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Discovering Diverse Content Through
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 The Project Gutenberg eBook of The
Chautauquan, Vol. 04, June 1884, No. 9
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United
States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with
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Title: The Chautauquan, Vol. 04, June 1884, No. 9

Author: Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle

Chautauqua Institution

Editor: Theodore L. Flood

Release date: July 24, 2017 [eBook #55194]

Most recently updated: October 23, 2024

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE

CHAUTAUQUAN, VOL. 04, JUNE 1884, NO. 9 ***
 Transcriber’s Note: This cover has been created by the transcriber
and is placed in the public domain.

The Chautauquan.
A MONTHLY MAGAZINE DEVOTED TO THE PROMOTION OF TRUE
CULTURE. ORGAN OF THE CHAUTAUQUA LITERARY AND
SCIENTIFIC CIRCLE.

Vol. IV. JUNE, 1884. No. 9.

 Chautauqua Literary and Scientific
Circle.
President—Lewis Miller, Akron, Ohio.
Superintendent of Instruction—Rev. J. H. Vincent, D.D., New
Haven, Conn.
Counselors—Rev. Lyman Abbott, D.D.; Rev. J. M. Gibson, D.D.;
Bishop H. W. Warren, D.D.; Prof. W. C. Wilkinson, D.D.
Office Secretary—Miss Kate F. Kimball, Plainfield, N. J.
General Secretary—Albert M. Martin, Pittsburgh, Pa.
 Contents
Transcriber’s Note: This table of contents of this
periodical was created for the HTML version to aid
the reader.

REQUIRED READING
Readings fromRoman History 497
Sunday Readings
[June 1] 499
[June 8] 499
[June 15] 499
[June 22] 500
[June 29] 500
Readings in Art
III.—English Painters and Paintings 500
Criticisms on American Literature 503
United States History 505
Night 510
Eccentric Americans
VII.—The Well-Balanced Eccentric 510
What Shall We Do With The Inebriates? 514
Climate-Seeking in America 516
A Dreamy Old Town 520
Our Steel Horse 523
The Navy 524
Astronomy of the Heavens for June 528
To Blossoms 529
The Soldiers’ Home 529
Eight Centuries with Walter Scott 533
Some London Preachers 536
The Prayer of Socrates 537
C. L. S. C. Work 538
Outline of C. L. S. C. Readings 539
Local Circles 539
Chautauqua for 1884 543
Questions and Answers 544
Chautauqua Normal Course 545
Editor’s Outlook 546
Editor’s Note-Book 548
C. L. S. C. Notes on Required Readings for June 551
Notes on Required Readings in “The Chautauquan” 554
Talk About Books 556
 REQUIRED READING
FOR THE
Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle for
1883-4.
June.
READINGS FROM ROMAN HISTORY.

SELECTED BY WILLIAM CLEAVER WILKINSON.

Next we will give a picture, a partial picture it must be, of an action occurring a
little more than half a century later in Roman history. Dr. Arnold shall be our
painter:

HANNIBAL CROSSING THE ALPS.

[219 B. C.]

