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The Olympic Games A Social Science Perspective Second
Edition K Toohey Digital Instant Download
Author(s): K Toohey, A.J. Veal
ISBN(s): 9781845933463, 184593346X
Edition: Second
File Details: PDF, 4.64 MB
Year: 2007
Language: english
 The Olympic Games:

A Social Science Perspective

This page intentionally left blank
 The Olympic Games:
A Social Science Perspective

Second Edition

Kristine Toohey
Griffith University, Australia

and

A. J. Veal
University of Technology, Sydney, Australia
 CABI is a trading name of CAB International

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© CAB International 2007. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be
reproduced in any form or by any means, electronically, mechanically, by
photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the
copyright owners.

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library, London,
UK.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Toohey, Kristine.
The Olympic Games : a social science perspective / Kristine Toohey and A.J.
Veal. - 2nd ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-85199-809-1 (alk. paper)
1. Olympics--Social aspects. 2. Olympics--History. I. Veal, Anthony James. II.
Title.
GV721.5.T64 2007
796.48-dc22 2007025556

ISBN-13: 978 1 84593 346 3 (hardback)

ISBN-13: 978 0 85199 809 1 (paperback)

Printed and bound in the UK by Cromwell Press, Trowbridge, from copy supplied
by the author
Contents
List of tables . . . . . . . .. . . .............................. . ... . ... . . . . ix
List of figures . . . . . . .. . . .............................. . ... . ... . . . . xi
List of abbreviations . .. . . .............................. . ... . ... . . . . xii
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . .............................. . ... . ... . . . xiii

1 Introduction: Studying the Olympic Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . .. . . .. . . 1

The phenomenon of the Olympic Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . .. . . .. . . 1
The Olympic Games as an object of academic enquiry . . . .. . . .. . . .. . . 2
Disciplinary perspectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . .. . . .. . . 2
Paradigms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . .. . . .. . . 3
Structure of the book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . .. . . .. . . 5
The Olympic Games – more than a sporting event . . . . . . . .. . . .. . . .. . . 6
Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . .. . . .. . . 8
Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . .. . . .. . . 8
Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . .. . . .. . . 8

2 The Ancient Olympics and their Relevance to the Modern Games . ... . ... .9
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . ... .9
Myths about the ancient Olympic Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . ... 10
A short history of the ancient Olympic Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . ... 11
The events . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . ... 13
History – politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . ... 19
Amateurism and professionalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . ... 20
W omen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . ... 22
The demise of the Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . ... 23
Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . ... 24
Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . ... 24
Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . ... 25

3 The Revival of the Olympic Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
The interregnum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Greece . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
England . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
North America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
France and Germany . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
Pierre de Coubertin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35

v
 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40

4 The Modern Olympic Phenomenon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
Olympism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
The Olympic Movement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
Olympic organisation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
The International Olympic Committee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
IOC Commissions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
Symbols and ceremonial . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
The bidding process and host city selection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
Hosting the Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68
Cultural programme . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
The W inter Olympics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
Local opposition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
Evaluation and reporting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
After it’s all over: the legacy of the Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74
Competing and related events . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82
Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82
Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83

5 Politics, Nationalism and the Olympic Movement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
Olympic Games and politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
Internal politics of the host nation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
Opposing political ideologies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
Nationalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
Political demonstrations, terrorism and security at the Games . . . . . . . . 106
IOC politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114
Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120
Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120

6 The Economics and Financing of the Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
Political economy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122
Financing the Olympic Movement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
Funding individual Olympic Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131
Economic impact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138
Further Reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144
Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144

vi
7 The Olympics and the Mass Media . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145
The relationship between the Olympics and the mass media . . . . . . . . . 147
The nature of Olympic television broadcasts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150
History of Olympic television coverage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
Host broadcasters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
The Internet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
Radio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164
Film . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165
Olympic-related novels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166
Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167

8 Doping and the Olympics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168
Some modern performance-enhancing substances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 170
Arguments for and against drug use . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173
History of drug use in the Olympics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175
The IOC Medical Commission . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
The W orld Anti-Doping Agency (W ADA) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
Categories of IOC prohibited substances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180
Athletes’ obligations and doping control . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
Anti-doping procedures for Turin, 2006 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183
Episodes in sport, the Olympics and drug use . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
The future . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192
Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193
Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193

9 W omen and the Olympic Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194

W omen and sport . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194
Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196
W omen in the Olympic Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197
Introduction of women’s sports to the Olympic programme . . . . . . . . . 198
The twenty-first century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202
W omen in the administration of the Olympics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204
The media and women in the Olympic Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206
Eleanor Holm Jarrett: a case study of a female Olympic athlete . . . . . . 210
Gender verification, or sex testing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216
Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219
Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221
Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221

10 Case Studies of the Summer Olympic Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 222

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 222
Barcelona 1992 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223

vii
 Atlanta 1996 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... ... 231
Sydney 2000 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... ... 237
Athens 2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... ... 252
Beijing 2008 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... ... 255
London 2012 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... ... 258
Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... ... 261
Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... ... 262
Appendix 10.1. The Games of the modern era . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... ... 263
Appendix 10.2. Items for a cost-benefit study of the Games . . .... ... 272

11 The Future of the Olympic Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . ... . .. 274

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . ... . .. 274
The environment of the Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . ... . .. 276
The organisation of the Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . ... . .. 282
The past, present and future of the Olympic Games . . . . . . ... . ... . .. 287
Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . ... . .. 287
Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . ... . .. 287

Appendix I: W ebsites, Films, Videos, CDs, DVDs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 288

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 291

Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 330

viii
List of tables
2.1. The Ancient Olympic programme . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
2.2. The Panhellenic Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
2.3. Olympic events and their introduction to the Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
3.1. Modern Summer Olympic Games chronology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
3.2. Some Olympic Games revivals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
4.1. International Olympic Committee mission and roles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
4.2. Presidents of the International Olympic Committee. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
4.3. Geographical distribution of IOC membership and NOCs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
4.4. IOC Commissions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54
4.5. Olympic Sports . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
4.6. Programme Commission criteria for assessing sports . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
4.7. Olympic symbols and ceremonies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62
4.8. Bidding for the Games; 1976–2012 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
4.9. W inter Olympic Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
4.10. Atlanta 1996 Olympic Games official report, Vol. II: chapters . . . . . . . . . . 73
4.11. Examples of Olympic Games Global Impact (OGGI) Indicators . . . . . . . . 74
4.12. Alternative and competing events . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
4.13. Paralympic Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
4.14. W orld Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
5.1. Aristotle’s political system classification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
6.1. Value of Olympic broadcasting rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
6.2. The Olympic Partners programme, 1985–2008 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128
6.3. The Olympic Partners programme members, 2005– 2008 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
6.4. Summer Olympic Games Organising Committee expenditure . . . . . . . . . . 132
6.5. Individual Olympic Games – cost headings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132
6.6. Hypothetical economics of constructing and operating a stadium . . . . . . . . 134
6.7. Individual Olympic Games: income headings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
6.8. Economic impact expenditure items – national level study . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139
6.9. Data sources for expenditure items . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140
6.10. Examples of economic impact studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142
7.1. Growth of television coverage of the Olympics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148
7.2. Television rights holders and fees – USA, Europe and Australia . . . . . . . . 153
7.3. Athens 2004 Olympic broadcast partners and rights fees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158
7.4. The development of the thread . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
8.1. W ADA Out-of-competition tests carried out during 2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181

ix
8.2. Doping tests at the Summer Olympic Games, 1968–2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183
8.3. Doping tests: W inter Olympic Games, 1968–2006 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183
8.4. Australian Sport Drug Agency drug testing result trends: 1989–2004 . . . . 193
9.1. W omen’s participation in the Summer Olympic Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199
9.2. W omen’s participation in the W inter Olympic Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200
9.3. Introduction of W omen’s sports to the Olympic Programme . . . . . . . . . . . 203
9.4. Female IOC members (February 2006) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204
9.5. Coverage of female events in the Seoul 1988 & Barcelona 1992 Games . . 208
9.6. Comparison of male and female athletic performances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220
10.1. IOC voting for the 1992 Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223
10.2. Barcelona Games: Organising Committee budget . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227
10.3. Barcelona Games: investments 1986–1993 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229
10.4. IOC voting for the 1996 Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232
10.5. Atlanta Committee for the Olympic Games: budget . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
10.6. IOC voting for the 2000 Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237
10.7. Sydney Organising Committee for the Olympic Games: budget . . . . . . . . 246
10.8. Sydney 2000: Olympic Coordination Authority budget . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247
10.9. Sydney 2000: economic impact 1991–2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 248
10.10. 2004 Summer Olympics voting results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 252
10.11. Athens 2004 bid budget . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 254
10.12. Athens 2004 environmental scorecard . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 254
10.13. 2008 Summer Olympics voting results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255
10.14. Beijing 2008 bid budget . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 256
10.15. IOC voting for the 2012 Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 258
10.16. London 2012 bid budget . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 259
10.17. London 2012: revised non-OCOG budget . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 260

