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The New Politics Of Surveillance And Visibility 1st
Edition Edition Kevin Haggerty Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Kevin Haggerty, Richard Ericson
ISBN(s): 9781442681880, 1442681888
Edition: 1st Edition
File Details: PDF, 22.48 MB
Year: 2005
Language: english
THE NEW POLITICS OF SURVEILLANCE AND VISIBILITY

Edited by Kevin D. Haggerty and Richard V. Ericson

Since the terrorist attacks of September 2001, surveillance has been put
forward as an essential tool in the 'war on terror/ with new technolo-
gies and policies offering police and military operatives enhanced op-
portunities for monitoring suspect populations. In addition, the last few
years have seen consumer tastes become increasingly codified, with
'data mines' of demographic information such as postal codes and
purchasing records. Surveillance has also recently emerged as a form of
entertainment, with 'reality' shows becoming the dominant genre on
network and cable television.
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++.tors Kevin D.
Haggerty and Richard V. Ericson bring together leading experts to
analyse how society is organized through surveillance systems, tech-
nologies, and practices. They demonstrate how the new political uses of
surveillance make visible that which was previously unknown, blur the
boundaries between public and private, and alter processes of demo-
cratic accountability. This collection challenges conventional wisdom
and advances new theoretical approaches on the subject of surveillance
through a series of studies on its implications in such areas as policing,
the military, commercial enterprise, mass media, and the health
sciences.

KEVIN D. HAGGERTY is an assistant professor in the Department of Sociol

ogy and director of the Criminology Program at the University of
Alberta.

RICHARD v. ERICSON is a professor with the Centre of Criminology at the

University of Toronto.
The Green College Thematic Lecture Series provides leading-edge theory
and research in new fields of interdisciplinary scholarship. Based on a
lecture program and conferences held at Green College, University of
British Columbia, each book brings together scholars from several dis-
ciplines to achieve a-new synthesis in knowledge around an important
theme. The series provides a unique opportunity for collaboration
between outstanding Canadian scholars and their counterparts inter
nationally, as they grapple with the most important issues facing the
world today.

PREVIOUSLY PUBLISHED TITLES

Governing Modern Societies,`edited by Richard V. Ericson and Nico

Stehr (2000)
++++++++++++++.ited by Richard Ericson and Aaron Doyle (2003)
Re-alignments of Belonging: The Shifting Foundations of Modern Nation
States, edited by Sima Godfrey and Frank Unger (2004)
Love, Hate and Fear in Canada's Cold Wa+++++++++++++++++..
(2004)
Multiple Lenses, Multiple Imaages: Perspectives on the Child Across Time,
Space, and Disciplines, edited by Hillel Goelman, Sheila K. Marshall,
and Sally Ross (2004)
The New Politics of Surveillance and Visibility, edited by Kevin D.
Haggerty and Richard Ericson (2005)
 Green College Thematic Lecture Series

The New Politics of Surveillance

and Visibility

Edited by
Kevin D. Haggerty and Richard V. Ericson

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS

Toronto Buffalo London
 www.utppublishing.com
U++niversity of Toronto Press Incorporated 2006
Toronto Buffalo London
Printed in Canada
Reprinted 2007
ISBN-13:978-0-8020-3829-6 (cloth)
ISBN-10: 0-8020-3829-8 (cloth)

ISBN-13:978-0-8020-4878-3 (paper)
ISBN-10: 0-8020-4878-1 (paper)

Printed on acid-free paper

Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication

The new politics of surveillance and visibility / edited by Kevin D. Haggerty

and Richard V. Ericson.
(Green College thematic lecture series)
ISBN-13: 978-0-8020-3829-6 (bound)
ISBN-13:978-0-8020-4878-3 (pbk.)
ISBN-10: 0-8020-3829-8 (bound.)
ISBN-10: 0-8020-4878-1 (pbk.)
1. Electronic surveillance - Social aspects. 2. Privacy Right of. 3. Social
control. I. Haggerty Kevin D. II. Ericson, Richard V., 1948- III. Series.
TK7882.E2N49 2006++++++++++++++++++++++++`

University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial assistance to

its publishing program of the Canada Council for the Arts and the
Ontario Arts Council.

University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial support for

its publishing activities of the Government of Canada through the
Book Publishing Industry Development Program (BPIDP).

