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Twelfth Night Shakespeare Made Easy Shakespeare
Made Easy Study Guides William Shakespeare Digital
Instant Download
Author(s): William Shakespeare
ISBN(s): 9781599051390, 1599051397
Edition: Stg
File Details: PDF, 2.24 MB
Year: 2006
Language: english
 SHAKESPEARE MADE EASY Twelfth Night
Complements Saddleback’s Classics, Saddleback’s
Illustrated Classics™ or any Shakespeare playscript
SHAKESPEARE
MADE EASY
Twelfth Night

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Copyright © 2006 by Saddleback Educational Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by
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Printed in the United States of America

10 09 08 07 06 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
 Contents

To the Teacher . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v

Introduction to the Play . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi

Introduction to Shakespeare . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvi

Activity 1: The Lovesick Duke Orsino (Act one, Scene 1) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Activity 2: The Shipwrecked Viola (Act one, Scene 2) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Activity 3: Fools’ Play (Act one, Scene 3) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Activity 4: Viola’s First Meeting with Olivia (Act one, Scene 5) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Activity 5: Review . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Activity 6: Character Assessments (Acts one and two) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Activity 7: Love According to Duke Orsino (Act two, Scene 4) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Activity 8: A Picture of Malvolio (Act two, Scene 5) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
Activity 9: Deceit Abounds (Acts one and two) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Activity 10: Review . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Activity 11: Portrait of Viola (Act two, Scenes 2 and 4, and Act three, Scene 1) . . . . . . . 11
Activity 12: Double-talk (Act three, Scene 1) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Activity 13: Deluded Malvolio (Act three, Scene 4) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Activity 14: To Be Made a Fool of (Act two, Scene 5, and Act three, Scene 2) . . . . . . . . 14
Activity 15: Review . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Activity 16: Clarification of Mistaken Identities (Act four) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Activity 17: Malvolio’s Plea (Act four, Scene 2) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Activity 18: Suspension of Disbelief . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Activity 19: Rapping and Rhyming (Act four, Scene 2) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Activity 20: Review . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Activity 21: Understanding Antonio (Act five) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Activity 22: Short Story Elements in Twelfth Night (Act five) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
Activity 23: Malvolio’s Revenge (Act five, Scene 1) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Activity 24: Disguise . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24

iii
iv Shakespeare Made Easy: Twelfth Night

Activity 25: Review . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25

Activity 26: Humor in Twelfth Night . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Activity 27: Genuine Love or Not? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Activity 28: Twelfth Night Festivities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
Activity 29: Ten Years Later . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Activity 30: Review . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30

Twelfth Night Final Test . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31

Culminating Activity 1: Essay on Love in Twelfth Night . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33

Culminating Activity 2: Twelfth Night in Fifteen Minutes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
Culminating Activity 3: Love Music in Twelfth Night . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
Culminating Activity 4: In Imitation of Twelfth Night . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
Culminating Activity 5: Frozen Tableaux . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37

Answer Key . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
 To the Teacher

As any teacher or student who has read opportunities for the reader to make personal
Shakespeare knows, his plays are not easy. connections with the text, and to help busy
They are thought-provoking and complex texts teachers gain quick access to classroom-tested
that abound with romance, deceit, tragedy, and age-appropriate activities that make the
comedy, revenge, and humanity shown at its teaching of Shakespeare an easier task.
very worst as well as its very best. In short, to
Each regular activity, as well as each culminat-
read Shakespeare is to explore the depths and
ing activity, can be modified to be an individual
heights of humanity.
or a group task, and the reviews and tests can be
The Shakespeare Made Easy Activity Guides used as quick comprehension checks or formally
are designed by teachers for teachers to help scored assessments. The guides may be used
students navigate this journey. Each guide is in conjunction with the Barron’s Shakespeare
broken into six sections of four activities and Made Easy texts or alone. Ultimately, the
one review. At the end of each guide is a final Shakespeare Made Easy Activity Guides are
test, a variety of culminating activities, and intended to assist teachers and students in
an answer key. The activities are meant to gaining an increased understanding of and
aid textual comprehension, to provide creative appreciation for the reading of Shakespeare.

© 2006 Saddleback Educational Publishing v Shakespeare Made Easy: Twelfth Night

 Introduction to the Play

Background to Twelfth Night indicates that the play is not a religious pageant
but is open to interpretation. It is as if Shake-
The title, Twelfth Night, is most likely a speare says with deep seriousness, “Here is
reference to the celebration of the Feast of Twelfth Night.” And then immediately he
Epiphany, which occurs the twelfth night after changes his tone in a light, flippant way to say,
Christmas, on January 6. In the Christian “Or, whatever. . . .” The second part of the title
church, the Epiphany is the final night of the also helps us understand the play, because it is
celebration of Christmas. On this night, the defined by mistaken identities, gender switches,
celebration centers on the Three Wise Men love at first sight, and pranks, as well as loyalty,
who journey to find Jesus and present to reunion of siblings, and marriage.
him gifts of gold, frankincense, and myrrh.
However, in Shakespeare’s era, this religious The plot of the play is similar to an Italian play
celebration was also part of a cultural tradition. called Gl’Ingannati. In that play, a brother
In the same way, the Easter Bunny is a cultural and sister are parted by a twist of fate, but they
tradition during Easter, which is a religious eventually find each other. The sister disguises
celebration of the resurrection of Christ. herself as a male page at the court of a count.
The count asks his page to be his ambassador
When Shakespeare was writing his play, the to a disdainful woman, who falls in love with
Feast of Epiphany or Twelfth Night was cele- the sister dressed as the page. Eventually the
brated in secular society as the Feast of Fools. brother arrives on the scene, and the woman
This celebration involved a reversal of roles transfers her affection to the brother. However,
between people in authority and their subordi- Shakespeare takes this basic plot outline and
nates. Everyday rules and procedures were fills it out with great language, humor, and
changed or abandoned. The Feast of Fools was memorable characters.
a great time of partying and joking, and people
who were tired of taking orders from their Another key component of the play is mistaken
superiors could be in charge and play pranks, affection. Orsino, the Duke of Illyria, is
or “punk,” others. This celebration of role mistaken in his love for Olivia. Olivia, a rich
reversal, and the drinking and playing that countess, is mistaken in her love for Viola,
accompanied it (instead of quiet, work, and who is disguised as Orsino’s page. Malvolio, a
sobriety), is very important to the action of steward of Olivia, is mistaken when he assumes
this play. that Olivia is in love with him. Sir Andrew
Aguecheek, a friend to Sir Toby Belch, Olivia’s
The second part of the play’s title, What You uncle, is also mistaken in thinking that Olivia
Will, is a wonderful play on the name of the would consider him a worthy suitor. The only
author, William Shakespeare. In addition, it character who is not mistaken is Viola, who

© 2006 Saddleback Educational Publishing vi Shakespeare Made Easy: Twelfth Night

 Introduction to the Play

declares her love for Orsino to the audience love is so intense, her love for a suitor will be
early. It is her loyalty that wins over his heart at even more amazing.
the end of the play. The joy of Twelfth Night is
to see how all these reversals are made right by Act one, Scene 2
the conclusion.
Viola is on the seacoast of Illyria with a Captain
To Shakespeare’s audience, the plot device of and other sailors. Viola is sad that she has
a shipwreck in the ocean near a remote land survived a recent shipwreck, but her brother
helps give a fairy-tale distance to the story. The seems to have perished. The Captain tells her
name of the country, Illyria, suggests illusion or to hope that since she survived the shipwreck,
delirium. However, in Shakespeare’s era, Illyria maybe her brother did as well.
did exist as a small country located on the east
coast of the Adriatic Sea, where Yugoslavia is Viola asks about the place where they have
located today. landed, and the Captain explains that Illyria
is governed by Orsino. Orsino is in love with
Because of the great themes, memorable char- Olivia, who is mourning the loss of her father
acters, and wonderful fun of this play, it is one and her brother, and therefore will not be
of the most popular and most produced of wooed by any man.
Shakespeare’s works.
Viola does not want to be identified until she
can discover what her position in the world will
Synopsis of Twelfth Night
be. She asks the Captain to lend her some boy’s
clothes so that she can serve the duke as a page.
Act one, Scene 1
The Captain agrees to help Viola with her
Orsino enters his court, accompanied by lords disguise.
and musicians. He asks the musicians to play
music to help him forget his love sickness. Act one, Scene 3
They play for a little while, but Orsino tells
them to stop because his love cannot be At Olivia’s house, Maria, Olivia’s maid, tells
drowned out by their music. Curio asks Orsino Sir Toby that he must reduce his drinking and
if he is going hunting, and he replies that he partying with Sir Andrew Aguecheek. Sir
does hunt, but it is Olivia and not a deer that he Andrew enters and misunderstands Sir Toby’s
is hunting. command to accost, or greet, Maria. Sir
Andrew and Maria speak, and Maria hints
Valentine enters and reports that Olivia will that she thinks Sir Andrew is a fool.
not allow herself to have a suitor until she has
mourned her brother’s death for seven years. After Maria leaves, Sir Andrew admits to Sir
Orsino is impressed with her devotion to her Toby that Maria won the battle of wits, and he
brother and says that because her capacity for blames his lack of wit on the amount of beef
that he eats. Sir Andrew wants to leave the next

© 2006 Saddleback Educational Publishing vii Shakespeare Made Easy: Twelfth Night
 Introduction to the Play

day, but Sir Toby convinces him to stay in order Olivia is dismayed at his condition. She sends
for Sir Andrew to win the hand of Olivia. Sir Feste to look after her uncle.
Andrew agrees to stay, commenting on what a
Malvolio reenters, reporting that the young
superb dancer he is.
man at the gate will not leave until he can
speak with Olivia. She decides to meet with
Act one, Scene 4 him, and puts a veil over her face.
In Orsino’s court, Valentine remarks at how Viola, dressed as a page, makes sure that Olivia
much favor the Count Orsino has shown Viola, is really the person she seeks, because she
now dressed as a page and known as Cesario. doesn’t want to waste her speech. Olivia tells
Orsino enters and commands Viola to go to Viola to skip the poetry and get right to the
Olivia and declare Orsino’s love to her. Viola point. Viola asks to see Olivia’s face, and Olivia
protests that Olivia will not listen to a young takes off her veil. Viola says that Olivia is selfish
page, but Orsino compliments Viola’s lips and because she will leave no copy of herself,
voice and says that Olivia will most certainly meaning a child. Olivia retorts that she will
be willing to listen to the message. Orsino leave a copy by sending out a list of her item-
promises that he will reward Viola for good ized features.
service. In an aside to the audience, Viola
admits it is difficult to woo for Orsino because Viola repeats that her master, Orsino, loves
she is in love with him herself. Olivia with great passion. Olivia appreciates
Orsino’s nobility, but she cannot be persuaded
to love him. Viola says she cannot understand
Act one, Scene 5
how Olivia can reject such a strong passion.
Maria jokes with Feste the clown about where Olivia instructs Viola to tell Orsino not to
Feste has been. Olivia, Malvolio, and some contact her anymore—unless he sends Viola.
servants enter. Olivia is upset with Feste for his
After Viola leaves, Olivia confesses that she is
absence. He tries to earn her favor by witty puns
attracted to the young page. She calls Malvolio
and jests, telling Olivia she must think that her
in and gives him a ring to “return” to Viola,
brother is in hell because she is still mourning
asking him to come tomorrow to hear why she
him. Therefore, she is the fool, not he. Olivia
rejects Orsino’s love.
appreciates his wit, and remarks to Malvolio
that Feste seems to be improving. Malvolio,
however, is unimpressed. Act two, Scene 1