x
List of figures
2.1. Entrance to the Olympic stadium at Olympia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
2.2. Starting grooves in the Olympic stadium at Olympia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
2.3. Vase painting of competitors in the Ancient Olympic Games . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
3.1. Baron Pierre de Coubertin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
3.2. Crowds flock to the Olympic Stadium, Athens, 1896 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
4.1. International Organisation of the Olympic Movement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
4.2. IOC Presidents: Juan Antonio Samaranch and Jacques Rogge . . . . . . . . . . 49
4.3. The Olympic Museum, Lausanne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
5.1. Lavish facilities provided for the Montréal Games, 1976 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
5.2. Berlin, 1936: arrival of the Olympic torch of Nazi flags . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
5.3. Black Power salute, Mexico City, 1968 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
6.1. Commercial financial structure of the Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131
6.2. Summer Olympic Games: sources of income, 1972– 2012 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136
8.1. Ben Johnson wins the 100 metres at the Seoul, 1988 Olympics . . . . . . . . . 177
9.1. Eleanor Holm Jarrett . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211
10.1. Barcelona, 1992: Opening ceremony . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 226
10.2. Barcelona Games: Organising Committee expenditure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228
10.3. Barcelona Games: Organising Committee income . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228
10.4. Atlanta Committee for the Olympic Games: expenditure . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234
10.5. Atlanta Committee for the Olympic Games: income . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234
10.6. Sydney Olympic Park at Homebush Bay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 238
10.7. Sydney 2000: Organising Committee income . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245
10.8. Sydney 2000: Organising Committee expenditure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245
10.9. Australian inbound tourism trends, 1998–2008 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249

xi
List of abbreviations
AAFLA Amateur Athletics Federation of Los Angeles (now LA84 Foundation)
ACOG Atlanta Committee for the Olympic Games
AOC Australian Olympic Committee
ATHOC Athens Olympic Committee
BOCOG Beijing Organising Committee for the Olympic Games
CAS Court of Arbitration for Sport
COOB'92 Barcelona Olympic Organising Committee
DCMS Department of Culture, Media and Sport (UK)
EPO erythropoietin (a human growth hormone)
FIS Fédération Internationale de Ski
IAAF International Amateur Athletics Federation
IF International (Sport) Federation
IOA International Olympic Academy
IOC International Olympic Committee
IPC International Paralympic Committee
LOCOG London Organising Committee for the Olympic Games
NOC National Olympic Committee
NPC National Paralympic Committee
OCA Olympic Coordination Authority (Sydney)
OCOG Organising Committee for the Olympic Games
ODA Olympic Development Authority (London)
OGGI Olympic Games Global Impact
ONDCP Office of National Drug Control Policy (USA)
SLOC Salt Lake Organising Committee
SOBO Sydney Olympic Broadcasting Organization
SOCOG Sydney Organising Committee for the Olympic Games
THG tetrahydrogestrinone (a synthetic steroid)
TOP The Olympic Programme/Partners
USADA US Anti-Doping Agency
USOC United States Olympic Committee
W ADA W orld Anti-Doping Agency

xii
Preface
The first edition of this book arose as a result of the decision of the International
Olympic Committee, in September 1993, to award the Games of the XXVII Olympiad
to Sydney, Australia. The announcement prompted us to develop undergraduate and
postgraduate courses on the Olympic Games in the School of Leisure, Sport and
Tourism at the University of Technology, Sydney (UTS). A considerable amount of
research and teaching activity was subsequently developed at UTS, on the Olympic
Games generally and on Sydney 2000 specifically. A book seemed a natural
progression and it was published in early 2000.
Despite the controversies which enveloped the International Olympic Committee
in 1998/99, there is no sign of the Olympic Games fading in terms of their sporting,
cultural and economic significance. From their origins in ancient Greece, during their
revival at the end of the nineteenth century and through most of their twentieth and
twenty-first century existence, the Olympic Games have been more than just another
sporting event. There is, consequently, an enormous and varied literature available on
the Olympic Games. In the mid-1990s we noted that there was, however, no up-to-
date publication which sought to provide a broad, independent, multi-disciplinary
account and analysis of the Olympic phenomenon. This book was designed to fill that
gap in the literature. It was not possible to provide the definitive analysis of a
phenomenon as complex as the Olympic Games in a single, short, book: what we
aimed to do was to provide an introduction to the various ways in which the Games
have been analysed and to raise issues and provide pointers to further study. The
‘social science approach’ was not intended to involve a heavily theoretical
perspective, but rather to reflect the range of interests which observers with a social
scientific outlook had, and continued to have, in the Games.
The second edition of the book updates the first edition in relation to the
burgeoning research literature and in relation to Olympic Games and other
international sporting events of the last 5–6 years. W hile the first edition was
published in a relatively expensive hardback format, the new edition is being made
available as a paperback, to make it affordable for students studying in the growing
number of university courses on the Olympic Games. To this end, study questions
have been added at the end of most chapters and a supporting website is available at:
www.business.uts.edu.au/lst/books.

xiii
 As part of the process of developing this book we assembled a substantial
bibliography on the Olympic Games, much of which is included in the references
section of the book. The full bibliography is, however, considerably more extensive
and is being continually updated. It is available online at: www.business.uts.edu.au/
lst/research/bibliographies.html.

K.T.
A.J.V

Sydney
September 2007

xiv
Chapter 1

Introduction: Studying the Olympic

Games
Olympism is a philosophy of life, exalting and combining in a balanced whole the
qualities of body, will and mind. Blending sport with culture and education, Olympism
seeks to create a way of life based on the joy of effort, the educational value of good
example and respect for universal fundamental ethical principles.
– The Olympic Charter (IOC, 2004: 9)

The primary aim of the organisers of sports or Olympic competitions is not sport for its
own sake but sport for capitalist profit; or rather, their aim is capitalist profit through
sport. – Jean-Marie Brohm (1978: 137)

The phenomenon of the Olympic Games

Every four years, in recent decades, some 10,000 athletes from 200 countries, with
a similar number of coaches and officials, as many as 15,000 accredited media
representatives and hundreds of thousands of spectators have gathered for more than
two weeks to participate in, report on and watch a sporting event which is in turn
viewed on television, listened to on radio, read about in the print media and followed
on the Internet by billions of people around the world. Each Games has cost enormous
sums of money to stage, funded from taxpayers, sponsors and television companies
and their advertisers. Sporting records have invariably been broken and national and
international heroes created. It is the world’s biggest peace-time event: the Summer
Olympic Games. These games are followed a couple of weeks later, in the same city,
by the Paralympic Games, involving almost 4000 athletes with a variety of disabilities
from 136 countries. Two years after each summer Olympic Games the W inter
Olympics are held, involving over 2000 athletes from 70 countries and the
corresponding W inter Paralympic Games attract almost 500 athletes from 40
countries.
The history of the Olympic G ames begins at least 3000 years ago in Ancient
Greece. In their ancient form, while they celebrated physical excellence, the Games
served a primarily religious purpose. In their modern form, while still ostensibly about
physical excellence, they also play a cultural and economic, and often political, role.

1
2 The Olympic Games; A Social Science Perspective

The history and global significance of the Games, in sporting, cultural, economic and
political terms, therefore justifies their serious consideration as an object of academic
enquiry.

The Olym pic Games as an object of academic enquiry

The academic literature on both the ancient and the modern Games is massive and
growing – an online, English-language, bibliography of mainly academic research on
the Games currently runs to some 1800 items (see Veal and Toohey, 2007). A number
of research centres has been established around the world, mostly in universities,
specifically to foster research on the Olympic phenomenon, including:1

• the Olympic Studies Centre at the Olympic Museum in Lausanne, Switzerland;

• the International Centre for Olympic Studies at the University of W estern
Ontario, Canada;
• the Centre d’Estudis Olímpics at the Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona, Spain;
• the Australian Centre for Olympic Studies at the University of Technology,
Sydney, Australia; and
• the Centre for Olympic Studies and Research at Loughborough University, UK.

Across the world, there is now a body of ‘Olympic scholars’, much of whose work is
listed in the bibliography of this book and in the aforementioned online bibliography.
Many are listed in the register maintained on the website of the Barcelona centre
mentioned above. An academic journal, Olympika, is published by the University of
W estern Ontario centre mentioned above, and many universities offer units of study
on the Olympic Games as part of sport management, event management or human
movement degrees.
Before embarking on our own review and analysis of the Olympic Games, we
examine, in broad terms, the nature and scope of Olympic research and serious
commentary to date. This examination is presented under two headings: disciplinary
perspectives and paradigms.