University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial support of the

University of Alberta for the publication of this volume.
Contents

Acknowledgment++++`

1 The New Politics of Surveillance and Visibility 3

KEVIN D. HAGGERTY AND RICHARD V. ERICSON

PART ONE: THEORIZING SURVEILLANCE AND VISIBILITY

2 9/11, Synopticon, and Scopophilia: Watching and Being Watched 35

DAVID LYON

3 Welcome to the Society of Control: The Simulation of Surveillance

Revisited 55
WILLIAM BOGARD

4 Varieties of Personal Information as Influences on Attitudes

towards Surveillance 79
GARY T. MARX

5 Struggling with Surveillance: Resistance, Consciousness,

and Identity 111
JOHN GILLIOM

PART TWO: POLICE AND MILITARY SURVEILLANCE

6 A Faustian Bargain? America and the Dream of Total Information

Awareness 141
REG WHITAKER
vi Contents

7 Surveillance Fiction or Higher Policing? 171

JEAN-PAUL BRODEUR AND STEPHANE LEMAN-LANGLOIS

8 An Alternative Current in Surveillance and Control: Broadcasting

Surveillance Footage of Crimes 199
AARON DOYLE

9 Surveillance and Military Transformation: Organizational Trends

in Twenty-First-Century Armed Services 225
CHRISTOPHER DANDEKER

10 Visible War: Surveillance, Speed, and Information War 250

KEVIN D. HAGGERTY

PART THREE: SURVEILLANCE, ELECTRONIC MEDIA,

AND CONSUMER CULTURE

11 Cracking the Consumer Code: Advertisers, Anxiety, and

Surveillance in the Digital Age 279
JOSEPH TUROW
12 (En)Visioning the Television Audience: Revisiting Questions
of Power in the Age of Interactive Television 308
SERRA TINIC

13 Cultures of Mania: Towards an Anthropology of Mood 327

EMILY MARTIN

14 Surveillant Internet Technologies and the Growth in Information

Capitalism: Spams and Public Trust in the Information
Society 340
DAVID S. WALL

15 Data Mining, Surveillance, and Discrimination in the Post-9/11

Environment 363
OSCAR GANDY JR

Contributor+++++
Acknowledgments

This book arose out of a conference entitled The New Politics of Sur-
veillance and Visibility' that was held at Green College, University of
British Columbia, in May 2003. We are grateful to Green College, the
University of Alberta, and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research
Council of Canada for their generous financial support of the confer-
ence and publication. We would also like to thank Carolyn Anderson
and Grace Dene of Green College for their help in organizing the
conference, Rebecca Morrison for her excellent research assistance, and
Allyson May for her skilful copy-editing. As always, Virgil Duff of the
University of Toronto Press has been a most supportive and helpful
sponsoring editor.

Kevin D. Haggerty and Richard V. Ericson

THE NEW POLITICS OF SURVEILLANCE AND VISIBILITY
1 The New Politics of Surveillance
and Visibility

KEVIN D. HAGGERTY AND RICHARD V. ERICSON

Surveillance raises some of the most prominent social and political

questions of our age. This volume brings together leading scholars of
surveillance from the fields of political science, communications, media
studies, anthropology, science studies, war studies, law, cultural stud
ies, sociology, and criminology. Their contributions, written specifi-
cally for this volume, advance our theoretical understanding of
surveillance through grounded investigations into its political dimen-
sions and consequences.
Surveillance involves the collection and analysis of information
about populations in order to govern their activities. This broad defi-
nition advances discussion about surveillance beyond the usual fixa-
tion on cameras and undercover operatives. While spies and cameras
are important, they are only two manifestations of a much larger
phenomenon.
The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 (hereafter 9/11) now
inevitably shape any discussion of surveillance (Lyon 2003). While
those events intensified anti-terrorist monitoring regimes, surveillance
against terrorism is only one use of monitoring systems. Surveillance is
now a general tool used to accomplish any number of institutional
goals. The proliferation of surveillance in myriad contexts of everyday
life suggests the need to examine the political consequences of such
developments.
Rather than seek a single factor that is driving the expansion of
surveillance, or detail one overriding political implication of such de-
velopments, the volume is concerned with demonstrating both the
multiplicity of influences on surveillance and the complexity of the
political implications of these developments. Contributors to this
4 The New Politics of Surveillance and Visibility

volume are concerned with the broad social remit of surveillance - as a

tool of governance in military conflict, health, commerce, security and
entertainment - and the new political responses it engenders.