Maria enters and reports that a young man is at In the countryside of Illyria, Viola’s brother
the gate who wishes to speak to Olivia. Olivia Sebastian tells Antonio that he is grateful to
sends Maria and Malvolio to get rid of the him for saving his life by rescuing him from the
visitor. Sir Toby enters, obviously drunk, and sea. At the same time, he expresses grief that
his twin sister, Viola, has drowned in the same

© 2006 Saddleback Educational Publishing viii Shakespeare Made Easy: Twelfth Night
 Introduction to the Play

shipwreck that he endured. He wishes to head so wild, they will have to bid farewell to Olivia’s
to Orsino’s court alone. Antonio would go with home. This prompts Sir Toby and Feste to sing
Sebastian, but he has too many enemies in a humorous farewell song, and they then tell
Orsino’s court. Malvolio to mind his own business. He leaves,
telling Maria that she should not condone their
Act two, Scene 2 uncivilized behavior.

Malvolio finds Viola and throws the ring at her, Sir Andrew wants to challenge Malvolio to a
telling her that Olivia wishes to return the ring duel, but Maria says she has a better plan to get
to Orsino. After Malvolio leaves, Viola speaks back at Malvolio. She tells them that Malvolio
in a soliloquy in which she realizes that Olivia is so prideful that he thinks everyone loves him.
has a crush on her. She sees the hopelessness of To play on this weakness, she will write a love
Olivia’s infatuation, because she is a girl. Also, letter to Malvolio that he will think comes from
she is in a love triangle because she loves her Olivia. Then, Malvolio will act foolishly,
master, her master loves Olivia, and Olivia is in because he will falsely assume that Olivia is in
love with her. She tells Time to unravel this love with him. Sir Andrew likes this idea and
complicated knot, because she cannot do thinks that he has a chance to win Olivia for
anything to help the situation. himself. Since it is now too late to go to bed,
Sir Toby and Sir Andrew go off to drink
some more.
Act two, Scene 3

In Olivia’s house, Sir Toby and Sir Andrew are Act two, Scene 4
up late drinking. They congratulate themselves
on their self-control, because they are actually Back at Orsino’s court, Duke Orsino enters
up early. Feste enters and joins the merriment. with Viola, Curio, and others of the court.
When Toby and Andrew pay him, Feste sings Orsino asks to hear a special love song that was
a song of love. The song is about living and sung by Feste the clown. Curio goes to find
loving for today, because tomorrow is uncer- Feste, and the musicians play Feste’s tune.
tain. They all decide to sing, “Hold thy peace, Orsino approaches Viola and asks her about
thou knave.” They all joke that they will now be love. Viola comments that she does love some-
calling one another a knave, and singing out one who looks like the Duke and is about the
when they are saying, “Be quiet.” Duke’s age. Orsino tells Viola that someone
his age is too old for her.
Maria enters and tells the three revelers to quiet
down because they will awaken Olivia, and she Feste enters and sings the love song at the
will send Malvolio to deal with them. Malvolio Duke’s request. It is a very sad song about a
enters and tells Sir Andrew, Sir Toby, and Feste man who dies from being rejected in love by
that they must be crazy to be acting this way. a “fair cruel maid.”
Malvolio tells them that unless they stop being

© 2006 Saddleback Educational Publishing ix Shakespeare Made Easy: Twelfth Night

 Introduction to the Play

After Feste leaves, Orsino tells Viola to return to and to wear yellow stockings that are cross
Olivia and declare his love for her again. Viola gartered.
asks the Duke what he will do if Olivia will not
Malvolio is thrilled with the letter and vows
love him back. She argues that, if another
to do everything requested of him. When he
woman were in love with him, he would have
leaves, Fabian, Sir Toby, and Sir Andrew come
to reject her, and she would have to accept it.
out of hiding. Maria enters and states that
Orsino rejects Viola’s argument on the basis
Malvolio is now going to act in every possible
that a man’s love for a woman is much stronger
way to irritate and annoy Olivia. They all
and more abiding than a woman’s love for
congratulate Maria on her great wit.
a man.

Viola responds that a woman can be as strongly Act three, Scene 1

in love as a man and tells him of “her sister,”
who had a strong love for someone like the Viola meets Feste in Olivia’s garden. They
Duke, but she never told him of her love exchange words about the honesty of language,
(she is, of course, talking about herself). Viola Viola’s lack of a beard, and begging. Viola gives
concludes that it is women who are strongest Feste two coins. Sir Toby and Sir Andrew enter
in love. Orsino then asks her to go to Olivia’s and greet Viola. Olivia and Maria also enter.
house and bring her a jewel to show his love. Olivia wants to speak only to Viola, and the
others leave.
Act two, Scene 5 Olivia tells Viola that she is in love with her,
thinking, of course, that Viola is a young man
In Olivia’s garden, Sir Toby, Fabian, and Sir
named Cesario. Viola tells Olivia that she
Andrew hide so that they can watch Malvolio
cannot return her love and so must leave,
find the letter written by Maria. She has written
never to return. Olivia invites Viola to come
the love letter so that Malvolio will think it is
again to talk about Orsino as a way to see
from Olivia. Malvolio enters, and he muses
Viola again.
aloud about how delightful it would be to be
married to Olivia and be Count Malvolio. His
words infuriate the three who are in hiding. Act three, Scene 2
They almost lose their temper completely when
Sir Andrew complains to Sir Toby that Olivia
Malvolio imagines that he can tell Sir Toby and
likes Orsino’s servingman, Cesario, more than
Sir Andrew to mend their ways and stay away
she likes him. Sir Toby concocts a story that
from alcohol. Malvolio then spies the letter and
Olivia showed favor to Cesario just to make Sir
begins to read it aloud. Maria has left many
Andrew jealous. He encourages Sir Andrew to
obvious hints in the letter that it is from Olivia
challenge Cesario to a duel to show his bravery
and that it declares her love for Malvolio. She
to Olivia. Sir Andrew agrees to write the letter
asks him to be mean to the people in her house,
of challenge and leaves. Fabian and Sir Toby
to be informal with her, to smile all the time,

© 2006 Saddleback Educational Publishing x Shakespeare Made Easy: Twelfth Night

 Introduction to the Play

enjoy this contest since both Sir Andrew and Sir Toby, Fabian, and Maria enter and treat
Cesario are so meek. Malvolio as if he is possessed by a demon. After
Malvolio leaves in a huff, the three plan to put
Maria enters and reports that Malvolio is now
him in a dark room, which was a common way
smiling constantly as he wears his yellow stock-
to deal with madness in Shakespeare’s time.
ings with cross garters.
Sir Andrew enters and reads his challenge letter
Act three, Scene 3 aloud. The letter comes close to challenging
Cesario, but it is extremely silly. Sir Toby prom-
Sebastian and Antonio talk on a street in Illyria. ises to give it to Cesario, and Sir Andrew exits.
Sebastian thanks Antonio for his loyalty and Sir Toby says he will not deliver the letter
support and suggests that they tour the town. because it would not scare Cesario. Instead,
Antonio refuses because he is a wanted man in he will frighten Cesario (Viola) by saying Sir
Illyria and does not want to risk being caught. Andrew, a skillful and furious dueler, is looking
Antonio gives Sebastian his purse in case he for a fight. Then, when they confront each
wants to buy anything and goes ahead to the other, they will both be so afraid that neither
Elephant Inn, in the suburbs, to order dinner will harm the other.
and wait for Sebastian.
Olivia gives Viola a locket to show her love, but
Viola protests that Olivia’s love should be given
Act three, Scene 4
to her master Orsino. Olivia tells Viola to come
In Olivia’s garden, Maria warns Olivia that again tomorrow.
Malvolio is acting very strangely. Olivia is Sir Toby and Fabian tell Viola that Sir Andrew
hoping that a visit with Malvolio, who is usually is furious, and that Viola should be very careful
prim and proper, will suit her melancholy because Sir Toby is a dangerous man. Viola is
spirits and distract her from thinking about upset, confessing, “I am no fighter.”
Cesario. Malvolio enters and makes many
references to the letter he received, which Sir Toby then tells Sir Andrew that the young
Olivia finds very confusing. Dressed in yellow man is a very skilled fighter. Sir Andrew is
stockings that are criss-crossed with garters, he afraid and wishes to withdraw from fighting.
looks ridiculous. And instead of his usual civil- However, in order to enjoy the joke, Fabian and
ity, he is smiling wildly and showing improper Sir Toby insist that both must fight each other.
boldness. Olivia is informed that Cesario has
Just as Viola and Sir Andrew are about to fight,
returned. As Olivia leaves, she instructs a
Antonio enters and begins to defend Viola,
servant to have Sir Toby look after Malvolio.
thinking the young page is his friend Sebastian.
Olivia does this out of concern for Malvolio’s
The disturbance brings Illyrian officers to
sanity, but Malvolio mistakenly assumes that
the scene, who immediately arrest Antonio.
this treatment shows her favor to him.
Antonio asks Viola for his money, but she

© 2006 Saddleback Educational Publishing xi Shakespeare Made Easy: Twelfth Night

 Introduction to the Play

denies ever receiving any money from him. not in a dark room but in a room full of
Antonio speaks to Viola, calling her Sebastian windows and light. He then tells Malvolio that
and shaming her for denying him in his time of he cannot be freed until he believes in rein-
need. The officers exit with Antonio, but Viola carnation. All of this disturbs Malvolio even
stands amazed by the exchange and hopeful further. Feste returns to Malvolio, speaking in
that perhaps her brother is still alive. his natural voice as well as the voice of the
“priest,” Sir Topas. Speaking as the priest, Feste
Feeling stronger now than Viola, Sir Andrew
tells Malvolio that he is crazy, which Malvolio
vows to continue his fight against the young
denies. Speaking in his own voice, Feste agrees
page.
to help Malvolio by bringing him pen and
paper so he can explain his situation to Olivia.
Act four, Scene 1