Disciplinary perspectives

Most social science disciplines and sub-disciplines have something to offer in the
study of the Olympic Games, including history, economics, politics and sociology.
Historians are, not surprisingly, the largest single group of contributors to the
research literature on the Olympics. History is, admittedly, generally seen as part of
the humanities rather than the social sciences, with which this book is primarily
concerned, but historical work on the modern Games is frequently concerned with
social issues, such as the changing status of women, issues of race and community
politics, and the costs and benefits of the Games, so that sociological and economic
dimensions of historical events are often to the fore.
Economic analysis of the Games has become increasingly common with their
growing scale and costs. It focuses on such issues as the sources of funding of
individual Games and their economic impact on the host city or nation, the funding
of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) and the remuneration of athletes.
Politics, political analysis and political debate are never far away from any
consideration of the O lympic Games since, while in principle, according to the
 1. Introduction: Studying the Olympic Games 3

rhetoric of the International Olympic Committee, athletes who participate in the

Games represent just themselves and the ‘youth of the world’, in practice they
represent individual nation states.
As a field of economic enquiry, political economy preceded the separate
disciplines of economics and political science. As the name implies, political
economy covers aspects of both economics and politics and, to some extent,
sociology. The works of some of the great social thinkers of the eighteenth and
nineteenth century can best be described as political economy. The most notable of
these, as far as Olympic Games research is concerned, is Karl M arx. Marx himself
died in 1883, so did not write on the modern Olympic Games, but a number of
contemporary M arxists or neo-Marxists have done so. These are referred to
particularly in Chapter 6.
Sociological perspectives arise from such considerations as the question of
gender and racial equity in involvement with the G ames, assessing the cultural
significance of the Games and the role of the media in shaping and portraying their
cultural dimensions. Some of the research and commentary in this area falls into the
specialist fields of cultural studies and media studies.
Disciplines provide one way of categorising research on the Olympic Games and
they have largely determined the range of topics selected for study, the theoretical
frameworks brought to bear on a topic and the research methods used. W hile much
of the research on the Olympic Games has a single disciplinary perspective, particular
topics can be seen as multi-disciplinary or inter-disciplinary in nature. For example,
examining the issue of drug abuse in the Olympic Games, and in sport generally,
involves a range of perspectives, including medical sciences, psychology, sociology,
economics and politics. Examining the legacy of the Games in a single host city
involves historical, economic, sociological and political analysis (see, for example,
Cashman, 2006).
In contrast to most of the existing scholarly publications on the Olympic Games,
which have been primarily historical or concerned with a single perspective, such as
politics or the media, the aim of this book is to encompass all of these dimensions, at
least at an introductory level. W e seek to provide an overview of the basic socio-
cultural dimensions of the Games from both contemporary and historical perspectives.
Because of the breadth of coverage attempted, the book does not deal with any one
issue in great depth: it seeks to pose questions, examine issues and provide the reader
with information and sources for further reading and study.

Paradigm s

Cutting across disciplinary categorisations are paradigms or ways of conceptualising

and analysing phenomena. W e have selected three paradigms which, we believe,
between them encompass the bulk of Olympic Games research. They are: a descrip-
tive/ pragmatic paradigm; a critical paradigm; and a managerialist paradigm. Each of
these is briefly described below.

Descriptive/pragm atic paradigm

Much historical research has been conducted within what we have termed the
descriptive/ pragmatic paradigm. Olympic historians in particular have documented
4 The Olympic Games; A Social Science Perspective

and analysed the ancient and modern Olympic phenomena, with a number of
alternative goals and outcomes:

• to fill in gaps in the record, in a purely descriptive way;

• to debunk myths about the Games – in the interest of truth;
• to draw out thematic issues.

Critical paradigm

In research adopting the critical paradigm, analysis of the Games is set within a
broader agenda or ‘project’ which is critical of society from one or more perspectives.
The Games and their organisers are then seen as complicit in, hi-jacked by, or the
victims of, particular social, economic or political interests or forces. Four types of
critical paradigm can be identified as follows.

• Neo-marxist – this sees the world, including modern sport and high profile events
such as the Olympic Games, as being under the hegemonic control of
international capital and business in the interest of the pursuit of profit, to the
disadvantage of the mass of people and arguably counter to declared Olympic
ideals.
• Feminist – sees society, including sport and the Olympic Games, as being
dominated and controlled by men in the interests of men and to the disadvantage
of women.
• Environmental – this paradigm is critical of the materialism of contemporary
society and its wasteful and environmentally unsustainable practices; develop-
ment of infrastructure for the Olympic Games in some host cities has been
criticised for not adhering to the ‘green’ principles declared by the International
Olympic Committee.
• Communitarian – this sector of Olympic research is concerned with such issues
as: the effect of the Games on disadvantaged groups in host cities; the failure of
organisers to gain community support when making bids for and planning infra-
structure for the Games; the cost to the public purse in hosting the Games; and
the elitism which is seen to pervade the Games in general.
• Ethnic/cultural – this perspective is critical of the Olympic Movement on
grounds of its Eurocentric outlook and European-dominated governance.

Managerialist paradigm

In recent years much research has been commissioned by governments and Olympic
Games organising committees to investigate the projected and actual economic impact
of the Games and academic researchers in areas such as economics, management and
marketing have investigated the Games. Two groups within this paradigm can be
identified: evaluative and reformist.

1. Evaluative research is generally technical in nature and is dominated by

economic impact studies. A common aim is to produce estimates of likely
impacts in advance of the Games – sometimes as part of the process of deciding
whether to bid to host the Games. Other research in this genre is conducted after
 1. Introduction: Studying the Olympic Games 5

the Games, to establish the extent to which they have met their economic, social,
environmental or sporting goals.
2. Reformist research is more wide-ranging and is concerned with the governance
of the games and such things as the effectiveness and legitimacy of the Inter-
national Olympic Committee and the scale and organisation of individual Games
events.

Of course not all research and commentary can be neatly pigeon-holed under just
one paradigm: many have features of two or more. At various points in the book
reference is made to these paradigms. Most chapters include references to one or
more of the three major paradigms. It is hoped that this will provide a measure of
coherence for the reader and assist in making sense of the many diverse contributions
to Olympic studies.

Structure of the book

Chapter 2 provides an historical introduction to the original Olympic Games, of

Ancient Greece. The Games of the classical era were the source of inspiration for the
modern revival of the Games in the late nineteenth century, but the precise nature of
those ancient celebrations, which lasted for over a thousand years, is the subject of
on-going research, including continuing excavations at the ancient site of Olympia.
Chapter 3 examines the events leading to the modern revival of the Games in
Athens in 1896, while noting that this was by no means the first attempt to revive the
Olympics. The revival of the Games at this time was not an isolated event, but was
associated with enormous changes which had been taking place in sport and indeed
in the wider economy and culture during the second half of the nineteenth century.
Chapter 4 presents an overview of the modern Olympics. It focuses particularly
on the philosophy and modus operandi of the International Olympic Committee,
noting the criticisms which this unique body has attracted over the years, many of
which were seen to have been vindicated by the scandals which erupted in
1998–1999. The complex worldwide ‘Olympic Movement’ is examined in this
chapter, including: the phenomenon of ‘Olympism’; the structure and functioning of
the International Olympic Committee; and the roles of National Olympic Committees
and International Sport Federations. In addition the W inter Olympics, the Cultural
Olympiad, the Paralympic Games and similar international sporting events are
examined briefly.
Chapter 5 analyses the issues of politics and nationalism, which permeate the
Olympic phenomenon. W hile sport is widely promoted as being ‘beyond politics’, the
chapter examines six different forms of political intervention in the Games, from
international terrorism to local pork-barrelling, illustrating the fact that, far from being
‘above politics’, sport, and the Olympic Games in particular, are quint-essentially
political. They have been used to promote political philosophies and to support
sectarian and national political goals. They have themselves been subject to political
intrigue, and they have been caught up in many of the major international political
events of the last 100 years. T he chapter examines the bribery scandals which
surrounded the International Olympic Committee in 1989/90, and their aftermath.
Chapter 6 considers the economic and financial dimensions of the Olympics.
First the question of ‘political economy’ is addressed – in particular the questions
which increased funding, commercialisation, sponsorship and professionalisation raise
about the role of the Games in the wider economic and political world order. As the
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GRILLPARZER 597 of some standing; his mother, a nervous,