Hannibal was on the summit of the Alps about the end of

October; the first winter snows had already fallen; but two hundred
years before the Christian era, when all Germany was one vast
forest, the climate of the Alps was far colder than at present, and
the snow lay on the passes all through the year. Thus the soldiers
were in dreary quarters; they remained two days on the summit,
resting from their fatigues, and giving opportunity to many of the
stragglers, and of the horses and cattle, to rejoin them by following
their track; but they were cold and worn and disheartened; and
mountains still rose before them, through which, as they knew too
well, even their descent might be perilous and painful.
But their great general, who felt that he now stood victorious on
the ramparts of Italy, and that the torrent which rolled before him
was carrying its waters to the rich plains of Cisalpine Gaul,
endeavored to kindle his soldiers with his own spirit of hope. He
called them together; he pointed out the valley beneath, to which
the descent seemed the work of a moment. “That valley,” he said, “is
Italy; it leads us to the country of our friends, the Gauls, and yonder
is our way to Rome.” His eyes were eagerly fixed on that point of the
horizon; and as he gazed, the distance between seemed to vanish,
till he could almost fancy that he was crossing the Tiber, and
assailing the Capitol.
After the two days’ rest the descent began. Hannibal experienced
no more open hostility from the barbarians, only some petty
attempts here and there to plunder; a fact strange in itself, but
doubly so, if he was really descending the valley of the Doria Baltea,
through the country of the Salassians, the most untamable robbers
of all the Alpine barbarians. It is possible that the influence of the
Insubrians may partly have restrained the mountaineers; and partly,
also, they may have been deterred by the ill success of all former
attacks, and may by this time have regarded the strange army and
its monstrous beasts with something of superstitious terror. But the
natural difficulties of the ground on the descent were greater than
ever. The snow covered the track so that the men often lost it, and
fell down the steep below; at last they came to a place where an
avalanche had carried it away altogether for about three hundred
yards, leaving the mountain side a mere wreck of scattered rocks
and snow. To go round was impossible; for the depth of the snow on
the heights above rendered it hopeless to scale them; nothing,
therefore, was left but to repair the road. A summit of some extent
was found, and cleared of the snow; and here the army were
obliged to encamp, whilst the work went on. There was no want of
hands; and every man was laboring for his life; the road therefore
was restored, and supported with solid substructions below; and in a
single day it was made practicable for the cavalry and baggage
cattle, which were immediately sent forward, and reached the lower
valley in safety, where they were turned out to pasture. A harder
labor was required to make a passage for the elephants; the way for
them must be wide and solid, and the work could not be
accomplished in less than three days. The poor animals suffered
severely in the interval from hunger; for no forage was to be found
in that wilderness of snow, nor any trees whose leaves might supply
the place of other herbage. At last they too were able to proceed
with safety; Hannibal overtook his cavalry and baggage, and in three
days more the whole army had got clear of the Alpine valleys, and
entered the country of their friends, the Insubrians, on the wide
plain of northern Italy.
Hannibal was arrived in Italy, but with a force so weakened by its
losses in men and horses, and by the exhausted state of the
survivors, that he might seem to have accomplished his great march
in vain. According to his own statement, which there is no reason to
doubt, he brought out of the Alpine valleys no more than 12,000
African and 8,000 Spanish infantry, with 6,000 cavalry, so that his
march from the Pyrenees to the plains of northern Italy must have
cost him 33,000 men; an enormous loss, which proves how severely
the army must have suffered from the privations of the march and
the severity of the Alpine climate; for not half of these 33,000 men
can have fallen in battle.

Once again the subject shall be Hannibal, and Arnold shall be the artist. This
time Hannibal suffers his final defeat at the hands of Scipio.

THE BATTLE OF ZAMA.

[201 B.C.]

