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 Another Random Document on
Scribd Without Any Related Topics
The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Campaign
Round Liège
 This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United
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Title: The Campaign Round Liège

Author: J. M. Kennedy

Author of introduction, etc.: W. L. Courtney

Release date: January 5, 2018 [eBook #56316]

Most recently updated: October 23, 2024

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CAMPAIGN

ROUND LIÈGE ***
 The Daily
Telegraph
WAR BOOKS
 THE CAMPAIGN ROUND LIÈGE

The Daily Telegraph

WAR BOOKS

CLOTH 1/- NET.

VOL. I. (3rd Enormous Edition.)

HOW THE WAR BEGAN

By W.L. COURTNEY, LL.D., and J.M. KENNEDY

Is Britain's justification before the Bar of History.

VOL. II.

THE FLEETS AT WAR

By ARCHIBALD HURD

The key book to the understanding of the NAVAL situation

 VOL. III.

THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN

By GEORGE HOOPER

The key book to the MILITARY situation.

VOL. IV.

THE CAMPAIGN ROUND

LIEGE
¶ Describes in wonderful detail the heroic defence of Liege, and
shows how the gallant army of Belgium has upset and altered the
whole plan of advance as devised by the Kaiser and his War Council.

THE CAMPAIGN
ROUND LIÈGE
BY

J.M. KENNEDY
 WITH AN INTRODUCTION
BY

W.L. COURTNEY, LL.D.

HODDER AND STOUGHTON

LONDON NEW YORK TORONTO

MCMXIV

CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
INTRODUCTION 7
I. OUTBREAK OF WAR— 29
INVASION OF BELGIUM
 AND LUXEMBURG—THE
FIRST FIGHTING AT LIÈGE
II. FRENCH JOIN BELGIANS—
DETAILS OF THE BATTLES
—GERMAN SPY SYSTEM—
RAIDS BY UHLANS 51
III. PRELIMINARY ATROCITIES—
BRAVERY OF THE
BELGIANS—BATTLE OF
HAELEN-DIEST 75
IV. LIFE AT BRUSSELS—FRENCH
ADVANCE—CAPITAL
REMOVED TO ANTWERP 94
V. PREPARATIONS AT NAMUR—
SCENES AT LIÈGE—
GERMANS PRESSING
FORWARD—OCCUPATION
OF BRUSSELS 111
VI. BRITISH TROOPS IN ACTION—
THEIR "CUSTOMARY
COOLNESS"—ZEPPELIN AT
ANTWERP—GERMAN
ATROCITIES—LORD
KITCHENER'S SPEECH 134

