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Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
 ‘Peter Ceely, one of the justices of the peace of this county, to
the keeper of his highness’s jail at Launceston, or his lawful
deputy in that behalf, greeting.
‘I send you herewithal by the bearers hereof, the bodies of
Edward Pyot, of Bristol, and George Fox, of Drayton and Clay, in
Leicestershire, and William Salt, of London, which they pretend
to be the places of their habitations, who go under the notion of
Quakers, and acknowledge themselves to be such; who have
spread several papers, tending to the disturbance of the public
peace, and cannot render any lawful cause of coming into these
parts, being persons altogether unknown, and having no pass for
their travelling up and down the country, and refusing to give
sureties of their good behaviour, according to the law in that
behalf provided, and refuse to take the oath of abjuration, &c.
These are therefore, in the name of his highness, the lord
protector, to will and command you, that when the bodies of the
said Edward Pyot, George Fox, and William Salt, shall be unto
you brought, you them receive, and in his highness’s prison
aforesaid you safely keep them, until by due course of law they
shall be delivered. Hereof fail ye not, as you will answer the
contrary at your peril. Given under my hand, and seal, at St.
Ives, the 18th day of January, 1656.
P. CEELY.’
By this mittimus it appears under what odd pretences the Quakers,
so called, were committed to prison; for such reasons as are
mentioned therein, might be found and picked up at any time. Thus
G. Fox and his companions were carried through Redruth, Falmouth,
and Bodmin, to Launceston. By the way they suffered great
insolences, both from the soldiers that conducted them, and from
others, by the connivance of captain Keat; but I will not detain my
reader with all those particulars. Being come to Launceston, Keat
delivered the prisoners to the jailer. And though many were greatly
enraged against them, and expected that these prisoners, who
thou’d and thee’d all, and did not put off their hats to any man,
should at the assizes be condemned to be hanged if they did not pay
that respect to the bench; yet there were many friendly people, out
of several parts of the country, that came to visit them; for it was
about nine weeks from the time of their commitment to the assizes:
by reason of which several got opportunity to speak with them,
which had that good effect, that many were convinced of the truth
of the doctrine held forth by them.
At the time of the assizes, abundance of people came from far and
near, to hear the trial of the Quakers; who being guarded by the
soldiers, and the sheriff’s men to the court, had much ado to get
through the multitude that filled the streets: besides the doors and
windows were filled with people looking out upon them. Being
brought into the court, G. Fox after all was quiet, said, ‘Peace be
amongst you.’ The judge, (Glyn,) who was then chief justice of
England, said to the jailer, ‘What be these you have brought here
into the court?’ ‘Prisoners, my lord,’ said he. ‘Why do you not put off
your hats?’ said the judge to them. They saying nothing; ‘Put off
your hats,’ said the judge again; and they still continuing silent, the
judge said, ‘The court commands you to put off your hats.’ Then G.
Fox began to speak, and said, ‘Where did ever any magistrate, king,
or judge, from Moses to Daniel, command any to put off their hats,
when they came before them in their courts, either amongst the
Jews, (the people of God,) or amongst the heathen? And if the law
of England doth command any such thing, show me that law either
written or printed.’ The judge, then growing angry, said, ‘I do not
carry my law books on my back.’ ‘But,’ said G. Fox, ‘where is it
printed in any statute-book, that I may read it?’ At this the judge
said, ‘Take him away, prevaricator! I’ll ferk him.’ Then the prisoners
were taken away, and put among the thieves. But presently after the
judge called to the jailer, ‘Bring them up again.’ This being done,
‘Come,’ said he, ‘where had they hats from Moses to Daniel? Come,
answer me; I have you fast now.’ To this G. Fox replied, ‘Thou
mayest read in the third of Daniel, that the three children were cast
into the fiery furnace, by Nebuchadnezzar’s command, with their
coats, their hose, and their hats on.’ This plain instance stopped him:
so that not having any thing else to say, he cried again, ‘Take them
away jailer.’ Accordingly they were taken away, and being thrust
among the thieves, they were kept there a great while, and at length
carried again to prison; but in the afternoon they were brought up
again into the court.
G. Fox seeing the jurymen there, gave them a paper, which he had
written against swearing. This paper passing from the jury to the
justices, they presented it to the judge; and he bid the clerk give G.
Fox that paper, and then asked him whether that seditious paper
was his: to which he said if they would read it in open court, that he
might hear it, if it was his, he would own it, and stand by it. The
judge would have G. Fox to have taken it, and looked upon it in his
own hand. But he desired again that it might be read, that all in the
court might hear it, and judge whether there was any sedition in it,
or no; for if there were, he was willing to suffer for it. At length the
clerk of the assizes read it with an audible voice; and when he had
done, G. Fox said it was his paper, and he would own it; and so
might they too, except they would deny the Scripture; for was it not
Scripture language, and the words and commands of Christ and the
apostles, which all true Christians ought to obey? Then they let fall
that subject, and the judge speaking again about the hats of the
prisoners, bid the jailer take them off. Then they asked what they
had lain in prison for these nine weeks, seeing now nothing was
objected against them, but what concerned their hats: ‘And,’ said G.
Fox, ‘as for putting off our hats, that was the honour which God
would lay in the dust, though they made so much ado about it: the
honour which is of men, and which men seek one of another, is the
mark of unbelievers: for, “How can ye believe,” saith Christ, “who
receive honour one of another, and seek not the honour that cometh
from God only?” And Christ saith also, “I receive not honour from
men.” And all true Christians should be of his mind,’ Then the judge
made a speech, how he represented the lord protector’s person; and
how he made him lord chief justice of England, and sent him to
come that circuit, &c. Thereupon the prisoners desired him, that he
would do them justice for their false imprisonment, which they had
suffered nine weeks.
But instead thereof, an indictment was read against them, but so full
of untruths, that G. Fox thought it had been against some of the
thieves: for it contained, that they came by force of arms, and in a
hostile manner, into the court; whereas they were brought there as
prisoners; which made him say it was all false. And still they cried
for justice for their false imprisonment, being taken up in their
journey without cause, by major Ceely. Then this Peter Ceely, who,
as a justice of peace, sat also on the bench, said to the judge, ‘May
it please you, my lord, this man, (pointing to G. Fox,) went aside
with me, and told me how serviceable I might be for his design; that
he could raise forty thousand men at an hour’s warning, and involve
the nation in blood, and so bring in king Charles; and I would have
aided him out of the country, but he would not go. And if it please
you, my lord, I have a witness to swear it.’ And so he called upon his
witness, who, without question, was one that was bribed. But the
judge, perceiving this palpable lie, was not forward to examine the
witness: then G. Fox desired the judge that he would be pleased to
let his mittimus be read, in which the pretended crime was signified,
for which he was committed to prison. But the judge said it should
not be read: G. Fox still insisting to have it read, said, ‘It ought to
be; for if I have done any thing worthy of death, or of bonds, let all
the country know it.’ Seeing then they would not read it, he said to
one of his fellow-prisoners, ‘Thou hast a copy of it; read it up.’ ‘It
shall not be read,’ said the judge; ‘jailer, take him away; I will see
whether he or I shall be master.’