Feste sees Sebastian near Olivia’s house. He Act four, Scene 3

assumes that Sebastian is Viola and asks if he is
Sebastian is in Olivia’s garden. He cannot
coming to see Olivia. Sebastian denies knowing
believe that Olivia can act as though she knows
Feste or Olivia, and he gives him some money
him and is in love with him without her being
to make him go away. Sir Andrew enters with
crazy. But, because he is attracted to her, he is
Sir Toby and Fabian, and he resumes the fight
willing to suspend his doubts and go along with
with Sebastian, also assuming he is Viola. Sir
her wishes.
Andrew begins to beat Sebastian with the hilt
of his dagger, and Sir Toby tries to restrain Olivia enters with a genuine priest and asks
Sebastian. Angry and astonished, Sebastian Sebastian to go with her to the church where
breaks free and draws his sword to fight in he will marry her. Then, when the time is right,
earnest. Sir Toby also draws his sword. they can have a lavish wedding ceremony.
He agrees, and they go to the church, led by
In the nick of time, Olivia enters and calls on
the priest.
Sir Toby to stop. She orders everyone out of her
sight but Sebastian. She apologizes for their
behavior and invites Sebastian into her house. Act five, Scene 1
Sebastian cannot believe what is happening, Standing before Olivia’s house, Fabian, Feste,
but he agrees to go with Olivia because he is Viola, Curio, Orsino, and some of Orsino’s
very attracted to her. attendants meet up, and Feste uses his wit to
earn three coins from Orsino. Antonio is
Act four, Scene 2 brought forward to Orsino for punishment for
past crimes. Antonio tells Orsino that he never
Maria brings clothes to Feste to have him dress
would have come to Illyria except that he was
like a priest. Feste goes to the dark room where
helping defend his friend, pointing to Viola.
Malvolio is being kept and tells him that he is

© 2006 Saddleback Educational Publishing xii Shakespeare Made Easy: Twelfth Night
 Introduction to the Play

He states that they have been inseparable since Orsino tells everyone that they will work out a
they landed on the island. peaceful settlement with Malvolio. Everyone
leaves except for Feste, who sings a song and
Orsino tells Antonio that Viola has been with
announces that the play is over.
him for the past three months. When Olivia
enters, Orsino expresses his anger with her for
refusing his love. To pay her back, he threatens Annotated Character List for
to kill Cesario. Olivia says that Cesario has
Twelfth Night
betrayed her love and calls Cesario (Viola) her Orsino: Duke of Illyria. At the beginning of
husband. To prove it, the priest verifies that he the play, he is pale and sick from love for
has joined Olivia and Cesario together. Orsino Olivia. By the end of the play, his false
tells Viola never to cross his path again. love becomes true love.
Sir Andrew enters and reports that Cesario has Sebastian: The twin brother of Viola. He was
fought with him and Sir Toby and injured on a ship that became wrecked off the coast
them, which Viola denies. Sir Toby enters with of Illyria, but he is rescued by his friend
Feste, and everyone sees how drunk Sir Toby is Antonio and makes it safely to shore.
and that he has indeed been injured. Antonio: A captain on the ship that was
wrecked. He is a loyal friend to Sebastian
Sebastian enters and apologizes to Olivia for
and rescued him from drowning.
fighting with Sir Toby and Sir Andrew. Then
Sebastian and Viola see each other, and each is Sea Captain: The head captain of the ship that
amazed that the other is alive. Viola wants to was wrecked. He finds boy’s clothes for
prove her identity by showing her woman’s Viola so that she can dress as a page and
clothes from the shipwreck. Orsino realizes find employment with Orsino.
from previous conversations that Viola deeply Valentine: A gentleman who is part of Orsino’s
loves him. court
Curio: A gentleman who is part of Orsino’s
They then remember that Malvolio is impris-
court
oned, and they read aloud his letter of protest.
Olivia asks for Malvolio to be brought to them. Sir Toby Belch: Uncle of Olivia. His name
While they wait, Orsino asks Viola to marry suggests one of his common behaviors—
him, and Olivia calls her sister. belching from too much eating and drink-
ing alcohol.
Malvolio enters with the letter written by Sir Andrew Aguecheek: A friend of Sir Toby.
Maria, and he uses it to blame Olivia for his He thinks he can win the hand of his
behavior. Olivia tells him that Maria was most friend’s niece Olivia while he is a guest
likely the author. Fabian and Feste admit to the at her home.
plot to fool Malvolio. Malvolio leaves, promis-
Malvolio: The lead steward in Olivia’s house-
ing revenge.
hold. He presents himself as a Puritan of

© 2006 Saddleback Educational Publishing xiii Shakespeare Made Easy: Twelfth Night
 Introduction to the Play

the time, stern and self-disciplined. few stage directions. Perhaps this is because
However, when he thinks Olivia is in love Shakespeare’s plays were performed in large
with him, he gladly dresses ridiculously and amphitheaters that were very simple.
acts inappropriately.
This was a time before electric lights, so the
Fabian: A servant of Olivia who participates in plays needed to take place during the day to
Sir Toby’s drinking and pranks utilize the natural light. The average time for a
Feste: A fool who dresses up as Sir Topas, a performance was between noon and two in the
priest who visits Malvolio to help him in his afternoon. Theater historians report that there
“madness.” He is witty and a good singer. were typically no intermissions; plays ran from
Olivia: A wealthy countess. She refuses to be beginning to end without a break and took
courted by Orsino, but falls in love with his about two hours.
page, Cesario. Cesario, however, is actually
The set might be painted canvas to illustrate
Viola dressed as a boy.
whether the play was occurring in a forest or a
Viola: The twin sister of Sebastian. Strong, town, for example. Sometimes the background
witty, and loyal, she works as a page in was accompanied by a sign that indicated the
Orsino’s court. place as well. Props were few and large: a table,
Maria: She is a gentlewoman in Olivia’s house. a chariot, gallows, a bed, or a throne.
Small in stature, she plans a prank against
Malvolio. However, the audience in Shakespeare’s plays
expected a spectacle for the price of admission.
Priest: Joins Olivia and Sebastian in a pre-
Therefore, there were many devices to produce
marriage betrothal ceremony
a gasp from the audience. For example, a
Lords: Wealthy landowners and citizens of device in the loft of the theater could raise
Illyria and lower actors so that they could play gods,
Sailors: Survivors of the shipwreck ghosts, or other unusual characters. Addition-
Officers: Keepers of the law in Illyria ally, a trapdoor in the stage offered a chance
Musicians: Players who provide music for for a quick appearance or disappearance. The
Orsino actors could suggest a beheading or hanging
with various illusions on the stage. Sound
Gentlewoman: Servant to Olivia
effects suggesting thunder, horses, or war were
Servant and Attendants: Members of Orsino’s
common. Music was important, and drums
or Olivia’s household
and horns were often played.

Shakespeare and Stage Directions Most important to the sense of spectacle were
the costumes worn by the actors. These were
The plays of Shakespeare are so well written elaborate, colorful, and very expensive. There-
that they seem to leap off the page and come to fore, they often purchased these outfits from
life. However, the plays themselves have very servants who had inherited the clothes from

© 2006 Saddleback Educational Publishing xiv Shakespeare Made Easy: Twelfth Night
 Introduction to the Play

their masters, or from hangmen, who received Enter Chorus: a direction for an actor to come
the clothes of their victims as payment for their to the center of the stage and offer some intro-
services. ductory comments, usually in blank verse or
rhyming couplets. In Romeo and Juliet, the
Though Shakespeare’s stage directions are
Chorus delivers a sonnet, a form of poetry
sparse, definition of a few key terms will be
associated with love.
helpful for the reader. The following is a brief
glossary of stage directions commonly found Exeunt: All characters leave the stage, or those
in Shakespeare’s plays. characters named leave the stage.

Exit: One character leaves the stage.

Selected Glossary of Stage Directions in
Shakespeare’s Plays Flourish: A group of trumpets or other horn
instruments play a brief melody.
Above: an indication that the actor speaking
from above is on a higher balcony or other Have at: Characters begin to fight, usually with
scaffold that is higher than the other actors swords.

Alarum: a stage signal, which calls the soldiers Pageant: a show or spectacle of actors in
to battle; usually trumpets, drums, and shouts unusual costumes, usually without words

Aside: words spoken by the actor so the audi- Prologue: an introduction spoken by the
ence overhears but the other actors on the stage Chorus that gives an overview to the audience
do not. An aside may also be spoken to one and invites them into the play or scene
other actor so that the others on stage do not
Retires: A character slips away.
overhear.
Sennet: a series of notes sounded on brass
Calls within: a voice offstage that calls to a
instruments to announce the approach or
character on the stage
departure of a procession
Curtains: fabrics draped around a bed that
Singing: a signal for the actor to sing the follow-
could be opened or closed for privacy
ing lines as a tune
Draw: Actors pull their swords from their
Within: voices or sounds occurring offstage but
sheathes.
heard by the audience
Enter: a direction for a character to enter the
stage. This can be from the audience’s right
(stage right) or the audience’s left (stage left).