Surveillance

Surveillance is a feature of modernity. The expansion of administrative

surveillance was a key factor in the rise of the nation state (Giddens
1987). Surveillance was integral to the development of disciplinary
power, modern subjectivities, and technologies of governance (Fou-
cault 1977; 1991). Philosopher Gilles Deleuze, accentuating new techno-
logical developments, views surveillance as fundamental to a new
order of global capitalism, which he terms the 'society of control' (1992).
No single factor has caused this expansion of surveillance. It has not
proliferated simply because it renders the state, capital, or power more
effective. Rather, surveillance has been made to cohere with any
number of institutional agendas, including rational governance, risk
management, scientific progress, and military conquest.
Technological developments, while not determinative, have been pro-
foundly important in the rise of new forms of surveillance. Computer-
ization in particular has allowed for the routine processing and analysis
of masses of electronic information. Computerized 'dataveillance'
(Garfinkel 2000) facilitates integration of surveillance capabilities across
institutions and technologies.
Surveillance technologies do not monitor people`qu++++++++++`
instead operate through processes of disassembling and reassembling.
People are broken down into a series of discrete informational flows
which are stabilized and captured according to pre-established classifi-
catory criteria. They are then transported to centralized locations to be
reassembled and combined in ways that serve institutional agendas.
Cumulatively, such information constitutes our 'data double/ our
virtual/informational profiles that circulate in various computers and
contexts of practical application.
The concept of 'surveillant assemblage' (Haggerty and Ericson 2000)
points to the disconnected and semi-coordinated character of surveil-
lance. No single Orwellian Big Brother oversees this massive monitory
effort. Indeed, specific surveillance regimes typically include efforts to
combine and coordinate different monitoring systems that have diverse
capabilities and purposes. Part of the power of surveillance derives
from the ability of institutional actors to integrate, combine, and coordi-
 The New Politics of Surveillance and Visibility 5

nate various systems and components. Hence, while powerful institu-

tions do not control the entire spectrum of surveillance, they are none-
theless relatively hegemonic in the surveillant assemblage to the extent
that they can harness the surveillance efforts of otherwise disparate
technologies and organizations.
Closed-circuit television (CCTV) is a telling example of the assem-
blage qualities of surveillance. While CCTV is often referred to as a
single entity, it is actually comprised of multiple agendas and artifacts.
Video cameras are the most rudimentary component of this assem-
blage. Cameras can be augmented by tilt and zoom capabilities, and
can integrate digital recording devices to allow for post facto recon-
structions. Some systems employ microphones to allow audio monitor-
ing of distant locations. CCTV systems are occasionally enhanced by
biometrics so that facial profiles can be compared to those stored on
criminal and terrorist databases. Researchers are currently investigat-
ing the possibility of augmenting CCTV technologies with artificial
intelligence that would allow the system itself to predict future criminal
acts and automatically initiate a response to such algorithmically deter-
mined suspicious behaviour. The databases integrated into such sys-
tems will undoubtedly change and expand over time in accordance
with perceptions of suitable enemies (Christie 1986). Moreover, CCTV
can itself become integrated into a still larger human and technological
assemblage designed to serve any number of purposes.
The proliferation of social visibility means that more people from
more walks of life are now monitored. A comparison with Renaissance
Europe is instructive. At that time populations knew almost nothing
about the appearance or habits of their sovereign. This lack of familiar-
ity allowed for the common game of dressing other members of court
society in the sovereign's wardrobe, and then trying to determine if
visiting dignitaries could identify the true monarch (Groebner 2001).
Playing the same game today would be impossible. The mass media
have made all members of society familiar with the appearance, per-
sonality, and foibles of our most powerful leaders. Mathiesen (1987)
characterizes this as synopticism - the ability of the many to watch the
few. Enhanced synoptic abilities are a direct result of the rise of the mass
media (Meyrowitz 1985). The mass media have also helped foster a
culture of celebrity where fame, or even notoriety, have become valu-
able in their own right. Increasing numbers of individuals seem eager
to expose intimate details of their private lives. Evidence of this can be
seen in the development of online diaries, reality TV, and web camera
6 The New Politics of Surveillance and Visibility

in bedrooms, all of which speak to a reconfiguration of traditional

notions of privacy.
Hierarchies of visibility are being levelled, as people from all social
backgrounds are now under surveillance (Nock 1993). While surveil-
lance has not eliminated social inequalities, certain groups no longer
stand outside the practice of routine monitoring. Individuals at every
location in the social hierarchy are now scrutinized, but at each level
this monitoring is accomplished by different institutions with the aid of
different technologies and for quite unique purposes. As a result, it is
now possible to contemplate a group's characteristic surveillance pro-
file, that is, the surveillance network in which it participates and that
helps to define it.
While many commentators on surveillance are motivated by the
political implications of these new developments in social visibility,
there are myriad ways in which the 'politics of surveillance' can be
understood. To date there has been no systemic effort to try and detail
and conceptualize the different political axes of surveillance. This chap-
ter fills this lacuna. As we set out below, the politics of surveillance
includes both contestation over particular tactics and technologies
of surveillance as well as the wide-ranging social consequences of
monitoring practices. We distinguish between: 1) the unintended con-
sequences of surveillance, 2) the stakeholder politics of surveillance,
and 3) the politics of resistance. In practice, these three dimensions are
usually related.