Then G. Fox was taken away, and awhile after called for again. He
still cried to have the mittimus read; and the people being eager to
hear it, he bid his fellow-prisoner read it up; which being done, and
read according to the copy already mentioned, G. Fox said to the
judge and justices, ‘Thou that sayest thou art chief justice of
England, and you that be justices, ye know, that if I had put in
sureties, I might have gone whither I pleased, and have carried on
the design, if I had one, which major Ceely hath charged me with.
And if I had spoken these words to him, which he hath declared,
then judge ye, whether bail or mainprize could have been taken in
that case.’ Then directing his speech to major Ceely, he said, ‘When
or where did I take thee aside? Was not thy house full of rude
people, and thou as rude as any of them at our examination, so that
I asked for a constable, or other officer, to keep the people civil? But
if thou art my accuser, why sittest thou on the bench? That is not a
place for thee to sit in; for accusers do not use to sit with the
judges: thou oughtest to come down, and stand by me, and look me
in the face. Besides, I would ask the judge and justices this
question, whether or no major Ceely is not guilty of this treason,
which he charges against me, in concealing it so long as he hath
done? Doth he understand his place, either as a soldier or a justice
of the peace? For he tells you here, that I went aside with him, and
told him what a design I had in hand; and how serviceable he might
be for it: that I could raise forty thousand men in an hour’s time,
and bring in Charles, and involve the nation in blood. Moreover, that
he would have aided me out of the country, but I would not go; and
therefore he committed me to prison for want of sureties for the
good behaviour, as the mittimus declares. Now do not you see
plainly, that major Ceely is guilty of this plot and treason that he
talks of, and hath made himself a party to it, by desiring me to go
out of the country, and demanding bail of me; and not charging me
with this pretended treason till now, nor discovering it? But I deny
and abhor his words, and am innocent of his devilish design.’
The judge by this seeing clearly that Ceely, instead of ensnaring G.
Fox, had ensnared himself, let fall that business. But then Ceely got
up again, and said to the judge, ‘If it please you, my lord, to hear
me: this man struck me, and gave me such a blow, as I never had in
my life.’ G. Fox smiling at this, said, ‘Major Ceely, art thou a justice of
peace, and a major of a troop of horse, and tells the judge here in
the face of the court and country, that I, who am a prisoner, struck
thee; and gave thee such a blow, as thou never hadst the like in thy
life? What! art thou not ashamed? Prithee, major Ceely, where did I
strike thee; and who is thy witness for that? Who was by?’ To this
Ceely said it was in the castle-green, and that captain Bradden was
standing by when G. Fox struck him; who then desired the judge to
let him produce his witness for that: and he called again upon Ceely,
to come down from off the bench; telling him it was not fit that the
accuser should sit as judge over the accused. Ceely then said,
captain Bradden was his witness: which made G. Fox say to captain
Bradden, who was present there, ‘Didst thou see me give him such a
blow, and strike him as he saith?’ Bradden made no answer, but
bowed his head. G. Fox then desired him to speak up, if he knew
any such thing: but he only bowed his head again. ‘Nay,’ said G. Fox,
‘speak up, and let the court and country hear, and let not bowing of
the head serve the turn. If I have done so, let the law be inflicted on
me. I fear not sufferings, nor death itself; for I am an innocent man
concerning all his charge.’ But Bradden would not testify to it. And
the judge, finding those snares would not hold, cried, ‘Take him
away, jailer;’ and fined the prisoners twenty marks apiece, for not
putting off their hats, and to be kept in prison till they paid their
fine: and so they were brought back to jail again.
At night captain Bradden came with seven or eight justices to see
them: and they being very civil, said, they did not believe that either
the judge, or any in the court, believed those charges which major
Ceely had made upon G. Fox. And Bradden said, major Ceely had an
intent to have taken away G. Fox’s life, if he could have got another
witness. ‘But,’ said G. Fox, ‘captain Bradden, why didst not thou
witness for me, or against me, seeing major Ceely produced thee for
a witness, that thou sawest me strike him? and when I desired thee
to speak either for me, or against me, according to what thou
sawest or knewest, thou wouldest not speak.’ ‘Why,’ said he, ‘when
Major Ceely and I came by you, as you were walking in the castle-
green, he put off his hat to you, and said, how do you do, Mr. Fox?
Your servant, sir. Then you said to him, major Ceely, take heed of
hypocrisy, and of a rotten heart; for when came I to be thy master,
or thou my servant? Do servants use to cast their masters into
prison? This was the great blow he meant that you gave him.’ G. Fox
hearing this, called to mind, that they walking by, Ceely had spoken
the aforesaid words, and that he himself indeed made such an
answer, as is mentioned; and he thought he said nothing amiss,
since Ceely so openly had manifested his hypocrisy and rotten-
heartedness, when he complained of this to the judge in open court,
and would have made all believe, that G. Fox gave him a stroke
outwardly with his hand. A report of this trial being spread abroad,
divers people, of whom some were of account in the world, came far
and near to see him and his friends in prison, which tended to the
convincement of some.
Being settled in prison upon such a commitment, that they were not
likely to be soon released, they forebore giving the jailer seven
shillings a week apiece for themselves, and as much for their horses,
which he had in a manner extorted from them: but upon this he
grew so very wicked, that he turned them down into a nasty stinking
place where they used to put persons condemned for witchcraft and
murder. This place was so noisome, that it was observed few who
went into it, did ever come out again in health: for there was no
house of office in it, and the excrements of the prisoners that from
time to time had been put there, had not been carried out for many
years; so that it was all like mire, and in some places to the top of
the shoes; and the jailer would not suffer them to cleanse it, nor let
them have beds or straw to lie on. At night some friendly people of
the town brought them a candle and a little straw; of which they
were about to burn a little to take away the stink. The thieves lay
over their heads, and the head jailer in a room by them, over their
heads also. But it seems the smoke went up into the room where he
lay, which put him into such a rage, that he took the pots of the
thieves’ excrements, and poured them down through a hole upon
their heads; whereby they were so bespattered, that it was
loathsome to touch themselves, or one another: besides the stink so
increased, that by it, and the smoke, they were almost in danger of
being suffocated. And all this could not satisfy the rage of this cruel
jailer, but he railed against them so hideously, and called them such
horrible nicknames, that they never had heard the like before. In this
manner they were forced to stand all night, for they could not sit
down, the place being so filthy. Thus he kept them a great while,
before he would let them cleanse it, or suffer them to have any
victuals brought in, but what they got through the grate. And even
this could not be done without difficulty; for a lass one time having
brought them a little meat, he sued her in the town-court for
breaking the prison; perhaps, because she had a little bent an half-
broken bar of the grate, to get a small dish through it. That this
jailer was so desperately wicked, is not so much to be wondered at,
since, as they were informed, he had been a thief, and was on that
account burnt both in the hand and on the shoulder; and the under-
jailer in like manner: their wives had also been burnt in the hand. It
was not at all strange, then, that the prisoners suffered most
grievously from such a wicked crew; but it was more to be wondered
at, that colonel Bennet, a Baptist teacher, having purchased the jail
and lands belonging to the castle, had there placed this head-jailer.