Hannibal, we are told, landed at Leptis, at what season of the

year we know not; and after refreshing his troops for some time at
Adrumetum, he took the field, and advanced to the neighborhood of
Zama, a town situated, as Polybius describes it, about five days’
journey from Carthage, toward the west. It seems that Scipio was
busied in overrunning the country, and in subduing the several
towns, when he was interrupted in these operations by the approach
of the Carthaginian army. He is said to have detected some spies
sent by Hannibal to observe his position; and by causing them to be
led carefully round his camp, and then sent back in safety to
Hannibal, he so excited the admiration of his antagonist as to make
him solicit a personal interview, with the hope of effecting a
termination of hostilities. The report of this conference, and of the
speeches of the two generals, savors greatly of the style of Roman
family memoirs, the most unscrupulous in falsehood of any
pretended records of facts that the world has yet seen. However, the
meeting ended in nothing, and the next day the two armies were led
out into the field for the last decisive struggle. The numbers on each
side we have no knowledge of, but probably neither was in this
respect much superior. Masinissa, however, with four thousand
Numidian cavalry, beside six thousand infantry, had joined Scipio a
few days before the battle; while Hannibal, who had so often been
indebted to the services of Numidians, had now, on this great
occasion, only two thousand horse of that nation to oppose to the
numbers and fortune and activity of Masinissa. The account of the
disposition of both armies, and of the events of the action, was
probably drawn up by Polybius from the information given to him by
Lælius, and perhaps from the family records of the house of Scipio.
And here we may admit its authority to be excellent. It states that
the Roman legions were drawn up in their usual order, except that
the maniples of every alternate line did not cover the intervals in the
line before them, but were placed one behind another, thus leaving
avenues in several places through the whole depth of the army, from
front to rear. These avenues were loosely filled by the light-armed
troops, who had received orders to meet the charge of the
elephants, and to draw them down the passages left between the
maniples, till they should be enticed entirely beyond the rear of the
whole army. The cavalry, as usual, was stationed on the wings;
Masinissa, with his Numidians, on the right, and Lælius, with the
Italians, on the left. On the other side, Hannibal stationed his
elephants, to the number of eighty, in the front of his whole line.
Next to these were placed the foreign troops in the service of
Carthage, twelve thousand strong, consisting of Ligurians, Gauls,
inhabitants of the Balearian islands, and Moors. The second line was
composed of those Africans who were the immediate subjects of
Carthage, and of the Carthaginians themselves; while Hannibal
himself, with his veteran soldiers, who had returned with him from
Italy, formed a third line, which was kept in reserve, at a little
distance behind the other two. The Numidian cavalry were on the
left, opposed to their own countrymen under Masinissa; and the
Carthaginian horse on the right, opposed to Lælius and the Italians.
After some skirmishing of the Numidians in the two armies,
Hannibal’s elephants advanced to the charge, but being startled by
the sound of the Roman trumpets, and annoyed by the light-armed
troops of the enemy, some broke off to the right and left, and fell in
amongst the cavalry of their own army on both the wings, so that
Lælius and Masinissa, availing themselves of this disorder, drove the
Carthaginian horse speedily from the field. Others advanced against
the enemy’s line, and did much mischief, till at length, being
frightened and becoming ungovernable, they were enticed by the
light-armed troops of the Romans to follow them down the avenues
which Scipio had purposely left open, and were thus drawn out of
the action altogether. Meantime, the infantry on both sides met, and,
after a fierce contest, the foreign troops in Hannibal’s army, not
being properly supported by the soldiers of the second line, were
forced to give ground; and in resentment for this desertion, they fell
upon the Africans and Carthaginians, and cut them down as
enemies, so that these troops, at once assaulted by their fellow-
soldiers, and by the pursuing enemy, were also, after a brave
resistance, defeated and dispersed. Hannibal, with his reserve, kept
off the fugitives by presenting spears to them, and obliging them to
escape in a different direction; and he then prepared to meet the
enemy, trusting that they would be ill able to resist the shock of a
fresh body of veterans, after having already been engaged in a long
and obstinate struggle. Scipio, after having extricated his troops
from the heaps of dead which lay between him and Hannibal,
commenced a second, and a far more serious contest. The soldiers
on both sides were perfect in courage and in discipline, and as the
battle went on, they fell in the ranks where they fought, and their
places were supplied by their comrades with unabated zeal. At last
Lælius and Masinissa returned from the pursuit of the enemy’s
beaten cavalry, and fell, in a critical moment, upon the rear of
Hannibal’s army. Then his veterans, surrounded and overpowered,
still maintained their high reputation, and most of them were cut
down where they stood, resisting to the last. Flight indeed was not
easy, for the country was a plain, and the Roman and Numidian
horse were active in pursuit; yet Hannibal, when he saw the battle
totally lost, with a nobler fortitude than his brother had shown at the
Metaurus, escaped from the field to Adrumetum. He knew that his
country would now need his assistance more than ever, and as he
had been in so great a degree the promoter of the war, it ill became
him to shrink from bearing his full share of the weight of its
disastrous issue.
On the plains of Zama twenty thousand of the Carthaginian army
were slain, and an equal number taken prisoners, but the
consequences of the battle far exceeded the greatness of the
immediate victory. It was not the mere destruction of an army, but
the final conquest of the only power that seemed able to combat
Rome on equal terms. In the state of the ancient world, with so few
nations really great and powerful, and so little of a common feeling
pervading them, there was neither the disposition nor the materials
for forming a general confederacy against the power of Rome; and
the single efforts of Macedonia, of Syria, and of Carthage herself,
after the fatal event of the second Punic war, were of no other use
than to provoke their own ruin. The defeat of Hannibal insured the
empire of the ancient civilized world.
The only hope of the Carthaginians now rested on the
forbearance of Scipio, and they again sent deputies to him, with a
full confession of the injustice of their conduct in the first origin of
the war, and still more in their recent violation of the truce, and with
a renewal of their supplications for peace. The conqueror, telling
them that he was moved solely by considerations of the dignity of
Rome, and the uncertainty of all human greatness, and in no degree
by any pity for misfortunes which were so well deserved, presented
the terms on which alone they could hope for mercy. “They were to
make amends for the injuries done to the Romans during the truce;
to restore all prisoners and deserters; to give up all their ships of
war, except ten, and all their elephants; to engage in no war at all
out of Africa, nor in Africa without the consent of the Romans; to
restore to Masinissa all that had belonged to him or any of his
ancestors; to feed the Roman army for three months, and pay it till
it should be recalled home; to pay a contribution of ten thousand
Euboic talents, at the rate of two hundred talents a year, for fifty
years; and to give a hundred hostages, between the ages of
fourteen and thirty, to be selected at the pleasure of the Roman
general.” At this price the Carthaginians were allowed to hold their
former dominion in Africa, and to enjoy their independence, till it
should seem convenient to the Romans to complete their
destruction. Yet Hannibal strongly urged that the terms should be
accepted, and, it is said, rudely interrupted a member of the
supreme council at Carthage, who was speaking against them. He
probably felt, as his father had done under circumstances nearly
similar, that for the present resistance was vain, but that, by
purchasing peace at any price, and by a wise management of their
internal resources, his countrymen might again find an opportunity
to recover their losses. Peace was accordingly signed, the Roman
army returned to Italy, and Hannibal, at the age of forty-five, having
seen the schemes of his whole life utterly ruined, was now
beginning, with equal patience and resolution, to lay the foundation
for them again.

