his feet, and seizing the boys by the
shoulders, as though about to shake them. "How dared you give us
such a fright? Where have you been?"
"Out deer-hunting, sir," answered Sumner, demurely.
Quorum was dancing about them, uttering uncouth and inarticulate
expressions of joy; while the sailor, having dropped his meat into the
fire, where it burned unheeded, gazed at them in speechless
amazement.
They told their story in disjointed sentences, from which their
hearers only gathered a vague idea that they had killed a deer in the
burning forest, been rescued from the flames by an Indian, and
borne in his arms to a Seminole village in the Everglades, from
which, by some unseen means, they had just come.
 SUMNER AND WORTH IN THE SEMINOLE CAMP.

"I'll bring him up, and he can tell you all about it himself," concluded
Sumner, turning towards the landing-place, to which the Lieutenant
insisted on accompanying him, apparently not willing to trust him
again out of sight.
But neither Ul-we nor his canoe was there. He had taken advantage
of the momentary confusion to disappear, and the Lieutenant said he
was thankful their canoes had not disappeared at the same time.
When they returned to the fire, they found Quorum hard at work
cooking venison steaks.
"Then you did get a deer, sir, after all?" queried Sumner.
"No, I only wounded one, and he escaped. This fellow was one of a
herd that, terrified by the fire, came crashing right into camp, and
was shot by the sailor."
"That's the way I shall hunt hereafter," exclaimed Worth—"stay
quietly and safely in camp, and let the game come to me!"
 Chapter XXXVI.
ONE OF THE RAREST ANIMALS IN THE
WORLD.
After their day of excitement, terror, and anxiety the explorers
passed a happy evening around their camp-fire, and Lieutenant
Carey gained a clearer idea of the boys' adventures and escapes. He
admitted that the kindness shown them in the Seminole camp gave
him a new insight into the Indian character, and wished that he
might have had a chance to thank and reward Ul-we for his brave
rescue of the young canoemates. He also regretted that he, too,
could not have visited that Indian camp, and hoped that the
appointment made by the boys with Ul-we might be kept.
In spite of their recent hearty meal of sofkee, a preparation of which
they spoke in the highest terms, the boys were able to do ample
justice to Quorum's venison steaks, greatly to the satisfaction of the
old negro. He would have felt deeply grieved if they had allowed any
amount of feasting in an Indian camp to interfere with their
enjoyment of a meal that he had cooked, no matter how short an
interval might have elapsed between the two.
Although the boys felt rather stiff and lame the next morning, it did
not prevent their being ready bright and early to continue their
journey. It was a great pleasure to be once more afloat in their own
canoes, and this was increased by the fact that they now had a swift
current with them. It was a glorious March day, and all nature
seemed to share their high spirits as they glided smoothly down the
beautiful river. The water swarmed with fish and alligators, and the
adjacent forest was alive with birds. Among the innumerable fish
that darted beneath them, they soon recognized several salt-water
varieties, which assured them that the ocean could not be far off.
As the three canoes were moving quietly along abreast of each other
and close together, the Psyche suddenly glided over a huge black
object that for an instant seemed inclined to rise and lift it bodily
into the air. As it was dropped back, there was a tremendous
floundering, and all three of the light craft were rocked so violently
that only the skill of their navigators saved them from capsizing.
"Was it a waterquake?" inquired Worth, with a very pale face, as
soon as his fright would allow him to speak.
"Yes; and there it goes," laughed the Lieutenant, pointing to a great
dim form that could just be seen moving swiftly off through the clear
water.
"It must have been a whale," said Sumner.
"No," answered Lieutenant Carey; "but it was the next thing to it. It
was a manatee or sea-cow. I have seen them in the lower Indian
River, but did not know they were found down here. I wish you boys
might have a good look at him, though, for the manatee is one of
the rarest animals in the world. It is warm-blooded and amphibious,
lives on water-grasses and other aquatic plants, grows to be twelve
or fifteen feet long, weighs nearly a ton, and is one of the most
timid and harmless of creatures. It is the only living representative of
its family on this continent, all the other members being extinct. The
Indians hunt it for its meat, which is said to be very good eating,
and for its bones, which are as fine-grained and as hard as ivory. In
general appearance it is not unlike a seal. It can strike a powerful
blow with its great flat tail, but is otherwise unarmed and incapable
of injuring an enemy. Several have been caught in nets and shipped
North for exhibition, but none of them has lived more than a few
weeks in captivity."
"What made that fellow go for us if he isn't a fighter?" asked Worth.
"He didn't," laughed the Lieutenant. "He was probably asleep, and is
wondering why we went for him. I can assure you that he was vastly
more scared than we were."
"He must have been frightened almost to death, then," said Sumner.
Soon after this they saw a landing-place on the left bank. Stopping
to examine it, they discovered a trail leading through a fringe of
bushes, behind which was an Indian field covering an old shell
mound, and in a high state of cultivation. In it were growing sweet-
potatoes, melons, squashes, sugar-cane, and beans—a supply of
which they would gladly have purchased had the proprietors been
present. As they were not, and necessity knows no law, our
canoemen helped themselves to what they needed, and when they
left, the load of the cruiser was materially increased.
At length they heard the dull boom of surf, and realized that only a
narrow strip of land separated them from the ocean. Late in the
afternoon they reached the mouth of the river, and the boys uttered
joyous shouts as they looked out over its bar and saw a limitless
expanse of blue waters, unbroken by islands, glistening in the light
of the setting sun.
With light hearts they went into camp on the inner side of the sandy
point separating the quiet waters on which they had been floating
from the long swells of the open sea. They intended running out of
the river and down the coast in the morning, for from their
surroundings, as well as from the general course they had taken
through the 'Glades, the Lieutenant was satisfied that they must be
considerably to the north of Cape Florida.
The boys determined to sleep in their canoes that night, and rigged
up the little-used striped canoe tents for that purpose. While they
were doing this, and the Lieutenant was pitching his own tent on
shore, and the others were collecting drift-wood on the beach, there
came a hail from across the river.
"Hello there! Bring a boat over here, can't ye?"
It was the first white man they had seen since leaving the Transit,
and going over in the cruiser, Sumner brought him back. He proved
to be a barefooted boy, a year younger than Worth, and yet he was
the mail-carrier over the most southerly land route, and one of the
most lonesome, in the United States. It is the seventy-mile stretch
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