It was much talked of, that spirits haunted this dungeon, and walked
there, and that many had died in it; some thinking to terrify the
prisoners therewith. But G. Fox told them, that if all the spirits and
devils in hell were there, he was over them in the power of God, and
feared no such thing; for Christ, their priest, would sanctify the walls
and the house to them; he who bruised the head of the devil; as the
priest was to cleanse the plague out of the walls of the house under
the law.
Now the time of the sessions at Bodmin being come, the prisoners
drew up their suffering case, and sent the paper thither; upon
reading of which, the justices gave order, that the door of
Doomsdale, (thus the dungeon was called,) should be opened, and
that they should have liberty to cleanse it, and to buy their meat in
the town. Having obtained this liberty, they writ to London, and
desired Anne Downer, a young woman already mentioned in this
work, to come down, and to buy and dress their meat: which she
being very willing to do, was therein greatly serviceable to them; for
she was a good writer, and could take things in shorthand. They also
sent up a relation of their sufferings to the protector; who thereupon
sent down an order to the governor of Pendennis Castle, to examine
the matter. On which occasion Hugh Peters, one of the protector’s
chaplains, told him they could not do George Fox a greater service
for the spreading of his principles in Cornwall than to imprison him
there. This was not altogether untrue, for he was much visited, and
many were turned from darkness to the light; notwithstanding the
mayor of Launceston was a fierce persecutor, casting in prison all he
could get; and he did not stick to search substantial grave women,
for letters, as supposed.
In Devonshire it was not much better; for many of those called
Quakers, that travelled through the country, were taken up and
whipped, under pretence of being vagabonds: nay, some clothiers,
that were going to mill with their cloth, and other substantial men,
were seized and whipped; and Henry Pollexfen, who had been a
justice of peace for the most part of forty years before, was cast into
prison, under pretence of being a Jesuit.
In the meanwhile Edward Pyot, who had been a captain, and was a
man of good understanding in the laws and rights of the nation, writ
a large letter to the lord chief justice John Glyn, wherein he plainly
set before him his unlawful dealings; and queried with him, whether
his saying if ye will be uncovered, (or put off your hats,) I will hear
you, and do you justice, was not an overthrow of the laws that were
made to maintain right and justice. Many other particulars, and
among the rest, that of G. Fox’s striking major Ceely were also
mentioned in this letter. G. Fox himself writ also several papers,
wherein the odiousness of persecution was plainly set forth.
Among those that came to visit him was Thomas Lower, a doctor of
physic at London; who, whilst I am writing this, is yet alive: and he,
asking many questions concerning religious matters, received such
satisfactory answers from G. Fox, that he afterwards said his words
were as a flash of lightning, they ran so through him; and that he
never met with such wise men in his life, &c. Thus he came to be
convinced of the Truth, and so entered into the communion of the
despised Quakers. While G. Fox was still in prison, one of his friends
went to Oliver Cromwell, and offered himself body for body, to lie in
Doomsdale prison in his stead, if he would take him, and let G. Fox
go at liberty. But Cromwell said he could not do it, for it was contrary
to law: and turning to those of his counsel, ‘Which of you,’ quoth he,
‘would do so much for me, if I were in the same condition?‘
Thus G. Fox continued in prison, and it was yet a good while before
he and his fellow-prisoners were released. The next year the wicked
jailer received a recompense of his deeds; for he was turned out of
his place, and for some wicked act was cast into jail himself; and
there his carriage was so unruly, that he was, by the succeeding
jailer, put into Doomsdale, locked in irons, and beaten, and bid to
remember how he had abused those good men, whom he had
wickedly, without any cause, cast into that nasty dungeon; but that
now he deservedly should suffer for his wickedness; and the same
measure he had meted to others, he should have meted out to
himself: and this mischievous fellow, who might have grown rich if
he had carried himself civilly, grew now very poor, and so died in
prison.
About the same time that G. Fox was released, Cromwell called a
parliament, which met for the first sitting, in the painted chamber at
Westminster, on the 17th of the month called September. Samuel
Fisher got an opportunity to come into this assembly, where he
heard the protector’s speech, and in it these words, ‘that he knew
not of any one man that had suffered imprisonment unjustly in all
England.’ And after he had got the conveniency of a standing, he
said that he had a word to speak from the Lord to the protector, to
the parliament, and the people, and then he began thus:
‘The burden of the word of the Lord God of heaven and of earth, as
it came unto me on the 22d day of the last month, and as it now
lieth upon me to declare it in his name, even unto thee, Oliver
Cromwell, protector, (so called,) of these three nations, England,
Scotland, and Ireland; and also to all you who are chosen out of the
several parts thereof to sit in parliament this day, to consider of such
things as concern the commonwealth thereof; and likewise to the
three nations themselves, and all the people thereof, whose rulers
and representatives ye are: which word of the Lord, as ye do not
deem yourselves too high, or too great, or too good, to be spoken to
from the Lord; and as you will not fall under the guilt of that sin of
saying to the seers, See not, and to the prophets, Prophesy not,
prophesy not unto us right things, prophesy smooth things,
prophesy deceits; I charge you all, in the name of the living God,
that without interruption or opposition, whether you like it, or like it
not, you stand still and hear it: and when I have done, you may do
with me as the Lord shall give you leave, or leave me under the
power of your hands to do; no law of equity condemning any man
before he be heard, especially when he speaks on so high an
account as from the God of heaven himself, though to such as are
no less than God’s under him here on earth.’