Unintended Consequences

The introduction of new surveillance technologies and regimes can

alter social structures, practices, and opportunities in ways not envi-
sioned by their advocates (Tenner 1996; Winner 1986). The prospect that
new surveillance devices will evolve into tools of totalitarian control is
perhaps the most familiar example of the unintended consequences of
surveillance. More generally, analysts focus on+negative.`unintended
consequences, for example, how surveillance underpins regimes that
erode privacy rights, create new forms of inequality, and lack mecha-
nisms of accountability.
The expansion of audit as a tool of neo-liberal governance (Power
1997) illustrates how unintended consequences can arise from routine
practices. Originally focused on financial criteria, auditing now encom-
passes various efforts to render institutions more transparent and ac-
 The New Politics of Surveillance and Visibility 7

countable. This quest for visibility through surveillance has come at a

cost. Auditing disproportionately values criteria that are amenable to
being audited, often to the detriment of other outcomes that are less
easy to measure. For example, crime rates for the police and standard-
ized test scores in education are prominent auditing criteria that are
only loosely connected with the diverse goals and accomplishments of
these institutions. Auditing criteria can also distort organizational man-
dates, as the phenomena being measured is maximized at the expense
of other desirable ends. Hence, the public political culture fixation on
crime rates has encouraged police officials to subtly modify how they
record events in hopes of positively influencing the final statistics.
Educators worry that an undue emphasis on standardized test scores
tempts teachers to 'teach the test' and neglect equally important but less
scrutinized educational accomplishments.
The introduction of obstetric foetal monitoring technologies provides
a quite different example of unintended consequences. These technolo-
gies make it easier for physicians to detect foetal anomalies by using
sound waves to produce a foetal image. These images portray the
foetus as a largely 'free floating' entity, a form of representation that
exacerbates the tendency to disassociate the foetus from the mother.
Foetal ultrasound has consequently contributed to the rise of 'foetal
subjects' or 'foetal patients' with interests understood to be indepen-
dent of, and occasionally at odds with, those of the mother. When
deployed in the context of gendered cultural valorizations, foetal imag-
ing technologies have also become an important part of a process
whereby a disproportionate number of female foetuses are aborted
(Mitchell 2001).

Stakeholder Politics

The stakeholder politics of surveillance involves efforts to influence the

volume or configuration of surveillance. Some of the stakeholders in
surveillance politics include elected officials, institutional representa-
tives, privacy advocates, police, military personnel, and grassroots ac-
tivists. The expansion of surveillance suggests that such claims-makers
have been highly successful. At the same time, surveillance also prolif-
erates through the everyday practices of institutions seeking security
through visibility.
Oppositional groups - including ad hoc collations against particular
surveillance initiatives as well as more formal privacy organizations -
8 The New Politics of Surveillance and Visibility

employ political tactics to try to eliminate or limit surveillance prac-

tices. Some embrace media-savvy strategies, such as demonstrations or
publicly releasing the readily available personal information of indi-
viduals who advocate on behalf of greater surveillance. The artistic
community in particular has used various media to raise questions and
cautions about the risks of surveillance (Levin, Frohne, and Weibel
2000). Troupes of activist 'surveillance camera players' now engage in
public protest 'performances' before the very CCTV cameras that they
oppose.
One cannot determine the stance that stakeholders take towards
surveillance by simply positioning activists on the left or right of the
political spectrum. Although it often appears that liberals oppose sur-
veillance while conservatives are more predisposed to embrace it, the
political demarcation is not that straightforward. Liberals occasionally
champion greater surveillance, as is apparent in the demands for greater
transparency of major social institutions such as the police, the media,
the military, and corporations. At the same time, conservatives and
libertarians often oppose new surveillance measures on the grounds
that they increase state power and inhibit markets. Hence, organiza-
tions do not tend to have consistent political positions towards surveil-
lance, concentrating instead on the specific governmental program with
which a particular surveillance initiative is aligned.
The following sections detail some of the main discourses and at-
tributes of the stakeholder politics of surveillance. We concentrate on
the issues of privacy, effectiveness, technology, identity, error, and func-
tion creep. Cumulatively, these six dimensions provide an appreciation
for the complexity of the politics of surveillance and the challenges
posed to anti-surveillance strategies and discourses.

Privacy as a Legal Claim

The right to privacy is now the dominant legal and public discourse
positioned against the proliferation of surveillance. That said, many
advocates are quite pessimistic about the potential for privacy rights to
effectively forestall the encroachment of surveillance. In a public lecture
John Gilliom once compared the repeated turn to privacy rights as
being akin to a pathological tendency to support an amiable and inof-
fensive elderly politician simply because we cannot conceive of an
alternative - despite the fact that he chronically loses elections. David
Brin is similarly resigned, suggesting that 'No matter how many laws
 The New Politics of Surveillance and Visibility 9