© 2006 Saddleback Educational Publishing xv Shakespeare Made Easy: Twelfth Night

 Introduction to Shakespeare

A Brief Biography of William Shakespeare because measures to prevent the spread of the
plague regularly closed the theaters.
William Shakespeare was born in April 1564 to
John and Mary Shakespeare in Stratford-upon- Between 1594 and 1595, Shakespeare joined
Avon, England. His birthday is celebrated on the Chamberlain’s Men as a playwright and
April 23. This is memorable because April 23 is actor. The acting company featured actor Rich-
also the day Shakespeare died in 1616. ard Burbage, and they were a favorite of Queen
Elizabeth I. During this time, Shakespeare
Shakespeare was the eldest of nine children in was writing such plays as Romeo and Juliet and
his family, six of whom survived to adulthood. A Midsummer Night’s Dream. Even though
William Shakespeare’s father worked with Shakespeare was enjoying great success by the
leather and became a successful merchant time he was 32, it was dampened by the death
early in his career. He held some relatively of his son, Hamnet, in 1596. Soon after,
important government offices. However, when Shakespeare refocused on his home in Strat-
William was in his early teens, his father’s ford where he bought an estate called New
financial position began to slide due to growing Place, with gardens, orchards, and barns in
debt. After many years, John Shakespeare’s addition to the main home. He still maintained
fortunes and respect were restored, but records a home in London near the theater.
indicate that the years of debt and lawsuits were In 1599, Shakespeare wrote Henry V, Julius
very stressful. Caesar, and As You Like It. The Globe Play-
Historians assume that young Will went to house was up and running, with Shakespeare
school and took a rigorous course of study a 10 percent owner. This means that he was
including Latin, history, and biblical study. In able to earn 10 percent of any show’s profits.
1582, at the age of eighteen, he married Anne This business position helped him solidify
Hathaway, who was three months pregnant. his wealth.
Studies of Elizabethan family life indicate that In 1603, Shakespeare’s reputation earned his
Anne’s situation was not unusual since it was acting troop the sponsorship of James I, who
accepted that the engagement period was as requested one play performance per month.
legally binding as the marriage. The couple Their name changed to the King’s Men. By this
had a daughter, Susanna, followed by twins, time, Shakespeare had written and performed
Hamnet and Judith. Not much is known about in almost all of his comedies and histories.
Shakespeare during the next seven years, but He was proclaimed the finest playwright in
his name is listed as an actor in London by London.
1592. This was a difficult time for the theater

© 2006 Saddleback Educational Publishing xvi Shakespeare Made Easy: Twelfth Night
 Introduction to Shakespeare

But Shakespeare still had what is considered Elizabeth I (1558–1603). During her leader-
his finest writing to do. He began his writing ship, England became an important naval and
of tragedies beginning with Hamlet in 1600. economic force in Europe and beyond.
In the following five years, Shakespeare
England’s rise to power came when its navy
wrote Macbeth, Othello, and King Lear. Why
defeated the Spanish Armada in 1588, when
Shakespeare turned to these darker, more
Shakespeare was about 24 years old. Queen
serious themes is widely debated by scholars.
Elizabeth was skillful in navigating through the
But all agree that these plays established
conflicts of religion. She maintained religious
Shakespeare’s premier place in English
independence from Rome as the Church of
literature.
England became firmly rooted during her
Toward the end of 1609 through 1610, Shake- reign. Additionally, she financed the establish-
speare began to write his problem romances. ment of colonies in America to grow the British
These works, The Winter’s Tale, Cymbeline, and Empire and expand its economic opportunities.
The Tempest, are rich with mature themes of At the end of her reign, England was the leader
forgiveness, grace, and redemption. in trade, naval power, and culture.

After 1611, at the age of 47, Shakespeare moved Because of its role as the main economic, polit-
back to Stratford exclusively, settling into life at ical, and cultural center of England, London
New Place and enjoying a renewed relation- became the hub of England’s prosperity and
ship with his daughters, especially Susanna. He fame. If anyone wanted to become famous as
prepared a will, which has become famous for a poet or dramatic writer during Shakespeare’s
the request to leave his wife their “second best time, he would need to be in London. In fact,
bed.” Many have debated whether this is a London was full of great writers besides
sentimental or cynical bequest. In the same Shakespeare, such as Marlowe, Sidney, and
year that his daughter Judith married, 1616, Jonson. Yet, even as London was full of parties,
Shakespeare died at the age of 52. However, trade, and amusement, it was also full of
it was not until 1623 that all his plays were poverty, crime, and disease. Crime was a large
collected into one manuscript, now referred to problem, and the main jail in London was
as the First Folio. The fellow King’s Men play- called the Clink. Disease and poor sanitation
ers who compiled the manuscript, Heming and were common. In fact, twice in Shakespeare’s
Condell, entitled it Mr. William Shakespeare’s lifetime, London endured an outbreak of the
Comedies, Histories, and Tragedies. plague, which killed thousands upon thousands
of people.
Shakespeare’s England Before Queen Elizabeth took the throne,
London was a modestly sized city of about
The age of Shakespeare was a glorious time
60,000 people. By the time James I took the
for England. William Shakespeare’s life in
throne at her death, more than 200,000 people
England was defined by the reign of Queen

© 2006 Saddleback Educational Publishing xvii Shakespeare Made Easy: Twelfth Night
 Introduction to Shakespeare

lived in London and its suburbs. People were were still very rare, so that privacy in Shake-
attracted to London because it gave many speare’s time did not really exist.
opportunities for work and financial improve-
Meals in Shakespeare’s England were an
ment. It was also a vibrant social scene for the
important part of the day. Breakfast was served
upper class. In fact, one honor of being a noble
before dawn and was usually bread and a bever-
was the opportunity to house Queen Elizabeth
age. Therefore, everyone was really hungry for
and her entire party if she was in your neighbor-
the midday meal, which could last up to three
hood. If she was a guest, it was expected that
hours. If meat was available in the home, it was
her noble hosts would cover all the expenses
usually served at this time. A smaller supper
of housing her group. She made many
was eaten at 6:00 or 7:00 P.M., with the more
“progresses” through England and London,
wealthy people able to eat earlier and the work-
establishing her relationships with the nobility.
ing class eating later. Cooking was dangerous
However, several nobles asked to be released
and difficult since all meals were cooked over
from this honor because the expense of
an open fire. Even bread was not baked in an
supporting her visit had often caused them
oven but was cooked in special pans placed
bankruptcy.
over the fire. A pot was almost always cooking
Perhaps it was better to be a flourishing on the fire, and the cook would put in whatever
member of the English merchant middle class. was available for supper. This is most likely
Their numbers and influence were rising in where the term “potluck” came from.
England at the time of Shakespeare. This was
Furniture was usually made of carved wood,
a new and an exciting development in Western
as woodcarving was a developing craft in
European history. One major factor in the rise
Shakespeare’s day. One important part of an
of the middle class was the need for wool for
Elizabethan home was the table, or “board.”
clothing. The expansion of the wool trade led
One side was finished to a nice sheen, while
to the formation of entire cities throughout
the other side was rough. Meals were served
England and sparked progress in many other
on the rough side of the board, and then it was
areas of commerce and trade.
flipped for a more elegant look in the room.
With the rise of the middle class came a The table is where we get the terms “room and
concern for more comfortable housing. Rather board” and having “the tables turned.” Another
than serving simply as shelter or defense against important part of a middle or an upper-class
attack, housing developed architecturally and home was the bed. Rather than being made
functionally. One major improvement was the of prickly straw, mattresses were now stuffed
use of windows to let in light. Also, houses were with softer feathers. Surrounded by artistically
built with lofts and special places for eating and carved four posts, these beds were considered
sleeping, rather than having one multifunc- so valuable that they were often a specifically
tional room. However, doors between rooms named item in a will.

© 2006 Saddleback Educational Publishing xviii Shakespeare Made Easy: Twelfth Night
 Introduction to Shakespeare

Clothing in Shakespeare’s time was very expen- Bowling, however, has maintained its popular-
sive. Of course, servants and other lower-class ity in our current culture.
people wore simple garb, often a basic blue.
In London, a main source of entertainment was
But if a person wanted to display his wealth, his
the theater. Some theaters were very large and
clothing was elaborate and colorful, sewn with
could hold more than two thousand people.
rich velvet, lace, and gold braid. An average
Even poor people could attend the theater
worker might earn seven or eight English
since entrance cost only one penny (equivalent
pounds in a year, and a very nice outfit for
to 60 cents today), and they could stand around
a nobleman might cost as much as 50 or
the stage. For a bit more money, a person could
60 pounds. In other words, if seven or eight
sit in an actual seat during the performance.
healthy workers pooled their money for the
However, some thought that going to the
entire year, spending nothing else, they could
theater could be dangerous to your body or
buy only one respectable nobleman’s outfit.
your soul. The theaters were closed twice
Entertainment was an important part of life during the plagues to reduce the spread of the
in Shakespeare’s England. Popular sports were disease. The Puritans disapproved of the theater
bear-baiting, cockfighting, and an early form as an unwholesome leisure time activity. And
of bowling. Bear-baiting, in which a dog was set the Puritans also disliked the theater because
loose to fight with up to three chained bears the theaters were located in an area of London
in the center of an amphitheater, and cock- surrounded by brothels and bars. Nevertheless,
fighting, in which roosters pecked each other the theater became respectable enough by
to death, were popular then but would be 1603 to be supported by James I—and he was
absolutely unacceptable entertainment today. the monarch who directed the King James
Version of the Bible to be translated.

© 2006 Saddleback Educational Publishing xix Shakespeare Made Easy: Twelfth Night
Other documents randomly have
different content
The day arrived when I was given a chance to attend the meeting of
the Petro-Soviet. It was to be a double celebration in honour of the
return of Karl Radek to Russia and Joffe's report on the peace treaty
with Esthonia. As usual I went with the Zorins. The gathering was in
the Tauride Palace, the former meeting place of the Russian Duma.
Every entrance to the hall was guarded by soldiers, the platform
surrounded by them holding their guns at attention. The hall was
crowded to the very doors. I was on the platform overlooking the
sea of faces below. Starved and wretched they looked, these sons
and daughters of the people, the heroes of Red Petrograd. How they
had suffered and endured for the Revolution! I felt very humble
before them.
Zinoviev presided. After the "Internationale" had been sung by the
audience standing, Zinoviev opened the meeting. He spoke at
length. His voice is high pitched, without depth. The moment I heard
him I realized what I had missed in him at our first meeting—depth,
strength of character. Next came Radek. He was clever, witty,
sarcastic, and he paid his respects to the counter-revolutionists and
to the White Guards. Altogether an interesting man and an
interesting address.
Joffe looked the diplomat. Well fed and groomed, he seemed rather
out of place in that assembly. He spoke of the peace conditions with
Esthonia, which were received with enthusiasm by the audience.
Certainly these people wanted peace. Would it ever come to Russia?
Last spoke Zorin, by far the ablest and most convincing that evening.
Then the meeting was thrown open to discussion. A Menshevik
asked for the floor. Immediately pandemonium broke loose. Yells of
"Traitor!" "Kolchak!" "Counter-Revolutionist!" came from all parts of
the audience and even from the platform. It looked to me like an
unworthy proceeding for a revolutionary assembly.
On the way home I spoke to Zorin about it. He laughed. "Free
speech is a bourgeois superstition," he said; "during a revolutionary
period there can be no free speech." I was rather dubious about the
sweeping statement, but I felt that I had no right to judge. I was a
newcomer, while the people at the Tauride Palace had sacrificed and
suffered so much for the Revolution. I had no right to judge.
 CHAPTER III
DISTURBING THOUGHTS