Scarce had he spoken thus much, but some cried, ‘A Quaker, a
Quaker; keep him down, he shall not speak:’ yet the protector and
the parliament-men were still and quiet. But some others, among
whom two justices of peace, had not so much patience; but Fisher,
as he related afterwards, believed that the protector and the
parliament-men would have given him audience, had not others set
him at nought: some saying the protector had spoken long, and was
very hot and weary: and that he, [Fisher,] might be ashamed to
occasion his stay any longer. Thus Fisher was interrupted, and the
protector and parliament-men, rising, went away, though Fisher did
not question but the protector would have heard him: for his
moderation in hearing what was said, having been experienced
before, Fisher was willing to acknowledge his nobility as freely as
Paul took notice of the like in Festus; whom he held most noble in
that he would hear him, though he thought him mad. Fisher being
thus prohibited, published his speech in print, so as he intended to
have delivered it, though not one syllable of it was written before. It
was pretty long, and contained a sharp reproof to the hypocrisy of
those, who, under a show of godliness, made long prayers, kept
fasts, and, nevertheless, lived in pride, pomp, and luxury,
persecuting those who really were a pious people. And to the
protector he said, that unless he took away the wicked from before
him, and all flattering false accusers, his throne would never be
established in righteousness. In the introduction placed before this
speech, he saith that before this burden came upon him, he had
prayed God that he might have been excused of this message,
thinking that a more unworthy one than himself could not have been
singled out; but whatever he did, he could not be rid of it; and
though he spent a whole week with fasting, tears, and supplication,
yet during the time of that abstinence, he felt a daily supply and
refreshment to his spirits, so that he fully resigned to do what he
believed was required of him from the Lord; and he felt all fears of
the frowns of men removed from him. Some other speeches which
he intended to have made to the parliament, but was obstructed
therein, he also published afterwards in print.
In the latter part of this year it happened that Humphrey Smith
coming to Evesham in Worcestershire, was disturbed in a meeting by
the mayor, Edward Young, who said he would break the Quakers’
meetings, or else his bones should lie in the dirt. Thus resolved, he
came in the month called October, on a First-day of the week in the
morning, into their meeting, in a house where H. Smith was: and
several persons after being rudely abused, were hauled out to
prison. In the afternoon a meeting being kept in the street, some of
the company were by order of the said mayor put into the stocks,
and others, of which the aforesaid Smith was one, into a dark
dungeon: and though the mayor then said it was an unlawful
assembly, but if they would meet in houses he would not molest
them; yet on next First-day of the week, he seeing one going to a
meeting that was appointed in a house, put him in prison. H. Smith
and his friends had some bedding and bed-clothes sent them, but
the mayor caused it to be taken away from them; and afterwards
when some straw was brought them to lie upon, the jailer would not
suffer it; nay, when one came, and asked liberty to fetch out their
dung from them, the mayor denied it, and ordered him to be put in
the stocks. The place where they were kept, was not twelve feet
square, and the hole to take in air, was but four inches wide, so that
even by day-light they were fain to burn candle, when they had it.
Here they were kept above fourteen weeks, with their own dung in
the same room; so that one of them grew sick of the stink; and yet
the jailer said, if they had been there for theft or murder, he could
have let them have more liberty than now he durst, because of the
mayor. James Wall, one of the prisoners, was a freeman of the town,
and a shopkeeper, and yet the mayor forbade his wife to stand in the
market-place, which for many years she had done. She going to him
about it, he began to fawn upon her, and said: ‘I hear that your
husband doth abuse you.’ To which she answered, ‘My husband did
never abuse me; but as for that judgment which he now holdeth,
once I could not own it; but now seeing it is so much persecuted,
makes me own it, because the way of God was always persecuted.’
He hearing her speak so, said, she should not have a standing place
for five pounds.
About a month after, Margaret Newby and Elizabeth Courton came
to this town, and had a meeting at the house of one Edward
Pitwayes: but coming in the afternoon to visit the prisoners, the
mayor himself laid violent hands on them, and caused them to be
put in the stocks, with their legs near a yard one from another; and
he would not suffer them to have a block to sit on, though they
desired it; yet as one that would seem to have some modesty, he bid
the constable fetch a block, and put between their legs, uttering
indecent expressions; in this posture they were kept for the space of
fifteen hours, and then, in a freezing night sent out of the town,
without suffering them to go to any place to refresh themselves. And
as to Humphrey Smith, and those with him, they were yet kept a
good while in prison.
In this year Alexander Parker was at Radnor in Wales, and bearing
there a testimony against the priest Vavasor Powel, he also preached
the doctrine of Truth, as occasion offered. It was, I think, about this
time, that Ambrose Rigge and Thomas Robinson came to Exeter;
from thence to Bristol, and afterwards to Basingstoke in Hampshire.
Here, after much trouble, they got a meeting appointed; but before
all the people were assembled, the chief priest, with the magistrates,
came thither, and causing them to be taken away, tendered them
the oath of abjuration. But they denying to swear for conscience
sake, were committed to prison: and the jailer nailed planks before
the window, to deprive them of the light; neither would he suffer
them to have a candle at night. Here they were kept about a quarter
of a year; having nothing to lie on but some straw. But this their
suffering had such effect, that some of the inhabitants seeing these
unreasonable dealings, began to inquire into the doctrine held forth
by the sufferers, and so came to be convinced of the truth thereof.
They at last being released, Robinson went to Portsmouth, where he
preached repentance. Some time after A. Rigge came also thither,
and reaped what Robinson in some respect had sowed; though it
was not long before he was sent out of town. But returning within a
short time, he found opportunity to have a meeting there; and by his
preaching some were convinced, and embraced his doctrine.
From thence he went to the Isle of Wight, where some also received
the doctrine maintained by him. After some stay he returned to
Sussex, where he had great service. And travelling up and down the
county, he came to Weymouth and Melcomb-Regis, where speaking
in the steeple-house against the priest, he was seized and locked up
in a nasty dungeon where there was nothing to lie on but some
filthy straw, and a stone to sit on: there was also no house of office;
but on the ground lay an heap of dung, where he was also forced to
ease himself. But there being an opening at the top of the room, he
could see people go along the streets, and thus took occasion, from
this subterranean cave, to preach to the passengers with such power
and efficacy, that his doctrine entered into the hearts of the hearers
and stuck there. This manner of preaching often hath been in
England, and I myself, in my young years, have been an eye-witness
of it; and have heard the prisoners lift up their voice so, that it could
be heard very easily in the streets; which made people that passed
by, stand still, and hearken to what was spoken by such zealous
preachers. And though these were often hindered of having
meetings, yet it was impossible to stop up the fountain from whence
their words flowed. Thus it was also with A. Rigge, who, after an
imprisonment of eleven weeks, being set at liberty, travelled up and
down again; but in many places where he came, a prison was his
lot; sometimes even when nothing could be laid to his charge, but
that he was gone from his dwelling-place; for the parliament had
made a law, that all who were gone from home, and could not give
a satisfactory account of their business, should be taken up as
vagabonds. Under this pretence, many who travelled to the markets
with their goods, were seized by the way; for if it did but appear that
such an one was a Quaker, which was presently seen by his not
putting off his hat, then there wanted no pretended reason to clap
him up in prison.