But Zama was Hannibal’s Waterloo, and the virtual overthrow of Carthage.
Rome’s course was now open to universal empire.
 SUNDAY READINGS.

SELECTED BY THE REV. J. H. VINCENT, D.D.

[June 1.]
When we wish by our own efforts that something shall succeed,
we become irritated with obstacles, because we feel in these
hindrances that the motive that makes us act has not placed them
there, and we find things in them which the self-will that makes us
act has not found there.
But when God inspires our actions, we never feel anything outside
that does not come from the same principle that causes us to act;
there is no opposition in the motive that impels us; the same motive
power which leads us to act, leads others to resist us, or permits
them at least; so that as we find no difference in this, and it is not
our own will that combats external events, but the same will that
produces the good and permits the evil, this uniformity does not
trouble the peace of the soul, and is one of the best tokens that we
are acting by the will of God, since it is much more certain that God
permits the evil, however great it may be, than that God causes the
good in us (and not some secret motive), however great it may
appear to us; so that in order really to perceive whether it is God
that makes us act, it is much better to test ourselves by our
deportment without than by our motives within, since if we only
examine ourselves within, although we may find nothing but good
there, we can not assure ourselves that this good comes truly from
God. But when we examine ourselves without, that is when we
consider whether we suffer external hindrances with patience, this
signifies that there is a uniformity of will between the motive power
that inspires our passions and the one that permits the resistance to
them; and as there is no doubt that it is God who permits the one,
we have a right humbly to hope that it is God who produces the
other.
But what! we act as if it were our mission to make truth triumph,
whilst it is only our mission to combat for it. The desire to conquer is
so natural that when it is covered by the desire of making the truth
triumph, we often take the one for the other, and think that we are
seeking the glory of God, when in truth we are seeking our own. It
seems to me that the way in which we support these hindrances is
the surest token of it, for in fine if we wish only the order
established by God, it is certain that we wish the triumph of his
justice as much as that of his mercy, and when it does not come of
our negligence, we shall be in an equal mood, whether the truth be
known or whether it be combated, since in the one the mercy of God
triumphs, and in the other his justice.—Pascal.