Life went on. Each day brought new conflicting thoughts and
emotions. The feature which affected me most was the inequality I
witnessed in my immediate environment. I learned that the rations
issued to the tenants of the First House of the Soviet (Astoria) were
much superior to those received by the workers in the factories. To
be sure, they were not sufficient to sustain life—but no one in the
Astoria lived from these rations alone. The members of the
Communist Party, quartered in the Astoria, worked in Smolny, and
the rations in Smolny were the best in Petrograd. Moreover, trade
was not entirely suppressed at that time. The markets were doing a
lucrative business, though no one seemed able or willing to explain
to me where the purchasing capacity came from. The workers could
not afford to buy butter which was then 2,000 rubles a pound, sugar
at 3,000, or meat at 1,000. The inequality was most apparent in the
Astoria kitchen. I went there frequently, though it was torture to
prepare a meal: the savage scramble for an inch of space on the
stove, the greedy watching of the women lest any one have
something extra in the saucepan, the quarrels and screams when
someone fished out a piece of meat from the pot of a neighbour!
But there was one redeeming feature in the picture—it was the
resentment of the servants who worked in the Astoria. They were
servants, though called comrades, and they felt keenly the
inequality: the Revolution to them was not a mere theory to be
realized in years to come. It was a living thing. I was made aware of
it one day.
The rations were distributed at the Commissary, but one had to fetch
them himself. One day, while waiting my turn in the long line, a
peasant girl came in and asked for vinegar. "Vinegar! who is it calls
for such a luxury?" cried several women. It appeared that the girl
was Zinoviev's servant. She spoke of him as her master, who worked
very hard and was surely entitled to something extra. At once a
storm of indignation broke loose. "Master! is that what we made the
Revolution for, or was it to do away with masters? Zinoviev is no
more than we, and he is not entitled to more."
These workingwomen were crude, even brutal, but their sense of
justice was instinctive. The Revolution to them was something
fundamentally vital. They saw the inequality at every step and
bitterly resented it. I was disturbed. I sought to reassure myself that
Zinoviev and the other leaders of the Communists would not use
their power for selfish benefit. It was the shortage of food and the
lack of efficient organization which made it impossible to feed all
alike, and of course the blockade and not the Bolsheviki was
responsible for it. The Allied Interventionists, who were trying to get
at Russia's throat, were the cause.
Every Communist I met reiterated this thought; even some of the
Anarchists insisted on it. The little group antagonistic to the Soviet
Government was not convincing. But how to reconcile the
explanation given to me with some of the stories I learned every day
—stories of systematic terrorism, of relentless persecution, and
suppression of other revolutionary elements?
Another circumstance which perplexed me was that the markets
were stacked with meat, fish, soap, potatoes, even shoes, every
time that the rations were given out. How did these things get to the
markets? Everyone spoke about it, but no one seemed to know. One
day I was in a watchmaker's shop when a soldier entered. He
conversed with the proprietor in Yiddish, relating that he had just
returned from Siberia with a shipment of tea. Would the watchmaker
take fifty pounds? Tea was sold at a premium at the time—no one
but the privileged few could permit themselves such a luxury. Of
course the watchmaker would take the tea. When the soldier left I
asked the shopkeeper if he did not think it rather risky to transact
such illegal business so openly. I happen to understand Yiddish, I
told him. Did he not fear I would report him? "That's nothing," the
man replied nonchalantly, "the Tcheka knows all about it—it draws
its percentage from the soldier and myself."
I began to suspect that the reason for much of the evil was also
within Russia, not only outside of it. But then, I argued, police
officials and detectives graft everywhere. That is the common
disease of the breed. In Russia, where scarcity of food and three
years of starvation must needs turn most people into grafters, theft
is inevitable. The Bolsheviki are trying to suppress it with an iron
hand. How can they be blamed? But try as I might I could not
silence my doubts. I groped for some moral support, for a
dependable word, for someone to shed light on the disturbing
questions.
It occurred to me to write to Maxim Gorki. He might help. I called
his attention to his own dismay and disappointment while visiting
America. He had come believing in her democracy and liberalism,
and found bigotry and lack of hospitality instead. I felt sure Gorki
would understand the struggle going on within me, though the
cause was not the same. Would he see me? Two days later I
received a short note asking me to call.
I had admired Gorki for many years. He was the living affirmation of
my belief that the creative artist cannot be suppressed. Gorki, the
child of the people, the pariah, had by his genius become one of the
world's greatest, one who by his pen and deep human sympathy
made the social outcast our kin. For years I toured America
interpreting Gorki's genius to the American people, elucidating the
greatness, beauty, and humanity of the man and his works. Now I
was to see him and through him get a glimpse into the complex soul
of Russia.
I found the main entrance of his house nailed up, and there seemed
to be no way of getting in. I almost gave up in despair when a
woman pointed to a dingy staircase. I climbed to the very top and
knocked on the first door I saw. It was thrown open, momentarily
blinding me with a flood of light and steam from an overheated
kitchen. Then I was ushered into a large dining room. It was dimly
lit, chilly and cheerless in spite of a fire and a large collection of
Dutch china on the walls. One of the three women I had noticed in
the kitchen sat down at the table with me, pretending to read a
book but all the while watching me out of the corner of her eye. It
was an awkward half hour of waiting.
Presently Gorki arrived. Tall, gaunt, and coughing, he looked ill and
weary. He took me to his study, semi-dark and of depressing effect.
No sooner had we seated ourselves than the door flew open and
another young woman, whom I had not observed before, brought
him a glass of dark fluid, medicine evidently. Then the telephone
began to ring; a few minutes later Gorki was called out of the room.
I realized that I would not be able to talk with him. Returning, he
must have noticed my disappointment. We agreed to postpone our
talk till some less disturbed opportunity presented itself. He escorted
me to the door, remarking, "You ought to visit the Baltflot [Baltic
Fleet]. The Kronstadt sailors are nearly all instinctive Anarchists. You
would find a field there." I smiled. "Instinctive Anarchists?" I said,
"that means they are unspoiled by preconceived notions,
unsophisticated, and receptive. Is that what you mean?"
"Yes, that is what I mean," he replied.
The interview with Gorki left me depressed. Nor was our second
meeting more satisfactory on the occasion of my first trip to
Moscow. By the same train travelled Radek, Demyan Bedny, the
popular Bolshevik versifier, and Zipperovitch, then the president of
the Petrograd unions. We found ourselves in the same car, the one
reserved for Bolshevik officials and State dignitaries, comfortable and
roomy. On the other hand, the "common" man, the non-Communist
without influence, had literally to fight his way into the always
overcrowded railway carriages, provided he had a propusk to travel
—a most difficult thing to procure.
I spent the time of the journey discussing Russian conditions with
Zipperovitch, a kindly man of deep convictions, and with Demyan
Bedny, a big coarse-looking man. Radek held forth at length on his
experiences in Germany and German prisons.
I learned that Gorki was also on the train, and I was glad of another
opportunity for a chat with him when he called to see me. The one
thing uppermost in my mind at the moment was an article which
had appeared in the Petrograd Pravda a few days before my
departure. It treated of morally defective children, the writer urging
prison for them. Nothing I had heard or seen during my six weeks in
Russia so outraged me as this brutal and antiquated attitude toward
the child. I was eager to know what Gorki thought of the matter. Of
course, he was opposed to prisons for the morally defective, he
would advocate reformatories instead. "What do you mean by
morally defective?" I asked. "Our young are the result of alcoholism
rampant during the Russian-Japanese War, and of syphilis. What
except moral defection could result from such a heritage?" he
replied. I argued that morality changes with conditions and climate,
and that unless one believed in the theory of free will one cannot
consider morality a fixed matter. As to children, their sense of
responsibility is primitive, and they lack the spirit of social
adherence. But Gorki insisted that there was a fearful spread of
moral defection among children and that such cases should be
isolated.
I then broached the problem that was troubling me most. What
about persecution and terror—were all the horrors inevitable, or was
there some fault in Bolshevism itself? The Bolsheviki were making
mistakes, but they were doing the best they knew how, Gorki said
drily. Nothing more could be expected, he thought.
I recalled a certain article by Gorki, published in his paper, New Life,
which I had read in the Missouri Penitentiary. It was a scathing
arraignment of the Bolsheviki. There must have been powerful
reasons to change Gorki's point of view so completely. Perhaps he is
right. I must wait. I must study the situation; I must get at the facts.
Above all, I must see for myself Bolshevism at work.
We spoke of the drama. On my first visit, by way of introduction, I
had shown Gorki an announcement card of the dramatic course I
had given in America. John Galsworthy was among the playwrights I
had discussed then. Gorki expressed surprise that I considered
Galsworthy an artist. In his opinion Galsworthy could not be
compared with Bernard Shaw. I had to differ. I did not
underestimate Shaw, but considered Galsworthy the greater artist. I
detected irritation in Gorki, and as his hacking cough continued, I
broke off the discussion. He soon left. I remained dejected from the
interview. It gave me nothing.
When we pulled into the Moscow station my chaperon, Demyan
Bedny, had vanished and I was left on the platform with all my traps.
Radek came to my rescue. He called a porter, took me and my
baggage to his waiting automobile and insisted that I come to his
apartments in the Kremlin. There I was graciously received by his
wife and invited to dinner served by their maid. After that Radek
began the difficult task of getting me quartered in the Hotel
National, known as the First House of the Moscow Soviet. With all
his influence it required hours to secure a room for me.
Radek's luxurious apartment, the maidservant, the splendid dinner
seemed strange in Russia. But the comradely concern of Radek and
the hospitality of his wife were grateful to me. Except at the Zorins
and the Shatovs I had not met with anything like it. I felt that
kindliness, sympathy, and solidarity were still alive in Russia.
 CHAPTER IV
MOSCOW: FIRST IMPRESSIONS