are passed, it will prove quite impossible to legislate away the new
surveillance tools and databases. They are here to stay' (1998: 9).
Privacy rights have helped modulate the excesses of surveillance, but
numerous factors curtail their prospects for wider success. Part of the
reason for the pessimism about privacy rights is that they are plagued
by many of the problems of legal redress and rights discourse more
generally (Bartholomew and Hunt 1990; Gotlieb 1996). Making a pri-
vacy claim entails translating subjective perceptions of violation into
legal claims and categories. That in itself can be a difficult and frustrat-
ing exercise, as the very notion of privacy can seem alien to the people
who arguably have the greatest need for such a right (Gilliom 2001).
Legal privacy protections tend to be more circumscribed than the sub-
jective experience of violation associated with new forms of surveil-
lance. Where privacy rights have traditionally concentrated on the
moment when information is acquired, citizens today seem increas-
ingly anxious about how their personal data are combined and inte-
grated with other pieces of information, and how they are then used.
Hence, individual perceptions of the violations of surveillance are often
inextricably linked with subjective assessments of the program of gov-
ernance with which that surveillance is associated. Translating this
sense of subjective violation into a legal privacy claim is very difficult,
especially given the legal tendency to avoid embracing subjective
notions of victimization.1
Several other factors limit the ability of legal privacy rights to con-
strain the drift towards ever greater surveillance. First, legal privacy
rights are primarily focused on the state. Given the greater prominence
of non-state agencies in conducting surveillance, this is a serious limita-
tion. While some businesses have instituted 'fair information practices,'
these are not widespread and have a limited record of success. Second,
contestations over privacy rights usually pit individuals or small civil
libertarian groups against well-funded institutions. Activists must
consequently be selective about which battles they choose to fight, as
legal remedies are expensive and notoriously slow. Not every poten-
tially problematic surveillance development can be litigated. Finally,
privacy protections have always existed uncomfortably alongside the
recognition that officials often turn to informal networks to acquire

1 The rise of hate crimes legislation and sexual harassment provisions are notable
examples of instances when the law is more willing to embrace subjective evaluations
of criminal motivation and victimization.
10 The New Politics of Surveillance and Visibility

ostensibly private information when they believe it is sufficiently

important to do so.
Discussions about privacy rights often proceed as if privacy is itself a
stable phenomena that must be protected from incursions or erosion.
Such a conceptualization tends to downplay the historical variability
and political contestation associated with the precise content of 'pri-
vacy/ Claims to privacy and secrecy are political efforts to restrict the
ability of others to see or know specific things. One of the more intrigu-
ing developments in this regard concerns how powerful interests are
now appealing to such rights. The synoptic capabilities of contempo-
rary surveillance have produced a greater number of powerful indi-
viduals and institutions with an interest in avoiding new forms of
scrutiny. As such, privacy rights that were originally envisioned as a
means for individuals to secure a personal space free from state scru-
tiny are being reconfigured by corporate and state interests.
Corporations routinely appeal to legal privacy and secrecy protec-
tions. One of the more ironic of these involves efforts by firms that
conduct massive commercial dataveillance to restrict the release of the
market segment profiles that they derive from such information on the
grounds that these are 'trade secrets.' The ongoing war on terror accen-
tuates how the state is also concerned with carving out a sphere of
privacy, even as it tries to render the actions of others more transparent.
For example, the U.++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++..
from disclosing the extent to which they have established governmental
Internet monitoring measures. The U.S. administration has refused to
meet Congressional demands for information regarding the implemen-
+++++++++++++++++++++e Pentagon regularly invokes claims to
'national security' to restrict public awareness of military matters, in-
cluding the capabilities of its surveillance technologies. Hence, legal
claims to privacy are being invoked as a means to render the actions of
powerful interests more opaque at the same time that these same insti-
tutions are making the lives of others more transparent. Some see this
trend towards non-reciprocal visibility as one of the greatest inequities
in contemporary surveillance (Brin 1998).
It seems increasingly difficult for corporations and governments to
maintain important secrets for any length of time in democratic societ-
ies. However, efforts to keep vital bits of information private are usually
not designed to demarcate a sphere that will be hidden for all time, but
are instead battles for time. The passage of time provides politicians
with greater opportunities to chart new courses of action, distance them-
 The New Politics of Surveillance and Visibility 11

selves from unpalatable practices, and fashion a response to the inevi-

table release of state secrets. Businesses use time to capitalize on incre-
mental additions to knowledge before other companies become aware of
the 'secrets' of their corporate success. Hence, appeals to privacy by
powerful interests can ultimately be concerned with gaining time.