[June 8.]
O most blessed mansion of the heavenly Jerusalem! O most
effulgent day of eternity, which night obscureth not, but the
supreme truth continually enlighteneth! a day of perennial peace
and joy, incapable of change or intermission! It shineth now in the
full splendor of perpetual light to the blessed; but to the poor
pilgrims on earth it appeareth only at a great distance, and “through
a glass darkly.” The redeemed sons of heaven triumph in the
perfection of the joys of his eternal day, while the distressed sons of
Eve lament the irksomeness of days teeming with distress and
anguish. How is man defiled with sins, agitated with passions,
disquieted with fears, tortured with cares, embarrassed with
refinements, deluded with vanities, encompassed with errors, worn
out with labors, vexed with temptations, enervated with pleasures,
and tormented with want!
 O when will these various evils be no more? When shall I be
delivered from the slavery of sin? When, O Lord, shall my thoughts
and desires center and be fixed in thee alone? When shall I regain
my native liberty? O, when will peace return, and be established,
peace from the troubles of the world, and the disorders of sinful
passions; universal peace, incapable of interruption; that “peace
which passeth all understanding?” When, O most merciful Jesus!
when shall I stand in pure abstraction from all inferior good to gaze
upon thee and contemplate the wonders of redeeming love? When
wilt thou be to me all in all? O, when shall I dwell with thee in that
kingdom which thou hast prepared for thy beloved before the
foundation of the world?
Soften, I beseech thee, the rigor of my banishment, assuage the
violence of my sorrow! for my soul thirsteth after thee; and all that
the world offers for my comfort would but add one more weight to
the burden that oppresses me. I long, O Lord, to enjoy thee truly,
and would fain rise to a constant adherence to heavenly objects, but
the power of earthly objects operating upon my unmortified
passions, keeps me down. My mind labors to be superior to the good
and evil of this animal life, but my body constrains it to be subject to
them. And thus, “wretched man that I am,” while the spirit is always
tending to heaven, and the flesh to earth, my heart is the seat of
incessant war, and I am a burden to myself! … LXXVII.—“Unto thee
do I lift up mine eyes, O thou that dwellest in the heavens.” In thee,
the Father of mercies, I place all my confidence! O illuminate and
sanctify my soul with the influence of thy Holy Spirit; that being
delivered from all the darkness and impurity of its alienated life, it
may become the holy temple of thy living presence, the seat of thy
eternal glory! In the immensity of thy goodness, O Lord, and “in the
multitude of thy tender mercies, turn unto me,” and hear the prayer
of thy poor servant, who hast wandered far from thee into the
region of the shadow of death. O protect and keep my soul amid the
innumerable evils which this corruptible life is always bringing forth;
and by the perpetual guidance of thy grace, lead me in the narrow
path of holiness to the realms of everlasting peace.—Kempis’
“Imitation of Christ.”

[June 15.]
The Christian life is better than any other that can be discovered
or devised.
First, this is manifest from its object. For no life can have or
desire a better object than that which is set forth in the Christian
religion, which finds its object in the vision of the divine essence.…
But since man can not attain to the contemplation of divine things
except by purification of the heart, how much, even in this regard,
does the Christian life excel all others. For no greater purification of
the heart can be discovered than Christian purification. For that is
called pure which is not mixed with another substance, especially
one inferior to itself. Thus gold is said to be pure when it is not
mixed with silver or lead, or any other inferior substance. Now,
because the end of man is God, when man through the intellect and
the affections, is united or mixed with other creatures as an ultimate
end, especially with those inferior to himself, he is called impure.
And the more one frees himself from the love of creatures, the more
pure he becomes; purity of the human heart consists in withdrawing
the desires and the will from creature loves. But no greater or more
perfect withdrawal from earthly loves can be discovered or devised
than that which is proclaimed in the Christian religion.… And since
man can not live without any love, it teaches that man should love
God above all things, even above himself. And, if he loves himself or
other creatures, it commands that he love them for the sake of God,
so that all his love may tend toward God, and that in the creatures
themselves he may love God, and may think nothing, speak nothing,
do nothing which does not tend to the glory and honor of God, so
that the whole man may tend toward God, and be united with God,
and become one with God. And certainly no life can be discovered or
devised better than this.
 As to the will, he loves God and our Lord Jesus Christ above all
things, and his neighbor as himself, keeping all the commands of the
law which depend upon this double love.
As to the sensibilities, he strives with all his might to bring desire
and anger and all the emotions under the control of reason, and by
no means to make provision for the lusts of the flesh (curam carnis
facere in concupiscentia).—Savonarola—“De Simplicitate Christianæ
Vitæ.”

[June 22.]
The sense of the vastness of the universe, and of the
imperfection of our own knowledge, may help us in some degree to
understand—not, indeed, the origin of evil and of suffering, but, at
any rate, something of its possible uses and purposes. We look
around the world, and we see cruel perplexities; the useless spared,
the useful taken; the young and happy removed, and the old and
miserable lingering on; happy households broken up under our feet,
despondent hopes, and the failure of those to whom we looked up
with reverence and respect. We go through these trials with wonder
and fear; and we ask whereunto this will grow. But has nothing been
gained? Yes, that has been gained which nothing else, humanly
speaking, could gain. We may have gained a deeper knowledge of
the mind of God, and a deeper insight into ourselves. Truths which
once seemed mere words, received our heed and heart. Our
understanding may have become part of ourselves.
Humility for ourselves, charity for others, self-abasement before
the judge of all mankind, these are the gifts that even the best man,
and even the worst man may gain by distrust, by doubt, by difficulty.

The perplexity, the danger, the grief often brings with it its own
remedy.
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