Coming from Petrograd to Moscow is like being suddenly transferred

from a desert to active life, so great is the contrast. On reaching the
large open square in front of the main Moscow station I was amazed
at the sight of busy crowds, cabbies, and porters. The same picture
presented itself all the way from the station to the Kremlin. The
streets were alive with men, women, and children. Almost everybody
carried a bundle, or dragged a loaded sleigh. There was life, motion,
and movement, quite different from the stillness that oppressed me
in Petrograd.
I noticed considerable display of the military in the city, and scores
of men dressed in leather suits with guns in their belts. "Tcheka
men, our Extraordinary Commission," explained Radek. I had heard
of the Tcheka before: Petrograd talked of it with dread and hatred.
However, the soldiers and Tchekists were never much in evidence in
the city on the Neva. Here in Moscow they seemed everywhere.
Their presence reminded me of a remark Jack Reed had made:
"Moscow is a military encampment," he had said; "spies everywhere,
the bureaucracy most autocratic. I always feel relieved when I get
out of Moscow. But, then, Petrograd is a proletarian city and is
permeated with the spirit of the Revolution. Moscow always was
hierarchical. It is much more so now." I found that Jack Reed was
right. Moscow was indeed hierarchical. Still the life was intense,
varied, and interesting. What struck me most forcibly, besides the
display of militarism, was the preoccupation of the people. There
seemed to be no common interest between them. Everyone rushed
about as a detached unit in quest of his own, pushing and knocking
against everyone else. Repeatedly I saw women or children fall from
exhaustion without any one stopping to lend assistance. People
stared at me when I would bend over the heap on the slippery
pavement or gather up the bundles that had fallen into the street. I
spoke to friends about what looked to me like a strange lack of
fellow-feeling. They explained it as a result partly of the general
distrust and suspicion created by the Tcheka, and partly due to the
absorbing task of getting the day's food. One had neither vitality nor
feeling left to think of others. Yet there did not seem to be such a
scarcity of food as in Petrograd, and the people were warmer and
better dressed.
I spent much time on the streets and in the market places. Most of
the latter, as also the famous Soukharevka, were in full operation.
Occasionally soldiers would raid the markets; but as a rule they were
suffered to continue. They presented the most vital and interesting
part of the city's life. Here gathered proletarian and aristocrat,
Communist and bourgeois, peasant and intellectual. Here they were
bound by the common desire to sell and buy, to trade and bargain.
Here one could find for sale a rusty iron pot alongside of an
exquisite ikon; an old pair of shoes and intricately worked lace; a
few yards of cheap calico and a beautiful old Persian shawl. The rich
of yesterday, hungry and emaciated, denuding themselves of their
last glories; the rich of to-day buying—it was indeed an amazing
picture in revolutionary Russia.
Who was buying the finery of the past, and where did the
purchasing power come from? The buyers were numerous. In
Moscow one was not so limited as to sources of information as in
Petrograd; the very streets furnished that source.
The Russian people even after four years of war and three years of
revolution remained unsophisticated. They were suspicious of
strangers and reticent at first. But when they learned that one had
come from America and did not belong to the governing political
party, they gradually lost their reserve. Much information I gathered
from them and some explanation of the things that perplexed me
since my arrival. I talked frequently with the workers and peasants
and the women on the markets.
The forces which had led up to the Russian Revolution had remained
terra incognita to these simple folk, but the Revolution itself had
struck deep into their souls. They knew nothing of theories, but they
believed that there was to be no more of the hated barin (master)
and now the barin was again upon them. "The barin has
everything," they would say, "white bread, clothing, even chocolate,
while we have nothing." "Communism, equality, freedom," they
jeered, "lies and deception."
I would return to the National bruised and battered, my illusions
gradually shattered, my foundations crumbling. But I would not let
go. After all, I thought, the common people could not understand
the tremendous difficulties confronting the Soviet Government: the
imperialist forces arraigned against Russia, the many attacks which
drained her of her men who otherwise would be employed in
productive labour, the blockade which was relentlessly slaying
Russia's young and weak. Of course, the people could not
understand these things, and I must not be misled by their
bitterness born of suffering. I must be patient. I must get to the
source of the evils confronting me.
The National, like the Petrograd Astoria, was a former hotel but not
nearly in as good condition. No rations were given out there except
three quarters of a pound of bread every two days. Instead there
was a common dining room where dinners and suppers were served.
The meals consisted of soup and a little meat, sometimes fish or
pancakes, and tea. In the evening we usually had kasha and tea.
The food was not too plentiful, but one could exist on it were it not
so abominably prepared.
I saw no reason for this spoiling of provisions. Visiting the kitchen I
discovered an array of servants controlled by a number of officials,
commandants, and inspectors. The kitchen staff were poorly paid;
moreover, they were not given the same food served to us. They
resented this discrimination and their interest was not in their work.
This situation resulted in much graft and waste, criminal in the face
of the general scarcity of food. Few of the tenants of the National, I
learned, took their meals in the common dining room. They
prepared or had their meals prepared by servants in a separate
kitchen set aside for that purpose. There, as in the Astoria, I found
the same scramble for a place on the stove, the same bickering and
quarrelling, the same greedy, envious watching of each other. Was
that Communism in action, I wondered. I heard the usual
explanation: Yudenitch, Denikin, Kolchak, the blockade—but the
stereotyped phrases no longer satisfied me.
Before I left Petrograd Jack Reed said to me: "When you reach
Moscow, look up Angelica Balabanova. She will receive you gladly
and will put you up should you be unable to find a room." I had
heard of Balabanova before, knew of her work, and was naturally
anxious to meet her.
A few days after reaching Moscow I called her up. Would she see
me? Yes, at once, though she was not feeling well. I found
Balabanova in a small, cheerless room, lying huddled up on the sofa.
She was not prepossessing but for her eyes, large and luminous,
radiating sympathy and kindness. She received me most graciously,
like an old friend, and immediately ordered the inevitable samovar.
Over our tea we talked of America, the labour movement there, our
deportation, and finally about Russia. I put to her the questions I
had asked many Communists regarding the contrasts and
discrepancies which confronted me at every step. She surprised me
by not giving the usual excuses; she was the first who did not repeat
the old refrain. She did refer to the scarcity of food, fuel, and
clothing which was responsible for much of the graft and corruption;
but on the whole she thought life itself mean and limited. "A rock on
which the highest hopes are shattered. Life thwarts the best
intentions and breaks the finest spirits," she said. Rather an unusual
view for a Marxian, a Communist, and one in the thick of the battle.
I knew she was then secretary of the Third International. Here was a
personality, one who was not a mere echo, one who felt deeply the
complexity of the Russian situation. I went away profoundly
impressed, and attracted by her sad, luminous eyes.
I soon discovered that Balabanova—or Balabanoff, as she preferred
to be called—was at the beck and call of everybody. Though poor in
health and engaged in many functions, she yet found time to
minister to the needs of her legion callers. Often she went without
necessaries herself, giving away her own rations, always busy trying
to secure medicine or some little delicacy for the sick and suffering.
Her special concern were the stranded Italians of whom there were
quite a number in Petrograd and Moscow. Balabanova had lived and
worked in Italy for many years until she almost became Italian
herself. She felt deeply with them, who were as far away from their
native soil as from events in Russia. She was their friend, their
advisor, their main support in a world of strife and struggle. Not only
the Italians but almost everyone else was the concern of this
remarkable little woman: no one needed a Communist membership
card to Angelica's heart. No wonder some of her comrades
considered her a "sentimentalist who wasted her precious time in
philanthropy." Many verbal battles I had on this score with the type
of Communist who had become callous and hard, altogether barren
of the qualities which characterized the Russian idealist of the past.
Similar criticism as of Balabanova I heard expressed of another
leading Communist, Lunacharsky. Already in Petrograd I was told
sneeringly, "Lunacharsky is a scatterbrain who wastes millions on
foolish ventures." But I was eager to meet the man who was the
Commissar of one of the important departments in Russia, that of
education. Presently an opportunity presented itself.
The Kremlin, the old citadel of Tsardom, I found heavily guarded and
inaccessible to the "common" man. But I had come by appointment
and in the company of a man who had an admission card, and
therefore passed the guard without trouble. We soon reached the
Lunacharsky apartments, situated in an old quaint building within
the walls. Though the reception room was crowded with people
waiting to be admitted, Lunacharsky called me in as soon as I was
announced.
His greeting was very cordial. Did I "intend to remain a free bird"
was one of his first questions, or would I be willing to join him in his
work? I was rather surprised. Why should one have to give up his
freedom, especially in educational work? Were not initiative and
freedom essential? However, I had come to learn from Lunacharsky
about the revolutionary system of education in Russia, of which we
had heard so much in America. I was especially interested in the
care the children were receiving. The Moscow Pravda, like the
Petrograd newspapers, had been agitated by a controversy about
the treatment of the morally defective. I expressed surprise at such
an attitude in Soviet Russia. "Of course, it is all barbarous and
antiquated," Lunacharsky said, "and I am fighting it tooth and nail.
The sponsors of prisons for children are old criminal jurists, still
imbued with Tsarist methods. I have organized a commission of
physicians, pedagogues, and psychologists to deal with this
question. Of course, those children must not be punished." I felt
tremendously relieved. Here at last was a man who had gotten away
from the cruel old methods of punishment. I told him of the splendid
work done in capitalist America by Judge Lindsay and of some of the
experimental schools for backward children. Lunacharsky was much
interested. "Yes, that is just what we want here, the American
system of education," he exclaimed. "You surely do not mean the
American public school system?" I asked. "You know of the insurgent
movement in America against our public school method of
education, the work done by Professor Dewey and others?"
Lunacharsky had heard little about it. Russia had been so long cut
off from the western world and there was great lack of books on
modern education. He was eager to learn of the new ideas and
methods. I sensed in Lunacharsky a personality full of faith and
devotion to the Revolution, one who was carrying on the great work
of education in a physically and spiritually difficult environment.
He suggested the calling of a conference of teachers if I would talk
to them about the new tendencies in education in America, to which
I readily consented. Schools and other institutions in his charge were
to be visited later. I left Lunacharsky filled with new hope. I would
join him in his work, I thought. What greater service could one
render the Russian people?
During my visit to Moscow I saw Lunacharsky several times. He was
always the same kindly gracious man, but I soon began to notice
that he was being handicapped in his work by forces within his own
party: most of his good intentions and decisions never saw the light.
Evidently Lunacharsky was caught in the same machine that
apparently held everything in its iron grip. What was that machine?
Who directed its movements?
Although the control of visitors at the National was very strict, no
one being able to go in or out without a special propusk [permit],
men and women of different political factions managed to call on
me: Anarchists, Left Social Revolutionists, Coöperators, and people I
had known in America and who had returned to Russia to play their
part in the Revolution. They had come with deep faith and high
hope, but I found almost all of them discouraged, some even
embittered. Though widely differing in their political views, nearly all
of my callers related an identical story, the story of the high tide of
the Revolution, of the wonderful spirit that led the people forward, of
the possibilities of the masses, the rôle of the Bolsheviki as the
spokesmen of the most extreme revolutionary slogans and their
betrayal of the Revolution after they had secured power. All spoke of
the Brest Litovsk peace as the beginning of the downward march.
The Left Social Revolutionists especially, men of culture and
earnestness, who had suffered much under the Tsar and now saw
their hopes and aspirations thwarted, were most emphatic in their
condemnation. They supported their statements by evidence of the
havoc wrought by the methods of forcible requisition and the
punitive expeditions to the villages, of the abyss created between
town and country, the hatred engendered between peasant and
worker. They told of the persecution of their comrades, the shooting
of innocent men and women, the criminal inefficiency, waste, and
destruction.
How, then, could the Bolsheviki maintain themselves in power? After
all, they were only a small minority, about five hundred thousand
members as an exaggerated estimate. The Russian masses, I was
told, were exhausted by hunger and cowed by terrorism. Moreover,
they had lost faith in all parties and ideas. Nevertheless, there were
frequent peasant uprisings in various parts of Russia, but these were
ruthlessly quelled. There were also constant strikes in Moscow,
Petrograd, and other industrial centres, but the censorship was so
rigid little ever became known to the masses at large.
I sounded my visitors on intervention. "We want none of outside
interference," was the uniform sentiment. They held that it merely
strengthened the hands of the Bolsheviki. They felt that they could
not publicly even speak out against them so long as Russia was
being attacked, much less fight their régime. "Have not their tactics
and methods been imposed on the Bolsheviki by intervention and
blockade?" I argued. "Only partly so," was the reply. "Most of their
methods spring from their lack of understanding of the character
and the needs of the Russian people and the mad obsession of
dictatorship, which is not even the dictatorship of the proletariat but
the dictatorship of a small group over the proletariat."
When I broached the subject of the People's Soviets and the
elections my visitors smiled. "Elections! There are no such things in
Russia, unless you call threats and terrorism elections. It is by these
alone that the Bolsheviki secure a majority. A few Mensheviki, Social
Revolutionists, or Anarchists are permitted to slip into the Soviets,
but they have not the shadow of a chance to be heard."
The picture painted looked black and dismal. Still I clung to my faith.
 CHAPTER V
MEETING PEOPLE