A. Rigge travelling on, came also to visit some of his friends in prison
at Southampton. This was taken so ill, that the mayor, Peter Seal,
without examining, caused him to be fastened to the whipping-post,
in the market place, where he was severely lashed by the
executioner, and then put into a cart, and sent out of the town, in
freezing snowy weather; the mayor threatening him, that if ever he
returned, he should be whipt again, and burnt in the shoulder with
an R. signifying rogue. Notwithstanding this, he was moved to
return, and the mayor was very eager to have this executed on him;
but the other magistrates would not consent; and not long after the
mayor died of a bloody flux. This relation hath carried me a little
beyond the course of time. But now I leave A. Rigge for a while,
intending to make further mention of him hereafter.
In this year William Caton went again into Scotland, from whence
returning, he travelled to Bristol, thence to Plymouth, and so to
London; from whence he made a voyage again to Holland, where
William Ames and John Stubbs had been, and also found some
among the English people at Amsterdam, who had received the
doctrine they preached, though afterwards they turned from it
again. W. Ames found also some reception among the Baptists
there, who at first were pleased with him, but J. Stubbs did not
please them so well: as Dr. Galenus Abrahams once told me, who
compared Ames to a musician that played a very melodious tune,
and Stubbs to a disturber of the harmonious music; though Ames
afterwards, for his great zeal, was found fault with also.
W. Caton now arrived at Dort, and from thence repaired to
Rotterdam, where, for want of an interpreter that understood
English, he was fain to make use of the Latin. But it grieved him
exceedingly to meet with some unruly spirits there, that having been
in some measure convinced by W. Ames, ran out under the
denomination of Quakers, into extremes, both in words and writings.
Some of these persons I know, and have seen also some of the
books they published in print, in which, under a pretence of
plainness, not one capital letter was to be found, even not to proper
names, nay, not to names of authors themselves. And since they ran
out into several other extravagancies, it was not much to be
wondered, that the magistrates clapt them up in Bedlam. The
ringleader of these people, was one Isaac Furnier, who formerly, (as
I have heard my uncle tell, who had seen it himself,) lived as
another Diogenes, using at the fire, instead of a pair of tongs, a split
stick; and now conversing among the Quakers, so called, made it a
piece of holiness to use the most blunt language, he could think of;
how absurd and irregular soever. In fine, he so behaved himself, that
the orthodox Quakers rejected his society. He it was, as I have
understood, who was the author of that ridiculous saying, ‘My spirit
testifieth:’ which, though not approved nor used by the true
Quakers, yet hath been so spread among the people in the Low
Countries, that it hath been constantly credited, and is not yet quite
disbelieved, that the Quakers used to say so of any thing they intend
to do; and that if any one, whoever it be, says so, they will give
credit to his saying. The abovesaid Dr. Galenus told me, that this
man coming to his door, and finding the doctor’s name writ on the
post of the door, (as is usual in Holland,) did with his knife, scratch
out the letters Dr. signifying doctor. On which the doctor asked him,
why he did so? And his answer was, because the spirit did testify so
unto him. And being asked farther, if so be that spirit did move him
to stab the doctor with the knife, whether he would follow that
motion, he answered, (if the relation be true,) as the doctor affirmed
to me, ‘Yes.’ But however it be, this is true, that this Furnier was a
passionate, and giddy-headed man, whom the true Quakers could
not own, though he had translated many of their books out of
English into Dutch; and would also preach amongst them. But at
length he left them, and turning papist, fell into a dissolute and
debauched life.
But to return to W. Caton: coming to Amsterdam, he did not find
much more satisfaction there than at Rotterdam; for several high-
conceited professors, who seemed to approve the doctrine preached
by the Quakers, were more apt to take upon them to teach others,
than to receive instruction from others. Wherefore W. Caton did not
stay long at Amsterdam, but returned to Rotterdam; and from
thence went to Zealand, arriving at Middleburgh, accompanied with
a certain young man, who went to some of the meeting-places in
that city, and was apprehended; which Caton understanding, went to
visit him, and they perceiving that he was his companion, secured
him also; and after having been kept in prison some days, being
weak in body, it was ordered that they should be sent to England;
and so they were carried in a coach-wagon to the water-side, being
conducted by a guard of soldiers, to protect them against the rude
multitude, and brought on board a ship of war, where Caton suffered
great hardship; for the seamen were so ill-natured, that they would
not allow him so much as a piece of sailcloth, but he was fain to lie
upon the bare boards, in very cold and stormy weather. But though
thus hardly used, yet he felt his strength increase, and so
experienced the mercies of God. It was in November when he
arrived at London, where he was kindly received by the brethren:
after some stay there, he went to Hampshire, Surry, Sussex, and
Kent.
Not long before this, G. Fox came to Exeter, where James Nayler was
in prison, and spoke to him by way of reproof; which Nayler slighted,
though he offered to kiss G. Fox: but he unwilling to suffer this, said,
since he had turned against the power of God, he could not receive
his show of kindness. It appeared by letters the magistrates found in
his pocket at Bristol, that the Quakers found fault with him, and had
reproved him of his high-mindedness, before it launched out into
that extravagant act which made so great a noise in the world, and
hath been mixed with many untruths, and false turns. I have
therefore thought it worth while to inquire narrowly into it, in order
to give a true relation of matters of fact.
This James Nayler was born of honest parents,[9] in the parish of
Ardesley, near Wakefield in Yorkshire, about the year 1616. He had
served in the parliament army, being quarter-master in major-
general Lambert’s troop in Scotland; was a member of the
Independents; and afterwards, in the year 1651, he entered into the
communion of the Quakers, so called.[10] He was a man of excellent
natural parts, and at first did acquit himself well, both in word and
writing among his friends, so that many came to receive the Truth
by his ministry. He came to London towards the latter end of the
year 1654, or beginning of 1655, and found there a meeting of
friends, which had already been gathered in that city, by the service
of Edward Burrough, and Francis Howgill; and there he preached in
such an eminent manner, that many admiring his great gift, began to
esteem him much above his brethren, which as it brought him no
benefit, so it gave occasion of some difference in the society; and
this ran so high, that some forward and inconsiderate women, of
whom Martha Simmons was the chief, assumed the boldness to
dispute with F. Howgill and E. Burrough, openly in their preaching,
and thus to disturb the meetings:[11] whereupon they, who were
truly excellent preachers, did not fail, according to their duty to
reprove this indiscretion. But these women were so disgusted, that
Martha, and another woman, went and complained to J. Nayler, to
incense him against F. Howgill and E. Burrough; but this did not
succeed, for he showed himself afraid to pass judgment upon his
brethren, as they desired. Hereupon Martha fell into a passion, in a
kind of moaning or weeping, and, bitterly crying out with a mournful
shrill voice, said, ‘I looked for judgment, but behold a cry;’ and with
that cried aloud in a passionate lamenting manner, which so entered
and pierced J. Nayler, that it smote him down into so much sorrow
and sadness, that he was much dejected in spirit, or disconsolate.