finely-strung woman, belonged to the well-known musical family of
Sonnleithner. After a desultory education, Grillparzcr entered in 1807
the university of Vienna as a student of jurisprudence; but two years
later his father died, leaving the family in straitened circumstances,
and Franz, the eldest son, was obliged to turn to private tutoring. In
1813 he received an appointment in the court library, but as this was
unpaid, he accepted after some months a clerkship that offered
more solid prospects, in the Lower Austrian revenue administration.
Through the influence of Graf Stadion, the minister of finance, he
was in 1818 appointed poet to the Hofburgtheater, and promoted to
the Hofkammer (exchequer); in 1832 he became director of the
archives of that department, and in 1856 retired from the civil
service with the title of Hofrat. Grillparzer had little capacity for an
official career and regarded his office merely as a means of
independence. In 1817 the first representation of his tragedy Die
Ahnfrau made him famous, but before this he had written a long
tragedy in iambics, Blanca von Castilien (1807-1809), which was
obviously modelled on Schiller's Don Carlos; and even more
promising were the dramatic fragments Sparlacus and Alfred der
Grosse (1809). Die Ahnfrau is a gruesome " fate-tragedy " in the
trochaic measure of the Spanish drama, already made popular by
Adolf Milliner in his Schuld; but Grillparzer's work is a play of real
poetic beauties, and reveals an instinct for dramatic as opposed to
merely theatrical effect, which distinguishes it from other " fate-
dramas " of the day. Unfortunately its success led to the poet's being
classed for the best part of his life with playwrights like Mtillner and
Houwald. Die Ahnfrau was followed by Sappho (1818), a drama of a
very different type; in the classic spirit of Goethe's Tasso, Grillparzer
unrolled the tragedy of poetic genius, the renunciation of earthly
happiness imposed upon the poet by his higher mission. In 1821
appeared Das goldene Vliess, a trilogy which had been interrupted in
1819 by the death of the poet's mother — in a fit of depression she
had taken her own life — and a subsequent visit to Italy. Opening
with a powerful dramatic prelude in one act, Der Gastfreund,
Grillparzer depicts in Die Argonaulen Jason's adventures in his quest
for the Fleece; while Medea, a tragedy of noble classic proportions,
contains the culminating events of the story which had been so
often dramatized before. The theme is similar to that of Sappho, but
the scale on which it is represented is larger; it is again the tragedy
of the heart's desire, the conflict of the simple happy life with that
sinister power — be it genius, or ambition — which upsets the
equilibrium of life. The end is bitter disillusionment, the only
consolation renunciation. Medea, her revenge stilled, her children
dead, bears the fatal Fleece back to Delphi, while Jason is left to
realize the nothingness of human striving and earthly happiness. For
his historical tragedy Konig Ottokars Cluck und Ende (1823, but
owing to difficulties with the censor, not performed until 1825),
Grillparzer chose one of the most picturesque events in Austrian
domestic history, the conflict of Ottokar of Bohemia with Rudolph
von Habsburg. With an almost modern realism he reproduced the
motley world of the old chronicler, at the same time not losing sight
of the needs of the theatre; the fall of Ottokar is but another text
from which the poet preached the futility of endeavour and the
vanity of worldly greatness. A second historical tragedy, Ein treuer
Diener seines Herrn (1826, performed 1828), attempts to embody a
more heroic gospel; but the subject— the superhuman
selfeffacement of Bankbanus before Duke Otto of Meran — proved
too uncompromising an illustration of Kant's categorical imperative of
duty to be palatable in the theatre. With these historical tragedies
began the darkest ten years in the poet's life. They brought him into
conflict with the Austrian censor — a conflict which grated on
Grillparzer's sensitive soul, and was aggravated by his own position
as a servant of the state; in 1826 he paid a visit to Goethe in
Weimar, and was able to compare the enlightened conditions which
prevailed in the little Saxon duchy with the intellectual thraldom of
Vienna. To these troubles were added more serious personal
worries. In the winter of 1820-1821 he had met for the first time
Katharina Frohlich (1801-1879), and the acquaintance rapidly
ripened into love on both sides; but whether owing to a
presentiment of mutual incompatibility, or merely owing to
Grillparzer's conviction that life had no happiness in store for him, he
shrank from marriage. Whatever the cause may have been, the poet
was plunged into an abyss of misery and despair to which his diary
bears heartrending witness; his sufferings found poetic expression in
the fine cycle of poems bearing the significant title Trislia ex Ponto
(1835)Yet to these years we owe the completion of two of
Grillparzer's greatest dramas, Des Meeres und der Liebe Wellen
(1831) and Der Traum, ein Leben (1834). In the former tragedy, a
dramatization of the story of Hero and Leander, he returned to the
Hellenic world of Sappho, and produced what is perhaps the finest of
all German love-tragedies. His mastery of dramatic technique is here
combined with a ripeness of poetic expression and with an insight
into motive which suggests the modern psychological drama of
Hebbel and Ibsen; the old Greek love-story of Musaeus is, moreover,
endowed with something of that ineffable poetic grace which the
poet had borrowed from the great Spanish poets, Lope de Vega and
Calderon. Der Traum, ein Leben, Grillparzer's technical masterpiece,
is in form perhaps even more Spanish; it is also more of what
Goethe called a " confession." The aspirations of Rustan, an
ambitious young peasant, are shadowed forth in the hero's dream,
which takes up nearly three acts of the play; ultimately Rustan
awakens from his nightmare to realize the truth of Grillparzer's own
pessimistic doctrine that all earthly ambitions and aspirations are
vanity; the only true happiness is contentment with one's lot, " des
Innern stiller Frieden und die schuldbefreite Brust." Der Traum, ein
Leben was the first of Grillparzer's dramas which did not end
tragically, and in 1838 he produced his only comedy, Weh' dem, der
lugt. But Weh' dem, der liigt, in spite of its humour of situation, its
sparkling dialogue and the originality of its idea — namely, that the
hero gains his end by invariably telling the truth, where his enemies
as invariably expect him to be lying — was too strange to meet with
approval in its day. Its failure was a blow to the poet, who turned his
back for ever on the German theatre. In 1836 Grillparzer paid a visit
to Paris and London, in 1843 to Athens and Constantinople. Then
came the Revolution which struck off the intellectual fetters under
which Grillparzer and his contemporaries had groaned in Austria, but
the liberation came too late for him. Honours were heaped upon
him; he was made a member of the Academy of Sciences; Heinrich
Laube, as director of the Burgtheater, reinstated his plays on the
repertory; he was in 1861 elected to the Austrian Herrenhaus; his
eightieth birthday was a national festival, and when he died in
Vienna, on the 2ist of January 1872, the mourning of the Austrian
people was universal. With the exception of a beautiful fragment,
Esther (1861), Grillparzer published no more dramatic poetry after
the fiasco of Weh' dem, der lugt, but at his death three completed
tragedies were found among his papers. Of these, Die Jiidin von
Toledo, an admirable adaptation from the Spanish, has won a
permanent place in the German classical repertory; Ein Bruderzvrist
im Hause Habsburg is a powerful historical tragedy and Libussa is
perhaps the ripest, as it is certainly the deepest, of all Grillparzer's
dramas; the latter two plays prove how much was lost by the poet's
divorce from the theatre. Although Grillparzer was essentially a
dramatist, his lyric poetry is in the intensity of its personal note
hardly inferior to Lenau's; and the bitterness of his later years found
vent in biting and stinging epigrams that spared few of his greater
contemporaries. As a prose writer, he has left one powerful short
story, Der arme Spielmann (1848), and a volume of critical studies
on the Spanish drama, which shows how completely he had
succeeded in identifying himself with the Spanish point of view.
Grillparzer's brooding, unbalanced temperament, his lack of will-
power, his pessimistic renunciation and the bitterness which his self-
imposed martyrdom produced in him, made him peculiarly adapted
to express the mood of Austria in the epoch of intellectual
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GRIMALD— GRIMKE thraldom that lay between the