At A conference of the Moscow Anarchists in March I first learned of

the part some Anarchists had played in the Russian Revolution. In
the July uprising of 1917 the Kronstadt sailors were led by the
Anarchist Yarchuck; the Constituent Assembly was dispersed by
Zhelezniakov; the Anarchists had participated on every front and
helped to drive back the Allied attacks. It was the consensus of
opinion that the Anarchists were always among the first to face fire,
as they were also the most active in the reconstructive work. One of
the biggest factories near Moscow, which did not stop work during
the entire period of the Revolution, was managed by an Anarchist.
Anarchists were doing important work in the Foreign Office and in all
other departments. I learned that the Anarchists had virtually helped
the Bolsheviki into power. Five months later, in April, 1918, machine
guns were used to destroy the Moscow Anarchist Club and to
suppress their press. That was before Mirbach arrived in Moscow.
The field had to be "cleared of disturbing elements," and the
Anarchists were the first to suffer. Since then the persecution of the
Anarchists has never ceased.
The Moscow Anarchist Conference was critical not only toward the
existing régime, but toward its own comrades as well. It spoke
frankly of the negative sides of the movement, and of its lack of
unity and coöperation during the revolutionary period. Later I was to
learn more of the internal dissensions in the Anarchist movement.
Before closing, the Conference decided to call on the Soviet
Government to release the imprisoned Anarchists and to legalize
Anarchist educational work. The Conference asked Alexander
Berkman and myself to sign the resolution to that effect. It was a
shock to me that Anarchists should ask any government to legalize
their efforts, but I still believed the Soviet Government to be at least
to some extent expressive of the Revolution. I signed the resolution,
and as I was to see Lenin in a few days I promised to take the
matter up with him.
The interview with Lenin was arranged by Balabanova. "You must
see Ilitch, talk to him about the things that are disturbing you and
the work you would like to do," she had said. But some time passed
before the opportunity came. At last one day Balabanova called up
to ask whether I could go at once. Lenin had sent his car and we
were quickly driven over to the Kremlin, passed without question by
the guards, and at last ushered into the workroom of the all-
powerful president of the People's Commissars.
When we entered Lenin held a copy of the brochure Trial and
Speeches[2] in his hands. I had given my only copy to Balabanova,
who had evidently sent the booklet on ahead of us to Lenin. One of
his first questions was, "When could the Social Revolution be
expected in America?" I had been asked the question repeatedly
before, but I was astounded to hear it from Lenin. It seemed
incredible that a man of his information should know so little about
conditions in America.
My Russian at this time was halting, but Lenin declared that though
he had lived in Europe for many years he had not learned to speak
foreign languages: the conversation would therefore have to be
carried on in Russian. At once he launched into a eulogy of our
speeches in court. "What a splendid opportunity for propaganda," he
said; "it is worth going to prison, if the courts can so successfully be
turned into a forum." I felt his steady cold gaze upon me,
penetrating my very being, as if he were reflecting upon the use I
might be put to. Presently he asked what I would want to do. I told
him I would like to repay America what it had done for Russia. I
spoke of the Society of the Friends of Russian Freedom, organized
thirty years ago by George Kennan and later reorganized by Alice
Stone Blackwell and other liberal Americans. I briefly sketched the
splendid work they had done to arouse interest in the struggle for
Russian freedom, and the great moral and financial aid the Society
had given through all those years. To organize a Russian society for
American freedom was my plan. Lenin appeared enthusiastic. "That
is a great idea, and you shall have all the help you want. But, of
course, it will be under the auspices of the Third International.
Prepare your plan in writing and send it to me."
I broached the subject of the Anarchists in Russia. I showed him a
letter I had received from Martens, the Soviet representative in
America, shortly before my deportation. Martens asserted that the
Anarchists in Russia enjoyed full freedom of speech and press. Since
my arrival I found scores of Anarchists in prison and their press
suppressed. I explained that I could not think of working with the
Soviet Government so long as my comrades were in prison for
opinion's sake. I also told him of the resolutions of the Moscow
Anarchist Conference. He listened patiently and promised to bring
the matter to the attention of his party. "But as to free speech," he
remarked, "that is, of course, a bourgeois notion. There can be no
free speech in a revolutionary period. We have the peasantry against
us because we can give them nothing in return for their bread. We
will have them on our side when we have something to exchange.
Then you can have all the free speech you want—but not now.
Recently we needed peasants to cart some wood into the city. They
demanded salt. We thought we had no salt, but then we discovered
seventy poods in Moscow in one of our warehouses. At once the
peasants were willing to cart the wood. Your comrades must wait
until we can meet the needs of the peasants. Meanwhile, they
should work with us. Look at William Shatov, for instance, who has
helped save Petrograd from Yudenitch. He works with us and we
appreciate his services. Shatov was among the first to receive the
order of the Red Banner."
Free speech, free press, the spiritual achievements of centuries,
what were they to this man? A Puritan, he was sure his scheme
alone could redeem Russia. Those who served his plans were right,
the others could not be tolerated.
A shrewd Asiatic, this Lenin. He knows how to play on the weak
sides of men by flattery, rewards, medals. I left convinced that his
approach to people was purely utilitarian, for the use he could get
out of them for his scheme. And his scheme—was it the Revolution?
I prepared the plan for the Society of the Russian Friends of
American Freedom and elaborated the details of the work I had in
mind, but refused to place myself under the protecting wing of the
Third International. I explained to Lenin that the American people
had little faith in politics, and would certainly consider it an
imposition to be directed and guided by a political machine from
Moscow. I could not consistently align myself with the Third
International.
Some time later I saw Tchicherin. I believe it was 4 A. M. when our
interview took place. He also asked about the possibilities of a
revolution in America, and seemed to doubt my judgment when I
informed him that there was no hope of it in the near future. We
spoke of the I. W. W., which had evidently been misrepresented to
him. I assured Tchicherin that while I am not an I. W. W. I must
state that they represented the only conscious and effective
revolutionary proletarian organization in the United States, and were
sure to play an important rôle in the future labour history of the
country.
Next to Balabanova, Tchicherin impressed me as the most simple
and unassuming of the leading Communists in Moscow. But all were
equally naïve in their estimate of the world outside of Russia. Was
their judgment so faulty because they had been cut off from Europe
and America so long? Or was their great need of European help
father to their wish? At any rate, they all clung to the idea of
approaching revolutions in the western countries, forgetful that
revolutions are not made to order, and apparently unconscious that
their own revolution had been twisted out of shape and semblance
and was gradually being done to death.
The editor of the London Daily Herald, accompanied by one of his
reporters, had preceded me to Moscow. They wanted to visit
Kropotkin, and they had been given a special car. Together with
Alexander Berkman and A. Shapiro, I was able to join Mr. Lansbury.
The Kropotkin cottage stood back in the garden away from the
street. Only a faint ray from a kerosene lamp lit up the path to the
house. Kropotkin received us with his characteristic graciousness,
evidently glad at our visit. But I was shocked at his altered
appearance. The last time I had seen him was in 1907, in Paris,
which I visited after the Anarchist Congress in Amsterdam.
Kropotkin, barred from France for many years, had just been given
the right to return. He was then sixty-five years of age, but still so
full of life and energy that he seemed much younger. Now he looked
old and worn.
I was eager to get some light from Kropotkin on the problems that
were troubling me, particularly on the relation of the Bolsheviki to
the Revolution. What was his opinion? Why had he been silent so
long?
I took no notes and therefore I can give only the gist of what
Kropotkin said. He stated that the Revolution had carried the people
to great spiritual heights and had paved the way for profound social
changes. If the people had been permitted to apply their released
energies, Russia would not be in her present condition of ruin. The
Bolsheviki, who had been carried to the top by the revolutionary
wave, first caught the popular ear by extreme revolutionary slogans,
thereby gaining the confidence of the masses and the support of
militant revolutionists.
He continued to narrate that early in the October period the
Bolsheviki began to subordinate the interests of the Revolution to
the establishment of their dictatorship, which coerced and paralysed
every social activity. He stated that the coöperatives were the main
medium that could have bridged the interests of the peasants and
the workers. The coöperatives were among the first to be crushed.
He spoke with much feeling of the oppression, the persecution, the
hounding of every shade of opinion, and cited numerous instances
of the misery and distress of the people. He emphasized that the
Bolsheviki had discredited Socialism and Communism in the eyes of
the Russian people.
"Why haven't you raised your voice against these evils, against this
machine that is sapping the life blood of the Revolution?" I asked.
He gave two reasons. As long as Russia was being attacked by the
combined Imperialists, and Russian women and children were dying
from the effects of the blockade, he could not join the shrieking
chorus of the ex-revolutionists in the cry of "Crucify!" He preferred
silence. Secondly, there was no medium of expression in Russia
itself. To protest to the Government was useless. Its concern was to
maintain itself in power. It could not stop at such "trifles" as human
rights or human lives. Then he added: "We have always pointed out
the effects of Marxism in action. Why be surprised now?"
I asked Kropotkin whether he was noting down his impressions and
observations. Surely he must see the importance of such a record to
his comrades and to the workers; in fact, to the whole world. "No,"
he said; "it is impossible to write when one is in the midst of great
human suffering, when every hour brings new tragedies. Then there
may be a raid at any moment. The Tcheka comes swooping down in
the night, ransacks every corner, turns everything inside out, and
marches off with every scrap of paper. Under such constant stress it
is impossible to keep records. But besides these considerations there
is my book on Ethics. I can only work a few hours a day, and I must
concentrate on that to the exclusion of everything else."
After a tender embrace which Peter never failed to give those he
loved, we returned to our car. My heart was heavy, my spirit
confused and troubled by what I had heard. I was also distressed by
the poor state of health of our comrade: I feared he could not
survive till spring. The thought that Peter Kropotkin might go to his
grave and that the world might never know what he thought of the
Russian Revolution was appalling.
 FOOTNOTE:
[2] Trial and Speeches of Alexander Berkman and Emma Goldman
before the Federal Court of New York, June-July, 1917. Mother Earth
Publishing Co., New York.
 CHAPTER VI
PREPARING FOR AMERICAN DEPORTEES

Events in Moscow, quickly following each other, were full of interest.