Fear and doubting then entered him, so that he came to be clouded
in his understanding, bewildered, and at a loss in his judgment, and
became estranged from his best friends, because they did not
approve his conduct; insomuch that he began to give ear to the
flattering praises of some whimsical people, which he ought to have
abhorred, and reproved them for. But his sorrowful fall ought to
stand as a warning, even to those that are endued with great gifts,
that they do not presume to be exalted, lest they also fall, but
endeavour to continue in true humility, in which alone a Christian
can be kept safe.
[9] His father was a husbandman, and of good repute, having a
competent estate to live on, with industry, according to the manner of the
country where he dwelt. He was educated in good English, and wrote
well. About the age of twenty-two he married, and then removed into
Wakefield parish; where he continued, till the wars broke out in 1641, and
then went into the army, and was a soldier eight or nine years, first under
the Lord Fairfax, and afterwards quarter-master under major-general
Lambert, till disabled by sickness in Scotland, he returned home about
1649.—J. W.’s account.
[10] He and Thomas Goodair were convinced by G. Fox, about Wakefield,
anno 1651, as were also Richard Farnsworth, Thomas Aldam, William
Dewsbury, and wife, about the same time. And in the beginning of the
year following, as he was in the field at plough, meditating on the things
of God, he heard a voice, bidding him to go out from his kindred, and
from his father’s house; and had a promise given with it, that the Lord
would be with him; whereupon he did exceedingly rejoice that he had
heard the voice of God, whom he had professed from a child, and
endeavoured to serve: and when he went home he made preparation to
go; but not being obedient, the wrath of God was upon him, so that he
was made a wonder, and it was thought he would have died. Afterwards
being made willing, and going out with a friend, not thinking then of a
journey, he was commanded to go into the West, not knowing what he
was to do there; but when he came, he had given him what to declare;
and so he continued, not knowing one day what he was to do the next;
and the promise of God, that he would be with him, he found made good
to him every day.—Collect. of J. N.’s writings.
[11] These women’s practice we may suppose to be somewhat like that
which gave occasion to the apostle Paul to say, “Let your women keep
silence in the churches, for it is not permitted unto them to speak.” 1 Cor.
xix. 34. This prohibition of speaking, must be voluntary discourse, by way
of reasoning or disputing, and not when they had an immediate impulse,
or concern to prophesy; for the apostle in the same epistle, has defined
 prophesy to be speaking unto “Men to edification, exhortation, and
comfort.” chap. xiv. 3. And has also chap. xi. made express mention of
women’s praying and prophesying, together with the men.
Hannah Stranger, whom I very well know, and have reason to
believe a woman of high imaginations, at this time wrote to him
several very extravagant letters; calling him the everlasting Son of
Righteousness, Prince of Peace, the only begotten Son of God, the
fairest of ten thousands, &c. In the letters of Jane Woodcock, John
Stranger, and others, were expressions of the like extravagancy; and
the said Hannah Stranger, Martha Simmons, and Dorcas Erbury,
arrived to that height of folly, that in the prison at Exeter, they
kneeled before Nayler, and kissed his feet: but as to what hath been
divulged concerning his committing of fornication, I never could find,
though very inquisitive in the case, that he was in the least guilty
thereof.[12]. But for all that, he was already too much transported,
and grew yet more exorbitant; for being released from that prison,
and riding to Bristol in the beginning of November, he was
accompanied by the aforesaid and other persons; and passing
through the suburbs of Bristol, one Thomas Woodcock went
bareheaded before him; one of the women led his horse; Dorcas,
Martha, and Hannah, spread their scarfs and handkerchiefs before
him, and the company sung, “Holy, holy, holy, is the Lord God of
hosts, Hosannah in the highest: holy, holy, holy, is the Lord God of
Israel.” Thus these mad people sung, whilst they were walking
through the mire and dirt, till they came into Bristol; where they
were examined by the magistrates, and committed to prison; and
not long after he was carried to London, to be examined by the
parliament. How it went there may be seen in the printed trial,
which the parliament was pleased to publish.[13] I believe that J.
Nayler was clouded in his understanding in all this transaction: but
how grievous soever his fall was, yet it pleased God, in his infinite
mercy to raise him up again, and to bring him to such sincere
repentance, that, (as we may see in the sequel,) he abhorred not
only this whole business, but also manifested his hearty sorrow, in
pathetical expressions, which were published, as will be shown in its
proper place.
[12] As to that accusation, as if I had committed adultery with some of
those women who came with us from Exeter prison, and also those who
were with me at Bristol, the night before I suffered there, of both which
accusations I am clear, before God, who kept me at that day both in
thought and deed, as to all women, as a little child, God is my record.
Collect, of J. Nayler’s writings, p. 54. See more particularly in his answer
to Blome’s Fanatic History, in the said Collect, at p. 652.
[13] But the extravagancy of the sentence, which that parliament passed
upon him with other circumstances, give great reason to suspect the
account was partially taken, and published to justify their cruelty, which is
also set forth in part by way of annotation on the said trial. And, (as J. W.
says,) some of his answers were innocent enough, some not clear, and
some aggravated by his adversaries; some of them he denied, some he
owned; they reported the worst, and more than was true in some things,
adding and diminishing as they were minded; much was wanting of what
he had spoken to the committee; wresting and perverting his words what
they could, and endeavouring to draw words out of him to ensnare him,
and take away his life: and to show their confusion when he was before
them, they would have had him to kneel, and put off his hat to them,
though a part of the charge against him was, that some kneeled to him.
What hath been said of the odd doings in Exeter prison, and of his
riding into Bristol, was not denied by him, nor by the rest of the
company, when they were examined by a committee of parliament,
who made their report on the 5th of December, to which the house
agreed next day. On the 16th this business, which had, (not without
much contradiction; for many members of the parliament did not
approve the severity used against him,) been treated both forenoons
and afternoons, was proposed the twelfth time: which made an
ingenious author say afterwards, that it was wondered at by many,
what the cause might be, that this foolish business should hold so
many wise men so long at work. On the 17th, after a long debate,
they came to this resolution,
 That James Nayler be set on the pillory, with his head in the
pillory, in the Palace-yard, Westminster, during the space of two
hours, on Thursday next, and be whipped by the hangman
through the streets, from Westminster to the Old Exchange,
London; and there likewise be set on the pillory, with his head in
the pillory, for the space of two hours, between the hours of
eleven and one, on Saturday next, in each place wearing a paper
containing an inscription of his crimes; and that at the Old
Exchange his tongue be bored through with a hot iron, and that
he be there also stigmatized in the forehead with the letter B.;
and that he be afterwards sent to Bristol, and be conveyed into,
and through the said city on horseback, with his face backward,
and there also publicly whipped the next market-day after he
comes thither; and that from thence he be committed to prison
in Bridewell, London, and there restrained from the society of all
people, and there to labour hard till he shall be released by
parliament; and during that time he be debarred the use of pen,
ink, and paper, and shall have no relief but what he earns by his
daily labour.