Privacy as a Social Fact

Where legal privacy rights are part of public contestations about sur-
veillance, the social fact of privacy has been an important historical
precondition and impetus for the rise of new types of surveillance.
Our contemporary understandings of private spaces and selves can
be traced to some of the historical changes accelerated by the Industrial
Revolution, particularly the migration of rural populations into urban
centres. Freed from the familial and community networks that had
previously established their identities and reputations, the newly un-
recognizable masses exacerbated social problems associated with ano-
nymity. New forms of credentialization, signification, and regulation
were developed to try to establish trustworthy identities (Groebner
2001; Nock 1993; Torpey 2000). Hence, some of the earliest bureaucratic
surveillance practices were a response to the social fact of privacy,
which was itself related to larger transformations in living arrange-
ments, architectural forms, and cultural sensibilities.
Some scholars continue to highlight the problems of privacy, particu-
larly the degree to which privacy can inhibit the development of desir-
able social policies (Etzioni 1999; Nock 1993). Others take a diametrically
opposite stance, pointing to the rise in surveillance to argue that pri-
vacy has been dangerously eroded (Garfinkel 2000; Whitaker 1999).
The contrast between these two positions can be reduced to an argu-
ment over whether we now have more or less privacy than in the past.
Unfortunately, framed in such a manner, the debate has become stag-
nant, largely because it is embedded in an increasingly outdated under-
standing of privacy. Each side of this dispute conceives of privacy in
quantitative terms; privacy is a thing of which we have more or less.
Such a formulation overlooks the vital point that new surveillance
practices have produced important qualitative changes in the experi-
ence of privacy. Privacy invasions now often feel different than they did
in the past. Generalizing broadly, where surveillance historically tended
to concentrate on monitoring discrete persons, today it often monitors
individuals as members of larger populations, disassembling them into
Other documents randomly have
different content
Flatworms, 417.
Fleischmann, 45-57.
Flounders, 228, 346, 347.
Flowers, 9, 17, 21, 342, 399, 422, 429.
Fly, 428.
Foot of horse, 47.
Forel, 5.
Fossil horses, 52.
Foxes, 210, 410.
Franqueiros cattle, 315.
Frogs, 193, 320, 382, 405.
Frogs, cross-fertilization, 150.
Fruit, down of, 133.
Fundulus, 16.

Galton, 236, 270-272, 289, 441.

Gavials, 301.
Geddes and Thompson, 417, 423, 426, 427.
Geer, De, 178.
Gegenbaur, 49.
Gelasimus, 177.
Geoffroy St.-Hilaire, 44, 67, 300-303.
Geological evidence, 39.
Gerbe, 429.
Germinal selection, 154.
Gibbon, 213.
Gill-clefts, 62, 63, 64, 73.
Giraffe, 6, 203, 229, 248-249.
Glacier, 28.
Glowworm, 23.
Goat, 206, 208.
Gonionema, 399.
Gorilla, 205.
Gothic period, 47, 48.
Gould, 197.
Graba, 124, 125.
Grafting, 153.
Grasshoppers, 8, 188.
Gray, 126.
Greyhound, 134.
Growth of plants, 17.
Guillemots, 124.
Guinea-pigs, 232.
Günther, 190.
Gymnotus, 132.

Haeckel, 48, 49, 56, 70, 71, 79, 80, 82.

Hartman, 187.
Heart, 66, 67.
Heliconids, 160.
Helix, 344, 345-346.
Hemiptera, 181.
Heredity, 270.
Hermaphroditic animals, 126.
Hertwig, O., 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83.
Hertwig, R., 447.
Hieracium, 330, 331.
Hildebrand, 148.
Hill, 252.
Hipparion, 51.
Hippeastrum, 148.
His, 71, 72.
Holmes, 72.
Hornbills, 219.
Horns, 229.
Horse, 42, 224.
Horse-chestnut, 24.
Hothura, 410.
Hottentots, 212.
Hudson, 140, 195, 409-412.
Humming-birds, 6, 197, 228.
Hurst, 75, 76, 77, 78.
Huxley, 49, 156, 233.
Hyatt, 259.
Hybrids, 149, 239.
Hydatina, 417.
Hydroides, 348.
Hylobates, 205.
Hymenoptera, 181.

Ice, 28.
Ichneumonidæ, 181.
Idioplasm, 335.
Immunity, 13.
India cattle, 208.
Infanticide, 25.
Inorganic adaptations, 26.
Insectivorous plants, 10.
Insects, coloration of, 7;
wingless, 228.
Instinct, 25, 139, 140, 141.
Irish elk, 247.

Jackson, 260.
Jaguar, 209.
Japanese cock, 163.
Jennings, 395.
Jonghe, 314.
Jordan, 292.
Joseph, 428.
Junco, 311.
Kallima, 7, 161, 162, 358.
Kangaroo, 229, 351.
Katydid, 8.
Kent, W. Saville, 191.
Kidneys, 66.
Kielmeyer, 58.
Kirby, 232.
Kiwi, 354.
Kölreuter, 149.
Korschelt, 428.