I wanted to remain in that vital city, but as I had left all my effects in
Petrograd I decided to return there and then come back to Moscow
to join Lunacharsky in his work. A few days before my departure a
young woman, an Anarchist, came to visit me. She was from the
Petrograd Museum of the Revolution and she called to inquire
whether I would take charge of the Museum branch work in
Moscow. She explained that the original idea of the Museum was
due to the famous old revolutionist Vera Nikolaievna Figner, and that
it had recently been organized by non-partisan elements. The
majority of the men and women who worked in the Museum were
not Communists, she said; but they were devoted to the Revolution
and anxious to create something which could in the future serve as a
source of information and inspiration to earnest students of the
great Russian Revolution. When my caller was informed that I was
about to return to Petrograd, she invited me to visit the Museum and
to become acquainted with its work.
Upon my arrival in Petrograd I found unexpected work awaiting me.
Zorin informed me that he had been notified by Tchicherin that a
thousand Russians had been deported from America and were on
their way to Russia. They were to be met at the border and quarters
were to be immediately prepared for them in Petrograd. Zorin asked
me to join the Commission about to be organized for that purpose.
The plan of such a commission for American deportees had been
broached to Zorin soon after our arrival in Russia. At that time Zorin
directed us to talk the matter over with Tchicherin, which we did. But
three months passed without anything having been done about it.
Meanwhile, our comrades of the Buford were still walking from
department to department, trying to be placed where they might do
some good. They were a sorry lot, those men who had come to
Russia with such high hopes, eager to render service to the
revolutionary people. Most of them were skilled workers, mechanics
—men Russia needed badly; but the cumbersome Bolshevik machine
and general inefficiency made it a very complex matter to put them
to work. Some had tried independently to secure jobs, but they
could accomplish very little. Moreover, those who found employment
were soon made to feel that the Russian workers resented the
eagerness and intensity of their brothers from America. "Wait till you
have starved as long as we," they would say, "wait till you have
tasted the blessings of Commissarship, and we will see if you are still
so eager." In every way the deportees were discouraged and their
enthusiasm dampened.
To avoid this unnecessary waste of energy and suffering the
Commission was at last organized in Petrograd. It consisted of
Ravitch, the then Minister of Internal Affairs for the Northern
District; her secretary, Kaplun; two members of the Bureau of War
Prisoners; Alexander Berkman, and myself. The new deportees were
due in two weeks, and much work was to be done to prepare for
their reception. It was unfortunate that no active participation could
be expected from Ravitch because her time was too much occupied.
Besides holding the post of Minister of the Interior she was Chief of
the Petrograd Militia, and she also represented the Moscow Foreign
Office in Petrograd. Her regular working hours were from 8 A. M. to 2
A. M. Kaplun, a very able administrator, had charge of the entire
internal work of the Department and could therefore give us very
little of his time. There remained only four persons to accomplish
within a short time the big task of preparing living quarters for a
thousand deportees in starved and ruined Russia. Moreover,
Alexander Berkman, heading the Reception Committee, had to leave
for the Latvian border to meet the exiles.
It was an almost impossible task for one person, but I was very
anxious to save the second group of deportees the bitter
experiences and the disappointments of my fellow companions of
the Buford. I could undertake the work only by making the condition
that I be given the right of entry to the various government
departments, for I had learned by that time how paralysing was the
effect of the bureaucratic red tape which delayed and often
frustrated the most earnest and energetic efforts. Kaplun consented.
"Call on me at any time for anything you may require," he said; "I
will give orders that you be admitted everywhere and supplied with
everything you need. If that should not help, call on the Tcheka," he
added. I had never called upon the police before, I informed him;
why should I do so in revolutionary Russia? "In bourgeois countries
that is a different matter," explained Kaplun; "with us the Tcheka
defends the Revolution and fights sabotage." I started on my work
determined to do without the Tcheka. Surely there must be other
methods, I thought.
Then began a chase over Petrograd. Materials were very scarce and
it was most difficult to procure them owing to the unbelievably
centralized Bolshevik methods. Thus to get a pound of nails one had
to file applications in about ten or fifteen bureaus; to secure some
bed linen or ordinary dishes one wasted days. Everywhere in the
offices crowds of Government employees stood about smoking
cigarettes, awaiting the hour when the tedious task of the day would
be over. My co-workers of the War Prisoners' Bureau fumed at the
irritating and unnecessary delays, but to no purpose. They
threatened with the Tcheka, with the concentration camp, even with
raztrel (shooting). The latter was the most favourite argument.
Whenever any difficulty arose one immediately heard raztreliat—to
be shot. But the expression, so terrible in its significance, was
gradually losing its effect upon the people: man gets used to
everything.
I decided to try other methods. I would talk to the employees in the
departments about the vital interest the conscious American workers
felt in the great Russian Revolution, and of their faith and hope in
the Russian proletariat. The people would become interested
immediately, but the questions they would ask were as strange as
they were pitiful: "Have the people enough to eat in America? How
soon will the Revolution be there? Why did you come to starving
Russia?" They were eager for information and news, these mentally
and physically starved people, cut off by the barbarous blockade
from all touch with the western world. Things American were
something wonderful to them. A piece of chocolate or a cracker were
unheard-of dainties—they proved the key to everybody's heart.
Within two weeks I succeeded in procuring most of the things
needed for the expected deportees, including furniture, linen, and
dishes. A miracle, everybody said.
However, the renovation of the houses that were to serve as living
quarters for the exiles was not accomplished so easily. I inspected
what, as I was told, had once been first-class hotels. I found them
located in the former prostitute district; cheap dives they were, until
the Bolsheviki closed all brothels. They were germ-eaten, ill-
smelling, and filthy. It was no small problem to turn those dark holes
into a fit habitation within two weeks. A coat of paint was a luxury
not to be thought of. There was nothing else to do but to strip the
rooms of furniture and draperies, and have them thoroughly cleaned
and disinfected.
One morning a group of forlorn-looking creatures, in charge of two
militiamen, were brought to my temporary office. They came to
work, I was informed. The group consisted of a one-armed old man,
a consumptive woman, and eight boys and girls, mere children, pale,
starved, and in rags. "Where do these unfortunates come from?" I
inquired. "They are speculators," one of the militiamen replied; "we
rounded them up on the market." The prisoners began to weep.
They were no speculators, they protested; they were starving, they
had received no bread in two days. They were compelled to go out
to the market to sell matches or thread to secure a little bread. In
the midst of this scene the old man fainted from exhaustion,
demonstrating better than words that he had speculated only in
hunger. I had seen such "speculators" before, driven in groups
through the streets of Moscow and Petrograd by convoys with
loaded guns pointed at the backs of the prisoners.
I could not think of having the work done by these starved
creatures. But the militiamen insisted that they would not let them
go; they had orders to make them work. I called up Kaplun and
informed him that I considered it out of the question to have
quarters for American deportees prepared by Russian convicts
whose only crime was hunger. Thereupon Kaplun ordered the group
set free and consented that I give them of the bread sent for the
workers' rations. But a valuable day was lost.
The next morning a group of boys and girls came singing along the
Nevski Prospekt. They were kursanti from the Tauride Palace who
were sent to my office to work. On my first visit to the palace I had
been shown the quarters of the kursanti, the students of the
Bolshevik academy. They were mostly village boys and girls housed,
fed, clothed, and educated by the Government, later to be placed in
responsible positions in the Soviet régime. At the time I was
impressed by the institutions, but by April I had looked somewhat
beneath the surface. I recalled what a young woman, a Communist,
had told me in Moscow about these students. "They are the special
caste now being reared in Russia," she had said. "Like the church
which maintains and educates its religious priesthood, our
Government trains a military and civic priesthood. They are a
favoured lot." I had more than one occasion to convince myself of
the truth of it. The kursanti were being given every advantage and
many special privileges. They knew their importance and they
behaved accordingly.
Their first demand when they came to me was for the extra rations
of bread they had been promised. This demand satisfied, they stood
about and seemed to have no idea of work. It was evident that
whatever else the kursanti might be taught, it was not to labour. But,
then, few people in Russia know how to work. The situation looked
hopeless. Only ten days remained till the arrival of the deportees,
and the "hotels" assigned for their use were still in as uninhabitable
a condition as before. It was no use to threaten with the Tcheka, as
my co-workers did. I appealed to the boys and girls in the spirit of
the American deportees who were about to arrive in Russia full of
enthusiasm for the Revolution and eager to join in the great work of
reconstruction. The kursanti were the pampered charges of the
Government, but they were not long from the villages, and they had
had no time to become corrupt. My appeal was effective. They took
up the work with a will, and at the end of ten days the three famous
hotels were ready as far as willingness to work and hot water
without soap could make them. We were very proud of our
achievement and we eagerly awaited the arrival of the deportees.
At last they came, but to our great surprise they proved to be no
deportees at all. They were Russian war prisoners from Germany.
The misunderstanding was due to the blunder of some official in
Tchicherin's office who misread the radio information about the party
due at the border. The prepared hotels were locked and sealed; they
were not to be used for the returned war prisoners because "they
were prepared for American deportees who still might come." All the
efforts and labour had been in vain.
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