They were long ere they could agree on the sentence; for suppose
there was blasphemy committed, yet his tongue seemed not
properly guilty of it, since it was not proved that blasphemous words
had been spoken by him.[14] Many thought it to be indeed a very
severe judgment to be executed upon one whose crime seemed to
proceed more from a clouded understanding, than any wilful
intention of evil.
[14] At Lancaster sessions the priest got some to swear blasphemy
against G. Fox, (which was the common accusation in those days,) but he
was cleared, and the priests, &c. were enraged, who thereupon sent a
petition to the council of state, against G. F. and J. N. who answered the
same in a book called, ‘Saul’s Errand to Damascus.’ After this, J. N. was
persecuted in divers places, beaten, stoned, and cruelly used by the
priests and their rude followers, and in danger of his life. Afterward, by
the instigation of the priest, he and F. Howgill were committed to Appleby
jail, and tried on an indictment for blasphemy, for saying Christ was in
him, according to Col. i. 27. “Christ in you the hope of glory.” He was also
 another time charged with blasphemy, for asserting in a book,
‘Justification by the gift of God’s Righteousness,’ which he proved from
Rom. v. and so stopped their mouths, and cleared himself: by which we
may see what that generation, who were righteous in their own eyes,
would have made blasphemy.—J. Whiting’s account.
Now although several persons of different persuasions, being moved
with compassion towards Nayler, as a man carried away by foolish
imaginations, had offered petitions to the parliament on his behalf,
yet it was resolved not to read them, till the sentence was
pronounced against him.
There lived then at London, one Robert Rich, a merchant, (a very
bold man,) who writ a letter to the parliament, wherein he showed
what was blasphemy; and on the 15th of December, several copies
thereof were delivered to particular members; and in that which was
given to the speaker, these words were written at the bottom, ‘If I
may have liberty of those that sit in parliament, I do here attend at
their door, and am ready, out of the Scriptures of Truth, to show,
that not any thing J. Nayler hath said or done, is blasphemy,’ &c.
The parliament after judgment was concluded, resolved that the
speaker should be authorized to issue his warrants to the sheriffs of
London and Middlesex, the sheriff of Bristol, and governor of
Bridewell, to see the said judgment put in execution. By some it was
questioned whether that was a sufficient warrant, unless the
protector concurred in the matter; but he seemed unwilling to
meddle with it. The thing being thus far agreed upon, J. Nayler was
brought up to the bar; and when the speaker, sir Thomas
Waddrington, was about to pronounce the aforementioned sentence,
Nayler said he did not know his offence. To which the speaker
returned, he should know his offence by his punishment. After
sentence was pronounced, though J. Nayler bore the same with
great patience, yet it seemed he would have spoken something, but
was denied liberty; nevertheless was heard to say, with a composed
mind, ‘I pray God, he may not lay it to your charge.’
The 18th of December, J. Nayler suffered part of the sentence; and
after having stood full two hours with his head in the pillory, was
stripped, and whipt at a cart’s tail, from Palace-yard to the Old
Exchange, and received three hundred and ten stripes; and the
executioner would have given him one more, (as he confessed to
the sheriff,) there being three hundred and eleven kennels, but his
foot slipping, the stroke fell upon his own hand, which hurt him
much. All this Nayler bore with so much patience and quietness, that
it astonished many of the beholders, though his body was in a most
pitiful condition: he was also much hurt with horses treading on his
feet, whereon the print of the nails were seen. Rebecca Travers, a
grave person, who washed his wounds, in a certificate which was
presented to the parliament, and afterwards printed, says, ‘There
was not the space of a man’s nail free from stripes and blood, from
his shoulders, near to his waist, his right arm sorely striped, his
hands much hurt with cords, that they bled, and were swelled: the
blood and wounds of his back did very little appear at first sight, by
reason of abundance of dirt that covered them, till it was washed
off.’ Nay, his punishment was so severe, that some judged his
sentence would have been more mild, if it had been present death:
and it seemed indeed that there was a party, who not being able to
prevail so far in parliament as to have him sentenced to death, yet
strove to the utmost of their power to make him sink under the
weight of his punishment: for the 20th December was the time
appointed for executing the other part of the sentence, viz. boring
through his tongue, and stigmatizing in his forehead; but by reason
of the most cruel whipping, he was brought to such a low ebb, that
many persons of note, moved with compassion, presented petitions
to the parliament on his behalf, who respited his further punishment
for one week.

During this interval, several persons presented another petition, in

which are these words:
 ‘Your moderation and clemency in respiting the punishment of J.
Nayler, in consideration of his illness of body, hath refreshed the
hearts of many thousands in these cities, altogether unconcerned
in his practice; wherefore we most humbly beg your pardon that
are constrained to appear before you in such a suit, (not daring
to do otherwise,) that you would remit the remaining part of your
sentence against the said J. Nayler, leaving him to the Lord, and
to such gospel remedies as he hath sanctified; and we are
persuaded you will find such a course of love and forbearance
more effectual to reclaim; and will leave a seal of your love and
tenderness upon our spirits,
And we shall pray,’ &c.
This petition being presented at the bar of the house by about one
hundred persons, on the behalf of the whole, was accordingly read
and debated by them; but not being likely to produce the desired
effect, the petitioners thought themselves in duty and conscience
bound to address the protector, for remitting the remaining part of
the sentence; who, thereupon, sent a letter to the parliament, which
occasioned some debate in the house. But the day for executing the
remaining part of the sentence drawing near, the petitioners made a
second address to the protector. It was, indeed, very remarkable,
that so many inhabitants that were not of the society of those called
Quakers, showed themselves so much concerned in this business;
but to me it seems to have proceeded merely from compassion
towards the person of J. Nayler; whom they regarded as one that
was rather fallen into error, through inconsiderateness, than to have
been guilty of wilful blasphemy: for then he would not have
deserved so much pity.