Labidocera, 393.
Lamarck, 146, 222-233.
Lamarckian factor, 94, 205, 211, 222, 458.
Lang, 345.
Law of Biogenesis, 30.
Leaf, resemblance to, 7.
Leaves, closing of, 11.
Leeches, 417.
Leguminosæ, 124.
Leidy, 46.
Length of life, 20.
Lenhossek, 435.
Leopard, 209.
Lepidoptera, 172.
Leptothrix, 320.
Leucophys, 442.
Lichen, 9.
Lillie, 72.
Limbs of vertebrates, 46.
Linaria, 401.
Linnæan species, 83.
Linnæus, 191.
Lion, 6.
Lizards, 7, 16, 17, 193.
Lobelia, 148.
Lobster, 343.
Lockwood, 138.
Locusts, 188.
Loeb, 383-392, 447.
Lomaria, 290.
Lowell lectures, 61.
Lumbriculus, 15.
Luminous organs, 133.
Lymnæa, 305, 322.
Lythrum, 363-370.

Machines, 26, 27, 28.

McIntosh, 176.
McNeill, 204.
Macropus, 192.
Malva, 401.
Mammalia, origin, 54, 202.
Man, 210.
Marsh, 49.
Matthews, 447.
Mauchamp, 315.
Maupas, 441, 442, 445.
May-flies, 19, 353, 389.
Mead, 72.
Meckel, 59, 60.
Melanism, 209.
Melospiza, 311.
Mendel, 278-286, 433, 436.
Mesohippus, 51.
Mimosa, 404.
Minnow, 16.
Minot, 433.
Mirabilis, 149, 150.
Mivart, 136, 137.
Mole, 1, 2, 18, 227.
Mole-cricket, 1, 2.
Molothrus, 140.
Monkeys, 207, 208.
Mons, Van, 332.
Montgomery, 432.
Moor-hen, 453.
Moquin-Tandon, 303.
Morton, Lord, 238.
Moschus, 206.
Moths, 184, 387, 388.
Moussu, 257.
Mozart, 218.
Mulberry, 313.
Müller, 182, 188.
Müller, Fritz, 148.
Muscles, 12.
Mycetes, 205.
Myzostomum, 422.

Nägeli, 161, 325-339, 459.

Natural selection, 104-107, 108, 109, 110, etc.;
definition of, 117.
Nauplius, 69.
Nectar, 124.
Nectar-feeding insects, 126, 127.
Nectarines, 134.
Negroes, 212.
Nematode, number of eggs, 110.
Nematus, 425.
Nemertian worms, 176.
Neo-Lamarckians, 240, 259-260.
Nepenthes, 10.
Nephela, 178.
Nest of birds, 4, 407-408.
Neuters, 142.
Nicotine, 13.
Nostocs, 320.
Notochord, 64, 65.
Nussbaum, 424.

Ocneria, 428.
Œnothera, 294-297.
Oken, 56, 58.
Old age, 21, 25.
Onites, 232.
Onychodromus, 442.
Opossum, 410.
Organs of little use, 22.
“Origin of Species,” 129.
Ornithorynchus, 54.
Orobanchia, 330.
Osborn, 259.
Oscillaria, 320.
Ostrich, 203, 354.
Oxalis, 290, 404.
Oxen, 304.
Oxide, 29.

Packard, 231, 260.

Paludina, 320, 322.
Pangenesis, 233-240.
Papilio, 158, 360, 388;
polyxenes, 3.
Paradisea, 197.
Paramæcium, 395-398, 442-447.
Parasitism, 352-353.
Parker, 393.
Parrots, 6.
Partridge, 410.
Passerella, 311.
Passiflora, 148.
Pavo, 317.
Peach, 134.
Peacock, 200, 317-318.
Peafowl, 198.
Pearson, 265, 267, 268-270.
Peas, 281-286.
Peckham, 178, 408.
Pelobates, 421.
Pflüger, 424, 430.
Phosphorescent organs, 22, 133.
Physa, 320, 322.
Pigeons, selection in, 102.
Pipilo, 311.
Pisum, 278.
Pithecia, 208.
Planaria, 380.
Planarians, 394.
Plants, 403, 415;
color of, 24;
influence of light, 17.
Plato, 304.
Plover, 202.
Poisons, 13, 14, 15, 18, 20, 377.
Polar bear, 6.
Pollen, 2, 125.
Polygon, 262.
Porthesia, 389.
Primula, 361-365.
Prionidæ, 182.
Probosces of insects, 127.
Protective coloration, 5, 6, 16, 158, 159.
Proteus, 227.
Protohippus, 51.
Przibram, 347.
Psyche, 419.
Ptarmigan, 5.
Pyrodes, 182.

Quetelet, 289.
Quiscalus, major, 173.

Rabbit, Porto Santo, 316-317.