Napoleonic wars and the Revolution of 1848; his poetry reflects
exactly the spirit of his people under the Metternich regime, and
there is a deep truth behind the description of Der Traum, ein Leben
as the Austrian Faust. His fame was in accordance with the general
tenor of his life; even in Austria a true understanding for his genius
was late in coming, and not until the centenary of 1891 did the
Germanspeaking world realize that it possessed in him a dramatic
poet of the first rank; in other words, that Grillparzer was no mere "
Epigone " of the classic period, but a poet who, by a rare
assimilation of the strength of the Greeks, the imaginative depth of
German classicism and the delicacy and grace of the Spaniards, had
opened up new paths for the higher dramatic poetry of Europe.
Grillparzer's Samtliche Werke are edited by A. Sauer, in 20 vols., 5th
edition (Stuttgart, 1892-1894); also, since the expiry of the copyright
in 1901, innumerable cheap reprints. Briefe und Tagebucher, edited
by C. Glossy and A. Sauer (2 vols., Stuttgart, 1903). Jahrbuch der
Grillparzer-Gesellschaft, edited by K. Glossy (the publication of the
Grillparzer Society) (Vienna, 1891 ff.). See also H. Laube, Franz
Grillparzers Lebensgeschichte (Stuttgart, 1884); J. Volkelt, Franz
Grillparzer als Dichter des Tragischen (Nordlingen, 1888); E. Reich,
Franz Grillparzers Dramen (Dresden, 1894); A. Ehrhard, Franz
Grillparzer (Paris, 1900) (German translation by M. Necker, Munich,
1902); H. Sittenberger, Grillparzer, sein Leben und Wirken (Berlin,
1904); Gustav Pollak, F. Grillparzer and the Austrian Drama (New
York, 1907). Of Grillparzer's works, translations have appeared in
English of Sappho (1820, by J. Bramsen; 1846, by E. B. Lee; 1855,
by L. C. Gumming; 1876, by E. Frothingham); and of Medea (1879,
by F. W. Thurstan and J. A. Wittmann). Byron's warm admiration of
Sappho (Letters and Journals, v. 171) is well known, while Carlyle's
criticism, in his essay on German Playwrights (1829), is interesting
as expressing the generally accepted estimate of Grillparzer in the
first half of the igth century. See the bibliography in K. Goedeke's
Grundriss zur Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung, 2nd ed., vol. viii.
(1905). (J. G. R.) GRIMALD (or GRIMOALD), NICHOLAS (1519-
1562), English poet, was born in Huntingdonshire, the son probably
of Giovanni Baptista Grimaldi, who had been a clerk in the service of
Empson and Dudley in the reign of Henry VII. He was educated at
Christ's College, Cambridge, where he took his B.A. degree in 1540.
He then removed to Oxford, becoming a probationerfellow of Merton
College in 1541. In 1547 he was lecturing on rhetoric at Christ
Church, and shortly afterwards became chaplain to Bishop Ridley,
who, when he was in prison, desired Grimald to translate Laurentius
Valla's book against the alleged Donation of Constanline, and the De
gestis Basiliensis Concilii of Aeneas Sylvius (Pius II.). His connexion
with Ridley brought him under suspicion, and he was imprisoned in
the Marshalsea. It is said that he escaped the penalties of heresy by
recanting his errors, and was despised accordingly by his Protestant
contemporaries. Grimald contributed to the original edition (June
1557) of Songes and Sonettes (commonly known as Tottel's
Miscellany), forty poems, only ten of which are retained in the
second edition published in the next month. He translated (1553)
Cicero's De qfficiis as Marcus Tullius Ciceroes thre bakes of duties
(2nd ed., 1556); a Latin paraphrase of Virgil's Georgics (printed 1
591 ) is attributed to him, but most of the works assigned to him by
Bale are lost. Two Latin tragedies are extant; Archiprophela sive
Johannes Baptista, printed at Cologne in 1548, probably performed
at Oxford the year before, and Christus redivivus (Cologne, 1 543) ,
edited by Prof. J. M. Hart (for the Modern Language Association of
America, 1886, separately issued 1899). It cannot be determined
whether Grimald was familiar with Buchanan's Baplistes (1543), or
with J. Schoeppe's Johannes decollatus vel Ectrachelistes (1546).
Grimald provides a purely romantic motive for the catastrophe in the
passionate attachment of Herodias to Herod, and constantly resorts
to lyrical methods. As a poet Grimald is memorable as the earliest
follower of Surrey in the production of blank verse. He writes
sometimes simply enough, as in the lines on his own childhood
addressed to his mother, but in general his style is more artificial,
and his metaphors more studied than is the case with the other
contributors to the Miscellany. His classical reading shows itself in
the comparative terseness and smartness of his verses. His epitaph
was written by Barnabe Googe in May 1562. See C. H. Herford,
Studies in the Literary Relations of England and' Germany (pp. 113-
119, 1886). A Catalogue of printed books . . . by writers bearing the
name of Grimaldi (ed. A. B. Grimaldi), printed 1883; and Arber's
reprint of Tottel's Miscellany. GRIMALDI, GIOVANNI FRANCESCO
(1606-1680), Italian architect and painter, named H Bolognese from
the place of his birth, was a relative of the Caracci family, under
whom it is presumed he studied first. He was afterwards a pupil of
Albani. He went to Rome, and was appointed architect to Pope Paul
V., and was also patronized by succeeding popes. Towards 1648 he
was invited to France by Cardinal Mazarin, and for about two years
was employed in buildings for that minister and for Louis XIV., and in
fresco-painting in the Louvre. His colour was strong, somewhat
excessive in the use of green; his touch light. He painted history,
portraits and landscapes — the last with predilection, especially in
his advanced years — and executed engravings and etchings from
his own landscapes and from those of Titian and the Caracci.
Returning to Rome, he was made president of the Academy of St
Luke; and in that city he died on the 28th of November 1680, in high
repute not only for his artistic skill but for his upright and charitable
deeds. His son Alessandro assisted him both in painting and in
engraving. Paintings by Grimaldi are preserved in the Quirinal and
Vatican palaces, and in the church of S. Martino a'Monti; there is
also a series of his landscapes in the Colonna Gallery. GRIMALDI,
JOSEPH (1779-1837), the most celebrated of English clowns, was
born in London on the i8th of December 1779, the son of an Italian
actor. When less than two years old he was brought upon the stage
at Drury Lane; at the age of three he began to appear at Sadler's
Wells; and he did not finally retire until 1828. As the clown of
pantomime he was considered without an equal, his greatest
success being in Mother Goose, at Covent Garden (1806 and often
revived). Grimaldi died on the 3ist of May 1837. His Memoirs in two
volumes (1838) were edited by Charles Dickens. GRIMKE, SARAH
MOORE (1792-1873) and ANGELINA EMILY (1805-1879), American
reformers, born in Charleston, South Carolina — Sarah on the 6th of
November 1792, and Angelina on the 2oth of February 1805 — were
daughters of John Fachereau Grimke (1752-1819), an artillery officer
in the Continental army, a jurist of some distinction, a man of wealth
and culture and a slave-holder. Their older brother, THOMAS SMITH
GRIMKE (1786-1834), was born in Charleston; graduated at Yale in
1807; was a successful lawyer, and in 1826-1830 was a member of
the state Senate, in which he, almost alone of the prominent lawyers
of the state, opposed nullification; he strongly advocated
spellingreform, temperance and absolute non-resistance, and
published Addresses on Science, Education and Literature (1831).
His early intellectual influence on Sarah was strong. In her thirteenth
year Sarah was godmother to her sister Angelina. Sarah in 1821
revisited Philadelphia, whither she had accompanied her father on
his last illness, and there, having been already dissatisfied with the
Episcopal Church and with the Presbyterian, she became a Quaker;
so, too, did Angelina, who joined her in 1829. Both sisters (Angelina
first) soon grew into a belief in immediate abolition, strongly
censured by many Quakers, who were even more shocked by a
sympathetic letter dated " 8th Month, 3oth, 1835 " written by
Angelina to W. L. Garrison, followed in 1836 by her Appeal to the
Christian Women of the South, and at the end of that year, by an
Epistle to the Clergy of the Southern States, written by Sarah, who
now thoroughly agreed with her younger sister. In the same year, at
the invitation of Elizur Wright (1804-1885), corresponding secretary
of the American Anti-Slavery Society, Angelina, accompanied by
Sarah, began giving talks on slavery, first in private and then in
public, so that in 1837, when they set to work in Massachusetts,
they had to secure the use of large halls. Their speaking from public
platforms resulted in a letter issued by some members of the
General Association of Congregational Ministers of Massachusetts,
calling on the clergy to close their
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GRIMM, BARON VON 599 churches to women exhorters;