But, notwithstanding all these humble petitions, the public
preachers, it seems, prevailed so much with Cromwell, that he could
not resolve to put a stop to the intended execution; for five of these
ministers, whom I find named thus, Caryl, Manton, Nye, Griffith, and
Reynolds, came on the 24th of December, by order from the
parliament, (as it was said,) to Nayler, to speak with him concerning
the things for which he was detained; and would not permit either
friend or other to be present in the room. A certain impartial or
neutral person desired it earnestly, but it was denied him; but
coming into the prison, after the conference, he asked Nayler what
had been the issue of it, who told him, that he told those ministers,
that he saw they had an intent to make him suffer, (though
innocent,) as an evil-doer; and therefore had denied any to be
present that might be indifferent judges betwixt them and him; and
that therefore he should not say any thing, unless what passed was
written down, and a copy thereof given him to keep, or left with the
jailer, signed by them. This was by them consented to, and so they
propounded several questions unto him, and took his answers in
writing. He further told, that they asked him if he was sorry for
those blasphemies that he was guilty of, and whether he did recant
and renounce the same; to which his answer was, ‘What
blasphemies, name them?’ but they not being able to instance in any
particular, he continued, ‘Would you have me recant and renounce,
you know not what?’ Then they asked him whether he did believe
there was a Jesus Christ? to which he answered, he did believe there
was, and that Jesus had taken up his dwelling in his heart and spirit,
and for the testimony of Him he now suffered. Then one of the
preachers said, ‘But I believe in a Jesus that never was in any man’s
heart:’ to which Nayler returned, he knew no such Christ, for the
Christ he witnessed filled heaven and earth, and dwelt in the hearts
of the believers. Next they demanded of him why he suffered those
women to worship and adore him? to which he replied, ‘Bowing to
the creature I deny; but if they beheld the power of Christ, wherever
it is, and bow to it, he had nothing by which he might resist that, or
gainsay it;’[15] and withal said to the ministers, ‘Have you thus long
professed the Scriptures, and do you now stumble at what they hold
forth?’ Whereupon they desiring one instance of Scripture wherein
such a practice was held forth, he answered, ‘What think you of the
Shunamite’s falling down at the feet of Elisha and bowing before
him? As also divers others in Scripture spoken of, as of Abigail to
David, and that of Nebuchadnezzar to Daniel:’ upon which they
pausing awhile, said at length, ‘That was but a civil act or
acknowledgement:’ to which he returned, ‘So you might interpret
the act of those women also, if your eye were not evil, seeing the
outward action is one and the same:’ and he perceiving that they
were seeking to wrest words from him to their own purpose, said,
‘How soon have you forgot the works of the bishops, who are now
found in the same, seeking to ensnare the innocent.’ Whereupon
they rose up, and with bitterness of spirit, burnt what they had
written before, and so left him with some bemoaning expressions;
and when they were departing, he desired of them that the
parliament would send him such questions in writing as they desired
satisfaction to, and give him leave to return his answers in writing
also.
[15] The most that I find in his examination, either in Bristol or London,
before the committee of parliament, as published from their report, was,
that he owned Christ in him, but never that he was Christ; and that he
took the honour given, not as to himself, but to Christ in him; which yet is
more than any man ought to receive; for when the beloved disciple, John,
fell at the angel’s feet to worship him, he, (though an angel,) said unto
him, “See thou do it not, I am thy fellow-servant, and of thy brethren that
have the testimony of Jesus, worship God.” Rev. xix. 10. And if an angel
ought not, surely no mortal man ought to receive or accept it, on any
pretence whatsoever; though falling down, or kneeling to one another, is
too frequently used by some other people, and if it is not to their person,
it must be to their function, quality, or character in the church: but that he
received it to himself, as a creature, he utterly denied, Trial, p. 15. And
that there could not be a more abominable thing, than to take from the
Creator, and give to the creature, &c. J. W.
By this it seems that Nayler, though still under some cloud, yet was a
little more clear in his understanding than before; but he was
encountered by fierce enemies, and therefore the execution of his
sentence was not stopped, but performed on the 27th of December.
Robert Rich, that forward man, of whom something hath been
mentioned already, was this day at the parliament door, from eight in
the morning till about eleven, crying variously to the parliament
men, as they passed by. To one whom he judged to be innocent, he
said, “He that dwelleth in love, dwelleth in God, for God is love:” and
to another, whom he thought to be swayed by envy, he said, “He
that hates his brother is a manslayer, and he that hates his brother is
a murderer.” Some then thought that Nayler would not have suffered
any further punishment, because many honourable persons had
attended the parliament and the protector on his behalf; but Rich
knowing how the case stood, told the people that the innocent was
going to suffer; and to some of the parliament men he cried, that he
was clear from the blood of all men; and that he desired them to be
so too. Then he went towards the Exchange, and got on the pillory,
held Nayler by the hand while he was burnt in the forehead, and
bored through the tongue; and was not a little affected with Nayler’s
suffering, for he licked his wounds, thereby as it seems to allay the
pain; and he led him by the hand from off the pillory. It was very
remarkable that notwithstanding there might be many thousands of
people, yet they were very quiet, and few heard to revile him, or
seen to throw any thing at him: and when he was burning, the
people both before and behind him, and on both sides, with one
consent stood bareheaded, as seeming generally moved with
compassion and good-will towards him.
Many now rejoiced, seeing how some few among the Quakers, as
Rich, and the like sort of people, did side with Nayler, whilst the
Quakers generally spoke against him and his doings; for those who
hoped to see the downfall of them, signified not obscurely, that now
things went as they would have, since the Quakers, (as they said,)
were divided among themselves. But time showed that this
pretended division soon came to an end, and those diviners and
guessers overshot themselves. How it went with the execution of
Nayler’s sentence at Bristol, I am not informed;[16] but by a letter of
one Richard Snead, an ancient man of about eighty years, I have
understood that Nayler had written a letter to the magistrates of
Bristol, wherein he had disapproved, and penitently condemned, his
carriage there.[17] After this he was brought to Bridewell, London,
(as sentenced,) where he continued prisoner about two years,
during which confinement he came to a true repentance of his
transgression; and having got the use of pen and ink, wrote several
books and papers, condemning his error, which were published in
print; and after his release, he published several others, one of
which by way of recantation, runs thus:
[16] He was sent to Bristol, and there whipped from the middle of
Thomas street, over the bridge, up High street, to the middle of Broad
street, all which he bore with wonderful patience, as related by an eye-
witness, and then sent by Tower lane the back way to Newgate, and from
thence returned to Bridewell, London, according to the sentence.—J. W.
[17] After he was set at liberty, he went to Bristol, where in a public
meeting, he made confession of his offence, as to his former fall, and
declared in so powerful a manner, as tendered and broke the meeting into
tears, so that there were few dry eyes, (as related by some then present,)
and many were bowed in their minds and reconciled to him.—J. W.’s
account.
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