Rabbits, 304.
Rabbits in Australia, 112.
Race-horse, 134.
Ranunculus, 305.
Ray-florets, 135.
Rays, electric organs of, 22.
Réaumur, 388.
Recapitulation theory, 58-83.
Reduction division, 432-433.
Regeneration, 15, 16, 27, 379.
Regulations, 27, 28.
Reproductive organs, 19.
Reptiles, fossil, 52, 53.
Rengger, 205.
Rhododendron, 330.
Rhynchæa, 201.
Riley, 424.
Rivers, 28.
Robinia, 404.
Romanes, 132, 250-256, 412.
Rose, 307.
Rothert, 398.
Rotifers, 118, 353, 424.
Roulin, 304.
Roundworms, 176, 353.
Rudimentary organs, 22.
Ryder, 260.

Sacculina, 353.
Sachs, 10.
Salmon, 19.
Salter, 314.
Salvin, 201.
Saphirina, 176.
Savages, 210.
Saw-flies, 425.
Scarlet tanager, 198.
Schaefer, 244.
Sclater, 198.
Scops, 312.
Scott, 148, 259.
Sea-anemone, 341.
Sea-urchin, 341.
Secondary sexual characters, 21.
Selection, 116.
Selection, artificial, 91, 92, 96, 97, 98.
Self-fertilization, 126.
Semper, 260.
Setchel, 320.
Sexual characters, secondary, 372-374.
Sexual selection, 167.
Sharp, 350, 425.
Sheep, 208.
Sherrington, 244.
Shrew mice, 206.
Silkworm, 428, 447.
Silver-bill, 410.
Sirex, 181.
Siricidæ, 181.
Sitaria, 194.
Skin, thickening of, 12, 13.
Skull, 37, 65.
Skunk, 3.
Slaves of ants, 141.
Sleep in plants, 404.
Sloth, 229.
Snail, 417.
Snails, color of, 23.
Snakes, 14, 193-194, 227.
Snowy owl, 6.
Solenobia, 419.
Soles, 137, 228.
Sparassus, 178.
Sparrow, 200;
English, 112.
Species, 31, 32, 33;
adaptation for good of, 19;
sharp separation of, 131.
Spencer, 240-246, 247, 290.
Spermatozoa, 150, 430-433.
Sphinx, 186, 388.
Spiders, 177-178, 179, 406;
web, 3.
Spirogyra, 420.
Spontaneous variability, 134.
Spores, 322.
Squilla, 177.
Squirrels, 210.
Stag-beetle, 179.
Stags, 203-204, 219.
Sterility, 147-152.
Strasburger, 395.
Stridulating organs, 188, 189.
Struggle for existence, 109, 110.
Stylonychia, 442.
Survival of the fittest, 107, 108, 109, 117.
Sutton, 432.
Swallow, 115.
Sweating, 12.

Tadpole, 321, 428.

Tail, 2.
Tanager, 6.
Tapeworm, 353;
number of eggs, 110.
Taraxacum, 305.
Tear-sacs, 206.
Teeth, bird’s, 67, 68.
Telegony, 95, 234, 237, 238, 239.
Tenthredinidæ, 181, 425.
Termite, number of eggs, 110.
Termitidæ, 350.
Thrush, 115.
Tipulæ, 188.
Toad, 7.
Torpedo, 132.
Towle, 392.
Transitional forms, 42.
Transmutation theory, 31, 34.
Traquair, 138.
Treadwell, 72.
Treat, 424.
Tree-frogs, 7.
Trichina, 353.
Trifolium, 404.
Triton, 193.
Turkeys, 314.
Turnix, 201, 202.
Turtles, 193.

Umbelliferæ, 135.
Uria lacrymans, 124.
Utricularia, 10,

Vanessa, 360.
Variability, 92, 93, 95, 96, 318-319.
Variation, 261, 340.
Variation, fluctuating, 100, 118, 123.
Variation under domestication, 136.
Varieties, 106, 107, 148.
Varigny, De, 303-306, 314-315, 322.
Venus fly-trap, 9.
Verbascum, 148, 149.
Vertebrates, evolution of, 40, 45.
Vilmorin, 303, 314.
Vinson, 178.
Vries, De, 97, 278, 289-298, 340.
Vulpine, 209.

Wallace, 7, 162, 186, 202, 221, 249.

Walrus, 203.
Walsh, 181.
Walther, 59.
Wasp, 3, 5, 408, 409.
Waterton, 198.
Web, spider’s, 3, 4.
Weir, 171.
Weismann, 154-166, 441, 448-450.
Westwood, 188.
Whale, 227, 301.
Wilson, E. B., 72.
Wing of bat, 2.
Wolf, 308, 376.
Wolves, 412.
Women, 210.
Woodpecker, 228.
Wounds, healing of, 15.

Yarrell, 138.
Yung, 424, 436.

Zebu cattle, 208.

Zeleny, 348.
Zoea, 69, 70.
Transcriber’s Notes:
Missing or obscured punctuation was silently
corrected.
Typographical errors were silently corrected.
Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were
made consistent only when a predominant
form was found in this book.
The cover image was created by the transcriber
and is placed in the public domain.
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