Garrison denounced the attack on the Grimke sisters and Whittier
ridiculed it in his poem " The Pastoral Letter." Angelina pointedly
answered Miss Beecher on the Slave Question (1837) in letters in
the Liberator. Sarah, who had never forgotten that her studies had
been curtailed because she was a girl, contributed to the Boston
Spectator papers on " The Province of Woman " and published
Letters on the Condition of Women and the Equality of the Sexes
(1838) — the real beginning of the " woman's rights " movement in
America, and at the time a cause of anxiety to Whittier and others,
who urged upon the sisters the prior importance of the anti-slavery
cause. In 1838 Angelina married Theodore Dwight Weld (1803-
1895), a reformer and abolition orator and pamphleteer, who had
taken part in the famous Lane Seminary debates in 1834, had left
the Seminary for the lecture platform when the anti-slavery society
was broken up by the Lane trustees, but had lost his voice in 1836
and had become editor of the publications of the American Anti-
Slavery Society.1 They lived, with Sarah, at Fort Lee, New Jersey, in
1838-1840, then on a farm at Belleville, New Jersey, and then
conducted a school for black and white alike at Eagleswood, near
Perth Amboy, New Jersey, from 1854 to 1864. Removing to Hyde
Park, Massachusetts, the three were employed in Dr Lewis's school.
There Sarah died on the 23rd of December 1873, and Angelina on
the 26th of October 1879. Both sisters indulged in various " fads " —
Graham's diet, bloomer-wearing, absolute non-resistance. Angelina
did no public speaking after her marriage, save at Pennsylvania Hall
(Philadelphia), destroyed by a mob immediately after her address
there; but besides her domestic and school duties she was full of
tender charity. Sarah at the age of 62 was still eager to study law or
medicine, or to do something to aid her sex; at 75 she translated
and abridged Lamartine's life of Joan of Arc. See Catherine H.
Birney, The Grimke Sisters (Boston, 1885). GRIMM, FRIEDRICH
MELCHIOR, BARON VON (1723-1807), French author, the son of a
German pastor, was born at Ratisbon on the 26th of December
1723. He studied at the University of Leipzig, where he came under
the influence of Gottsched and of J. A. Ernesti, to whom he was
largely indebted for his critical appreciation of classical literature.
When nineteen he produced a tragedy, Banise, which met with some
success. After two years of study he returned to Ratisbon, where he
was attached to the household of Count Schonbefg. In 1 748 he
accompanied August Heinrich, Count Friesen, to Paris as secretary,
and he is said by Rousseau to have acted for some time as reader to
Frederick, the young hereditary prince of Saxe-Gotha. His
acquaintance with Rousseau, through a mutual sympathy in regard
to musical matters, soon ripened into intimate friendship, and led to
a close association with the encyclopaedists. He rapidly obtained a
thorough knowledge of the French language, and acquired so
perfectly the tone and sentiments of the society in which he moved
that all marks of his foreign origin and training seemed effaced. A
witty pamphlet entitled Le Petit Prophete de Boehmischbroda
(1753), written by him in defence of Italian as against French opera,
established his literary reputation. It is possible that the origin of the
pamphlet is partly to be accounted for by his vehement passion2 for
Mile Fel, the prima donna of the Italian company. In 1753 Grimm,
following the example of the abbe Raynal, began a literary
correspondence with various German sovereigns. Raynal's letters,
Nouvelles litteraires, ceased early in 1755- With the aid of friends,
especially of Diderot and Mme d'Epinay, during his temporary
absences from France, Grimm himself carried on the
correspondence, which consisted of two letters a month, until 1773,
and eventually counted among his subscribers Catherine II. of
Russia, Stanislas Poniatowski, king of Poland, and many princes of
the smaller German States. 1 Weld was the author of several anti-
slavery books which had considerable influence at the time. Among
them are The Bible against Slavery (1837), American Slavery as It Is
(1839), a collection of extracts from Southern papers, and Slavery
and the Internal Slave Trade in the U.S. (1841). 1 Rousseau's
account of this affair (Confessions, 2nd part, 8th book) must be
received with caution. It was probably in 1754 that Grimm was
introduced by Rousseau to Madame d'Epinay, with whom he soon
formed a liaison which led to an irreconcilable rupture between him
and Rousseau. Rousseau was induced by his resentment to give in
his Confessions a wholly mendacious portrait of Grimm's character.
In 1755, after the death of Count Friesen, who was a nephew of
Marshal Saxe and an officer in the French army, Grimm became
secretaire des commandements to the duke of Orleans, and in this
capacity he accompanied Marshal d'Estreespn the campaign of
Westphalia in 1756-57. He was named envoy of the town of
Frankfort at the court of France in 1759, but was deprived of his
office for criticizing the comte de Broglie in a despatch intercepted
by Louis XV. He was made a baron of the Holy Roman Empire in
1775. His introduction to Catherine II. of Russia took place at St
Petersburg in 1773, when he was in the suite of Wilhelmine of
Hesse-Darmstadt on the occasion of her marriage to the czarevitch
Paul. He became minister of Saxe-Gotha at the court of France in
1776, but in 1777 he again left Paris on a visit to St Petersburg,
where he remained for nearly a year in daily intercourse with
Catherine. He acted as Paris agent for the empress in the purchase
of works of art, and executed many confidential commissions for her.
In 1783 and the following years he lost his two most intimate
friends, Mme d'Epinay and Diderot. In 1792 he emigrated, and in the
next year settled in Gotha, where his poverty was relieved by
Catherine, who in 1796 appointed him minister of Russia at
Hamburg. On the death of the empress Catherine he took refuge
with Mme d'Epinay's granddaughter, Emilie de Belsunce, comtesse
de Bueil. Grimm had always interested himself in her, and had
procured her dowry from the empress Catherine. She now received
him with the utmost kindness. He died at Gotha on the igth of
December 1807. The correspondence of Grimm was strictly
confidential, and was not divulged during his lifetime. It embraces
nearly the whole period from 1750 to 1790, but the later volumes,
1773 to 1790, were chiefly the work of his secretary, Jakob Heinrich
Meister. At first he contented himself with enumerating the chief
current views in literature and art and indicating very slightly the
contents of the principal new books, but gradually his criticisms
became more extended and trenchant, and he touched on nearly
every subject — political, literary, artistic, soc»l and religious —
which interested the Parisian society of the time. His notices of
contemporaries are somewhat severe, and he exhibits the foibles
and selfishness of the society in which he moved: but he was
unbiassed in his literary judgments, and time has only served to
confirm his criticisms. In style and manner of expression he is
thoroughly French. He is generally somewhat cold in his
appreciation, but his literary taste is delicate and subtle; and it was
the opinion of Sainte-Beuve that the quality of his thought in his best
moments will compare not unfavourably even with that of Voltaire.
His religious and philosophical opinions were entirely negative.
Grimm' ' s' Correspondance litteraire, philosophique et critique . . .,
depuis 1753 jusqu'en 1760, was edited, with many excisions, by J.
B. A. Suard and published at Paris in 1812, in 6 vols. 8vo; deuxieme
partie, de 1771 a 1782, in i8i2*in 5 vols. 8vo; and troisieme partie,
pendant une partie des annees 1775 et 1776, et pendant les annees
1782 a 1790 inclusivement, in 1813 in 5 vols. 8vo. A supplementary
volume appeared in 1814; the whole correspondence was collected
and published by M. Jules Taschereau, with the assistance of A.
Chaude', in a Nouvelle Edition, revue et mise dans un meilleur ordre,
avec des notes et des eclaircissements, et oA se trouvent retablies
pour la premiere fois les phrases supprimees par la censure
imperiale (Paris, 1829, 15 vols. 8vo); and the Correspondance
inedite, et recueil de lettres, poesies, morceaux, et fragments
retranches par la censure imperiale en 1812 et 1813 was published
in 1829. The standard edition is that of M. Tourneux (16 vols., 1877-
1882). Grimm's Memoire historique sur I'ori^ine et les suites de man
attachement pour rimperatrice Catherine II jusqu' au decks de sa
majeste imperiale, and Catherine's correspondence with Grimm
(1774-1796) were published by J. Grot in 1880, in the Collection of
the Russian Imperial Historical Society. She' treats him very
familiarly, and calls him H6raclite, Georges Dandin, &c. At the time
of the Revolution she begged him to destroy her letters, but he
refused, and after his death they were returned to St Petersburg.
Grimm's side of the correspondence, however, is only partially
preserved. He signs himself
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6oo GRIMM, J. L. C. " Pleureur." Some of Grimm's letters,

besides the official correspondence, are included in the edition of M.
Tourneux; others are contained in the Erinnerungen einer
Urgrossmutter of K. von Bechtolsheim, edited (Berlin, 1902) by
Count C. Oberndorff. See also Mme d'Epinay's Mimoires; Rousseau's
Confessions; the notices contained in the editions quoted; E.
Scherer, Mekhior Grimm (1887); Sainte-Beuve, Causeries du lundi,
vol. vii. For further works bearing on the subject, see K. A. Georges,
Friedrich Mekhior Grimm (Hanover and Leipzig, 1904). GRIMM,
JACOB LUDWIG CARL (1785-1863), German philologist and
mythologist, was born on the 4th of January 1785 at Hanau, in
Hesse-Cassel. His father, who was a lawyer, died while he was a
child, and the mother was left with very small means; but her sister,
who was lady of the chamber to the landgravine of Hesse, helped to
support and educate her numerous family. Jacob, with his younger
brother Wilhelm (born on the 24th of February 1786), was sent in
1798 to the public school at Cassel. In 1802 he proceeded to the
university of Marburg, where he studied law, a profession for which
he had been destined by his father. His brother joined him at
Marburg a year later, having just recovered from a long and severe
illness, and likewise began the study of law. Up to this time Jacob
Grimm had been actuated only by a general thirst for knowledge and
his energies had not found any aim beyond the practical one of
making himself a position in life. The first definite impulse came
from the lectures of Savigny, the celebrated investigator of Roman
law, who, as Grimm himself says (in the preface to the Deutsche
Grammalik), first taught him to realize what it meant to study any
science. Savigny's lectures also awakened in him that love for
historical and antiquarian investigation which forms the basis of all
his work. Then followed personal acquaintance, and it was in
Savigny's well-provided library that Grimm first turned over the
leaves of Bodmer's edition of the Old German minnesingers and
other early texts, and felt an eager desire to penetrate further into
the obscurities and half-revealed mysteries of their language. In the
beginning of 1805 he received an invitation from Savigny, who had
removed to Paris, to help him in his literary work. Grimm passed a
very happy time in Paris, strengthening his taste for the literatures of
the middle ages by his studies in the Paris libraries. Towards the
close of the year he returned to Cassel, where his mother and
Wilhelm had settled, the latter having finished his studies. The next
year he obtained a situation in the war office with the very small
salary of 100 thalers. One of his grievances was that he had to
exchange his stylish Paris suit for a stiff uniform and pigtail. But he
had full leisure for the prosecution of his studies. In 1808, soon after
the death of his mother, he was appointed superintendent of the
private library of Jerome Buonaparte, king of Westphalia, into which
Hesse-Cassel had been incorporated by Napoleon. Jerome appointed
him an auditor to the state council, while he retained his other post.
His salary was increased in a short interval from 2000 to 4000
francs, and his official duties were hardly more than nominal. After
the expulsion of Jerome and the reinstalment of an elector, Grimm
was appointed in 1813 secretary of legation, to accompany the
Hessian minister to the headquarters of the allied army. In 1814 he
was sent to Paris to demand restitution of the books carried off by
the French, and in 1814-1815 he attended the congress of Vienna as
secretary of legation. On his return he was again sent to Paris on the
same errand as before. Meanwhile Wilhelm had received an
appointment in the Cassel library, and in 1816 Jacob was made
second librarian under Volkel. On the death of Volkel in 1828 the
brothers expected to be advanced to the first and second
librarianships respectively, and were much dissatisfied when the first
place was given to Rommel, keeper of the archives. So they
removed next year to Gottingen, where Jacob received the
appointment of professor and librarian, Wilhelm that of under-
librarian. Jacob Grimm lectured on legal antiquities, historical
grammar, literary history, and diplomatics, explained Old German
poems, and commented on the Germania of Tacitus. At this period
he is described as small and lively in figure, with a harsh voice,
speaking a broad Hessian dialect. His powerful memory enabled him
to dispense with the manuscript which most German professors rely
on, and he spoke extempore, referring only occasionally to a few
names and dates written on a slip of paper. He himself regretted that
he had begun the work of teaching so late in life; and as a lecturer
he was not successful: he had no idea of digesting his facts and
suiting them to the comprehension of his hearers; and even the
brilliant, terse and eloquent passages which abound in his writings
lost much of their effect when jerked out in the midst of a long array
of dry facts. In 1837, being one of the seven professors who signed
a protest against the king of Hanover's abrogation of the constitution
established some years before, he was dismissed from his
professorship, and banished from the kingdom of Hanover. He
returned to Cassel together with his brother, who had also signed
the protest, and remained there till, in 1840, they accepted an
invitation from the king of Prussia to remove to Berlin, where they
both received professorships, and were elected members of the
Academy of Sciences. Not being under any obligation to lecture,
Jacob seldom did so, but together with his brother worked at the
great dictionary. During their stay at Cassel Jacob regularly attended
the meetings of the academy, where he read papers on the most
varied subjects. The best known of these are those on Lachmann,
Schiller, and his brother Wilhelm (who died in 1850), on old age, and
on the origin of language. He also described his impressions of
Italian and Scandinavian travel, interspersing his more general
observations with linguistic details, as is the case in all his works.
Grimm died in 1863, working up to the last. He was never ill, and
worked on all day, without haste and without pause. He was not at
all impatient of interruption, but seemed rather to be refreshed by it,
returning to his work without effort. He wrote for the press with
great rapidity, and hardly ever made corrections. He never revised
what he had written, remarking with a certain wonder of his brother,
" Wilhelm reads his manuscripts over again before sending them to
press ! " His temperament was uniformly cheerful, and he was easily
amused. Outside his own special work he had a marked taste for
botany. The spirit which animated his work is best described by
himself at the end of his autobiography. " Nearly all my labours have
been devoted, either directly or indirectly, to the investigation of our
earlier language, poetry and laws. These studies may have appeared
to many, and may still appear, useless; to me they have always
seemed a noble and earnest task, definitely and inseparably
connected with our common fatherland, and calculated to foster the
love of it. My principle has always been in these investigations to
under-value nothing, but to utilize the small for the illustration of the
great, the popular tradition for the elucidation of the written
monuments." The purely scientific side of Grimm's character
developed slowly. He seems to have felt the want of definite
principles of etymology without being able to discover them, and
indeed even in the first edition of his grammar (1819) he seems to
be often groping in the dark. As early as 1815 we find A. W. Schlegel
reviewing the Altdeutsche Walder (a periodical published by the two
brothers) very severely, condemning the lawless etymological
combinations it contained, and insisting on the necessity of strict
philological method and a fundamental investigation of the laws of
language, especially in the correspondence of sounds. This criticism
is said to have had a considerable influence on the direction of
Grimm's studies. The first work he published, Uber den altdeutschen
Meistergesang (1811), was of a purely literary character. Yet even in
this essay Grimm showed that Minnesang and Meistersang were
really one form of poetry, of which they merely represented different
stages of development, and also announced his important discovery
of the invariable division of the Lied into three strophic parts. His
text-editions were mostly prepared in common with his brother. In
1812 they published the two ancient fragments of the
Hildebrandslied and the Weissenbrunner Gebel, Jacob having
discovered what till then had never been suspected — the
alliteration in these poems. However, Jacob had little taste for text-
editing, and, as he himself confessed, the evolving of a
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GRIMM, J. L. C. 601 critical text gave him little pleasure. He

therefore left this department to others, especially Lachmann, who
soon turned his brilliant critical genius, trained in the severe school
of classical philology, to Old and Middle High German poetry and
metre. Both brothers were attracted from the beginning by all
national poetry, whether in the form of epics, ballads or popular
tales. They published in 1816-1818 an analysis and critical sifting of
the oldest epic traditions of the Germanic races under the title of
Deutsche Sagen. At the same time they collected all the popular
tales they could find, partly from the mouths of the people, partly
from manuscripts and books, and published in 1812-1815 the first
edition of those Kinder-und Hausmdrchen which have carried the
name of the brothers Grimm into every household of the civilized
world, and founded the science of folk-lore. The closely allied subject
of the satirical beast epic of the middle ages also had a great charm
for Jacob Grimm, and he published an edition of the Reinhart Fuchs
in 1834. His first contribution to mythology was the first volume of
an edition of the Eddaic songs, undertaken conjointly with his
brother, published in 1815, which, however, was not followed by any
more. The first edition of his Deutsche Mylhologie appeared in 1835.
This great work covers the whole range of the subject, tracing the
mythology and superstitions of the old Teutons back to the very
dawn of direct evidence, and following their decay and loss down to
the popular traditions, tales and expressions in which they still linger.
Although by the introduction of the Code Napoleon into Westphalia
Grimm's legal studies were made practically barren, he never lost his
interest in the scientific study of law and national institutions, as the
truest exponents of the life and character of a people. By the
publication (in 1828) of his RechtsaUerthiimer he laid the
foundations of that historical study of the old Teutonic laws and
constitutions which was continued with brilliant success by Georg L.
Maurer and others. In this work Grimm showed the importance of a
linguistic study of the old laws, and the light that can be thrown on
many a dark passage in them by a comparison of the corresponding
words and expressions in the other old cognate dialects. He also
knew how — and this is perhaps the most original and valuable part
of his work — to trace the spirit of the laws in countless allusions
and sayings which occur in the old poems and sagas, or even
survive in modern colloquialisms. Of all his more general works the
boldest and most far-reaching is his Geschichle der deutschen
Sprache, where at the same time the linguistic element is most
distinctly brought forward. The subject of the work is, indeed,
nothing less than the history which lies hidden in the words of the
German language — the oldest national history of the Teutonic tribes
determined by means of language. For this purpose he laboriously
collects the scattered words and allusions to be found in classical
writers, and endeavours to determine the relations in which the
German language stood to those of the Getae, Thracians, Scythians,
and many other nations whose languages are known only by
doubtfully identified, often extremely corrupted remains preserved
by Greek and Latin authors. Grimm's results have been greatly
modified by the wider range of comparison and improved methods
of investigation which now characterize linguistic science, and many
of the questions raised by him will probably for ever remain obscure;
but his book will always be one of the most fruitful and suggestive
that have ever been written. Grimm's famous Deutsche Grammatik
was the outcome of his purely philological work. The labours of past
generations — from the humanists onwards — had collected an
enormous mass of materials in the shape of text-editions,
dictionaries and grammars, although most of it was uncritical and
often untrustworthy. Something had even been done in the way of
co'mparison and the determination of general laws, and the
conception of a comparative Teutonic grammar had been clearly
grasped by the illustrious Englishman George Hickes, at the
beginning of the i8th century, and partly carried out by him in his
Thesaurus. Ten Kate in Holland had afterwards made valuable
contributions to the history and comparison of the Teutonic
languages. Even Grimm himself did not at first intend to include all
the languages in his grammar; but he soon found that Old High
German postulated Gothic, that the later stages of German could not
be understood without the help of the Low German dialects,
including English, and that the rich literature of Scandinavia could as
little be ignored. The first edition of the first part of the Grammar,
which appeared in 1819, and is now extremely rare, treated of the
inflections of all these languages, together with a general
introduction, in which he vindicated the importance of an historical
study of the German language against the a priori, quasi-
philosophical methods then in vogue. In 1822 this volume appeared
in a second edition — really a new work, for, as Grimm himself says
in the preface, it cost him little reflection to mow down the first crop
to the ground. The wide distance between the two stages of
Grimm's development in these two editions is significantly shown by
the fact that while the first edition gives only the inflections, in the
second volume phonology takes up no fewer than 600 pages, more
than half of the whole volume. Grimm had, at last, awakened to the
full conviction that all sound philology must be based on rigorous
adhesion to the laws of sound-change, and he never afterwards
swerved from this principle, which gave to all his investigations, even
in their boldest flights, that iron-bound consistency, and that force of
conviction which distinguish science from dilettanteism; up to
Grimm's time philology was nothing but a more or less laborious and
conscientious dilettanteism, with occasional flashes of scientific
inspiration; he made it into a science. His advance must be
attributed mainly to the influence of his contemporary R. Rask. Rask
was born two years later than Grimm, but his remarkable precocity
gave him somewhat the start. Even in Grimm's first editions his
Icelandic paradigms are based entirely on Rask's grammar, and in his
second edition he relied almost entirely on Rask for Old English. His
debt to Rask can only be estimated at its true value by comparing
his treatment of Old English in the two editions; the difference is
very great. Thus in the first edition he declines dceg, dceges, plural
dagas, not having observed the law of vowel-change pointed out by
Rask. There can be little doubt that the appearance of Rask's Old
English grammar was a main inducement for him to recast his work
from the beginning. To Rask also belongs the merit of having first
distinctly formulated the Jaws of sound-correspondence in the
different languages, especially in the vowels, those more fleeting
elements of speech which had hitherto been ignored by
etymologists. This leads to a question which has been the subject of
much controversy, — Who discovered what is known as Grimm's
law? This law of the correspondence of consonants in the older
Indogermanic, Low and High German languages respectively was
first fully stated by Grimm in the second edition of the first part of
his grammar. The correspondence of single consonants had been
more or less clearly recognized by several of his predecessors; but
the one who came nearest to the discovery of the complete law was
the Swede J. Ihre, who established a considerable number of "
literarum permutationes," such as b for /, with the examples
b(era=ferre, befwer= fiber. Rask, in his essay on the origin of the
Icelandic language, gives the same comparisons, with a few
additions and corrections, and even the very same examples in most
cases. As Grimm in the preface to his first edition expressly mentions
this essay of Rask, there is every probability that it gave the first
impulse to his own investigations. But there is a wide difference
between the isolated permutations of his predecessors and the
comprehensive generalizations under which he himself ranged them.
The extension of the law to High German is also entirely his own.
The only fact that can be adduced in support of the assertion that
Grimm wished to deprive Rask of his claims to priority is that he
does not expressly mention Rask's results in his second edition. But
this is part of the plan of his work, viz. to refrain from all controversy
or reference to the works of others. In his first edition he expressly
calls attention to Rask's essay, and praises it most ungrudgingly.
Rask himself refers as little to Ihre, merely alluding in a general way
to Ihre's permutations, although his own debt to Ihre is infinitely
greater than that of Grimm to
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GRIMM, W. C.— GRIMMA 602 Rask or any one else. It is

true that a certain bitterness of feeling afterwards sprang up
between Grimm and Rask, but this was the fault of the latter, who,
impatient of contradiction and irritable in controversy, refused to
acknowledge the value of Grimm's views when they involved
modification of his own. The importance of Grimm's generalization in
the history of philology cannot be overestimated, and even the
mystic completeness and symmetry of its formulation, although it
has proved a hindrance to the correct explanation of the causes of
the changes, was well calculated to strike the popular mind, and give
it a vivid idea of the paramount importance of law, and the necessity
of disregarding mere superficial resemblance. The most lawless
etymologist bows down to the authority of Grimm's law, even if he
honours it almost as much in the breach as in the observance. The
grammar was continued in three volumes, treating principally of
derivation, composition and syntax, which last was left unfinished.
Grimm then began a third edition, of which only one part,
comprising the vowels, appeared in 1840, his time being afterwards
taken up mainly by the dictionary.. The grammar stands alone in the
annals of science for comprehensiveness, method and fullness of
detail. Every law, every letter, every syllable of inflection in the
different languages is illustrated by an almost exhaustive mass of -
material. It has served as a model for all succeeding investigators.
Diez's grammar of the Romance languages is founded entirely on its
methods, which have also exerted a profound influence on the wider
study of the Indo-Germanic languages in general. In the great
German dictionary Grimm undertook a task for which he was hardly
suited. His exclusively historical tendencies made it impossible for
him to do justice to the individuality of a living language; and the
disconnected statement of the facts of language in an ordinary
alphabetical dictionary fatally mars its scientific character. It was also
undertaken on so large a scale as to make it impossible for him and
his brother to complete it themselves. The dictionary, as far as it was
worked out by Grimm himself, may be described as a collection of
disconnected antiquarian essays of high value. Grimm's scientific
character is notable for its combination of breadth and unity. He was
as far removed from the narrowness of the specialist who has no
ideas, no sympathies beyond some one author, period or corner of
science, as from the shallow dabbler who feverishly attempts to
master the details of half-adozen discordant pursuits. Even within his
own special studies there is the same wise concentration; no
Mezzofanti-like parrot display of useless polyglottism. The very
foundations of his nature were harmonious; his patriotism and love
of historical investigation received their fullest satisfaction in the
study of the language, traditions, mythology, laws and literature of
his own countrymen and their nearest kindred. But from this centre
his investigations were pursued in every direction as far as his
unerring instinct of healthy limitation would allow. He was equally
fortunate in the harmony that subsisted between his intellectual and
moral nature. He made cheerfully the heavy sacrifices that science
demands from its disciples, without feeling any of that envy and
bitterness which often torment weaker natures; and although he
lived apart from his fellow men, he was full of human sympathies,
and no man has ever exercised a profounder influence on the
destinies of mankind. His was the very ideal of the noblest type of
German character. The following is a complete list of his separately
published works, those which he published in common with his
brother being marked with a star. For a list of his essays in
periodicals, &c., see vol. v. of his Kleinere Schriften , from which the
present list is taken. H is life is best studied in his own "
Selbstbiographie," in vol. i. of the Kleinere Schriften. There is also a
brief memoir by K. Godeke in Goltinger Professoren (Gotha
(Perthes), 1872): Uber den altdeutschen Meistergesang (Gottingen,
1811); *Kinder- und Hausmarchen (Berlin, 1812-1815) (many
editions); *Das Lied von Hildebrand und das Weissenbrunner Gebet
(Cassel, 1812); Altdeutsche Walder (Cassel, Frankfort, 1813-1816, 3
vols.); *Der arme Heinrich von Hartmann von der Aue (Berlin,
1815); Irmenstrasse und Irmensdule (Vienna, 1815); *Die Lieder der
alien Edda (Berlin, 1815), Silva de romances viejos (Vienna, 1815);
*Deutsche Sagen (Berlin, 1816-1818, 2nd ed., Berlin, 1865-1866);
Deutsche Grammatik (Gottingen, 1819, 2nd ed., Gottingen, 1822-
1840) (reprinted 1870 by W. Scherer, Berlin); Wuk Stephanovitsch' s
kleine serbische Grammatik, verdeutscht mil einer Vorrede (Leipzig
and Berlin, 1824); Zur Recension der deutschen Grammatik (Cassel,
1826); "Irische Elfenmdrchen, aus dem Englischen (Leipzig, 1826);
Deutsche Rechtsaltertumer (Gottingen, 1828, 2nd ed 1854) ;
Hymnorum veleris ecdesiae XX VI. inter pretatio theodisca
(Gottingen, 1830); Reinhart Fuchs (Berlin, 1834); Deutsche
Mythologie (Gottingen, 1835, 3rd ed., 1854, 2 vols.) ; Taciti
Germania edidit (Gottingen, 1835); Uber meine Entlassung (Basel,
1838); (together with Schmeller) Lateinische Gcdichle des X. und XI.
Jahrhunderts (Gottingen, 1838); Sendschreiben an Karl Lachmann
•fiber Reinhart Fuchs (Berlin, 1840); Weistumer, Th. i. (Gottingen,
1840) (continued, partly by others, in 5 parts, 1840-1869); Andreas
und Elene (Cassel, 1840); Frau Aventure (Berlin, 1842); Geschtchte
der deutschen Sprache (Leipzig, 1848, 3rd ed., 1868, 2 vols.) i; Das
Wort des Besitzes (Berlin, 1850); *Deutsches Worterbuch, Bd. i.
(Leipzig 1854); Rede auf Wilhelm Grimm und Rede uber das Alter
(Berlin, 1868, 3rd ed., 1865); Kleinere Schriften (Berlin, 1864-1870,
5 vols.). (H- Sw.) • GRIMM, WILHELM CARL (1786-1859). For the
chief events in the life of Wilhelm Grimm see article on Jacob Grimm
above. As Jacob himself said in his celebrated address to the Berlin
Academy on the death of his brother, the whole of their lives were
passed together. In their schooldays they had one bed and one table
in common, as students they had two beds and two tables in the
same room, and they always lived under one roof, and had their
books and property in common. Nor did Wilhelm's marriage in any
way disturb their harmony. As Cleasby said ("Life of Cleasby,"
prefixed to his Icelandic Dictionary, p. Ixix.), " they both live in the
same house, and in such harmony and community that one might
almost imagine the children were common property." Wilhelm's
character was a complete contrast to that of his brother. As a boy he
was strong and healthy, but as he grew up he was attacked by a
long and severe illness, which left him weak all his life. His was a
less comprehensive and energetic mind than that of his brother, and
he had less of the spirit of investigation, preferring to confine himself
to some limited and definitely bounded field of work; he utilized
everything that bore directly on his own studies, and ignored the
rest. These studies were almost always of a literary nature. It is
characteristic of his more aesthetic nature that he took great delight
in music, for which his brother had but a moderate liking, and had a
remarkable gift of story-telling. Cleasby, in the account of his visit to
the brothers, quoted above, tells that " Wilhelm read a sort of farce
written in the Frankfort dialect, depicting the ' malheurs ' of a rich
Frankfort tradesman on a holiday jaunt on Sunday. It was very droll,
and he read it admirably." Cleasby describes him as " an
uncommonly animated, jovial fellow." He was, accordingly, much
sought in society, which he frequented much more than his brother.
His first work was a spirited translation of the Danish Kampeviser,
Altdanische Heldenlieder , published in 1811-1813, which made hi
name at first more widely known than that of his brother. Ihe most
important of his text editions are — Ruolandslied (Gottingen, 1838);
Konrad von Wiirzburg's Goldene Schmiede (Berlin, 1840); Grave
Ruodolf (Gottingen, 1844, 2nd ed.); A this und Prophthas (Berlin,
1846); Altdeutsche Gesprdche (Berlin, 1851); Freidank (Gottingen,
1860, 2nd ed.). Of his other works the most important is Deutsche
Heldensage (Berlin, 1868, 2nd ed.). His Deutsche Runen (Gottingen,
1821) has now only an historical interest. (H. bw.) GRIMMA, a town
in the kingdom of Saxony, on the left bank of the Mulde, 19 m. S.E.
of Leipzig on the railway DobelnDresden. Pop. (1905) 11,182. It has
a Roman Catholic and three Evangelical churches, and among other
principal buildings are the Schloss built in the i2th century, and long
a residence of the margraves of Meissen and the electors of Saxony;
the townhall, dating from 1442, and the famous school
Furstenschule (Illustre Moldanum), erected by the elector Maurice
on the site of the former Augustinian monastery in 1550, having
provision for 104 free scholars and a library numbering 10,000
volumes. There are also a modern school, a teachers' seminary, a
commercial school and a school of brewing. Among the industries of
the town are ironfounding, machine building and dyeworks, while
paper and gloves are manufactured there. Gardening and agriculture
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