INTRODUCTION
"To attack always, to attack everywhere, and to overlap in the
attack" is the essential principle of German military training. This is
the principle which is acted upon when hostilities definitely open and
the diplomatist retires into the background. There is only one means
by which it can be carried into effect, and that is to have
overwhelming numbers of men ready to pour into the field and bear
down opposing forces by sheer weight. At Liège, at Namur, at
Charleroi, or in the Vosges, the mowing down of the invading hosts
by rifle or cannon must have seemed to the defensive troops as
wearying and useless a task as cutting off the heads of a hydra; for
two German soldiers appeared to rise out of the ground for every
single one that fell.
This was one great advantage with which the German army entered
upon the war. For years past strategic railways have been under
construction on the Belgian border—railways designed, not for the
conveyance of goods or passenger traffic (for there was none), but
for the conveyance of German troops from Cologne and other places
to north-east France through Belgium and Luxemburg. The plans of
the German General Staff were admirably conceived. One observer
compared the advance of the invading army to a human tidal wave
spreading through the valley of the Meuse. True, there were one or
two small hitches. It was clear from the stories told by the prisoners
taken by the Belgians at Liège that the German commissariat was
unexpectedly defective. Again, insufficient preparations had been
made for besieging Liège itself, and it was not for some days that it
was found possible to bring up the great siege guns which should
have been there from the very beginning. These faults, however,
were not the result of negligence so much as of conceit and of too
great a belief in the invulnerability of the German arms. According to
a message quoted in the present volume, the Kaiser waved his hand
through the air and said: "I will go through Belgium like that." He
did not; and the delay consequent upon the stubborn defence of
Liège interfered with the German plans at the outset and gave the
French time to complete their mobilisation. The effects of this delay
are, indeed, incalculable, especially in view of the unexpected
rapidity of the Russian mobilisation, and General Rennenkaempf's
advance through East Prussia. Still, once the Germans realised that
they had to meet resistance in Belgium it must be acknowledged
that they took immediate steps to break it down. Large siege guns
were hurried to the front, with the result, so far as can be
ascertained from the meagre news which is allowed to pass the
Censors on both sides of the Channel, that four of the strongest
forts at Namur fell after a three days' siege. Nothing, at first,
seemed to be able to stop, or even to check, the advance of
2,000,000 Teutons.
Although only a few details have been allowed to leak out, the
admitted facts all go to show that the German onslaught on France
through Belgium has been successful, but delayed. It is said that the
invaders expected to be in Paris within two weeks of crossing the
frontier, after which they expected to be able to turn the bulk of
their mighty army towards Russia before the Tsar's forces could be
properly mobilised—before, at any rate, they could take the field and
begin their advance into East Prussia. To this extent the plan has
miscarried, thanks to the gallant resistance of Liège. Unless the
Germans were in full possession of the railways at Liège and Namur
an entry into France would have been dangerous, since the free
passage of reinforcements could not be guaranteed. As it was, the
Russians were in possession of Eydkuhnen before the Germans were
in possession of Liège; and the German advance on Namur coincided
in point of time with the Russian advance on Insterburg.
While the German plans have miscarried to this extent, it would be
foolish not to realise that they have succeeded in other respects. A
glance at the map will show this; for if the official communiqués tell
us little else they tell us, at least, what the approximate position of
the armies was at given dates. On August 15th and 16th, for
instance, and even, we may assume, on the 17th, the German army
stretched in an irregular line from Maastricht to Alt Breisach, through
Huy, Arlon, Longwy, and Metz. The southern portion of it, composed
chiefly of Bavarians, lay from Château Salins to Strassburg, and
thence to the end of the long line in the neighbourhood of Alt
Breisach. The French army lay opposite in a nearly parallel line.
French regiments had reached and reinforced the Belgian lines at
Malines and Louvain, and the main body of the French army was
spread out along a front of nearly three hundred miles from
Tirlemont to Mülhausen, via Namur, Mézières, Verdun, Sarreburg,
Cirey, and Colmar.
As the Germans had opened their southern campaign by invading
French territory at Cirey and Longwy, the position of the French
army at this time makes it clear that General Joffre had taken the
offensive. The Germans had been driven back over their original
lines; Alsace had been invaded by the French; Altkirch and
Mülhausen had been captured, and even Strassburg was menaced.
This right wing of the French forces—the wing which had been
thrust forward into Alsace—was based, of course, on the
impregnable fortresses of Belfort and Epinal. As the subsequent
developments showed, this invasion of Alsace was a strategic error,
and this was acknowledged almost in so many words before a week
had passed.
Why, at this early stage, a forward move was made in this direction
was never explained. There were critics who not unreasonably called
it "fancy work." Certainly, it was to be expected that the Germans
would advance from their southern base of Strassburg, and their
central base of Metz; but the really serious work of the campaign, as
everybody expected, was to be in the north-east. The advance into
Alsace gave General Joffre an opportunity of issuing a proclamation
to the Alsatians which, in view of their treatment by the Germans for
more than a generation, naturally rejoiced them. But it was an
advance which had to be paid for in another direction, when the
main body of the German army began to make its way across the
Upper Meuse.
If the position of the German troops has been traced as indicated,
the line will be almost straight, except towards the south, where the
Germans have had to give way before the French in Alsace. A day or
two later, however, the line will be anything but straight. By the
20th, although there is still fighting at Liège, and Brussels has not
yet been occupied, there is a distinct German advance towards the
north-west. The invaders have pushed on to Malines and Louvain,
and, in the centre, they menace Namur. They have also brought up
large forces to Givet, Dinant, and Sedan. They are cut down by the
thousand; their dead fill the trenches; the defenders wonder how
the officers can possibly induce their men to advance in such close
formation, since they are certain to be annihilated. There is a
reason, nevertheless, and a good one; for the time being there is no
limit to the number of men who can be brought forward to take the
places of those that fall. The result is a slow German advance, and
everywhere the Allies, though stubbornly contesting every inch of
the ground, slowly retire.
By the 22nd there is a further decided change. Brussels has been
occupied, and the German forces are converging on Charleroi in, so
far as we know, six or seven parallel columns. From Enghien, from
Hal, from Nivelles, from La Hulpe, from Wavre, and from Jodoigne,
the Kaiser's troops make their way into the country lying between
Namur and Mons. We do not know, at this time, precisely where the
British troops are, nor are we at liberty to guess the strength of the
French in this district. We are soon to know, however. A battle rages
for three or four days at Charleroi; the French retire in good order;
and two thousand British casualties are reported. Our troops and the
French troops have behaved with the utmost gallantry; but, so far as
we can ascertain, they have been outnumbered by two to one—
perhaps in an even greater proportion. Set the minute hand of a
clock at eleven, and the hour hand at five. That will, roughly,
indicate the position of the German army (with the Belgian, British,
and French troops in an almost parallel line) about August 17th to
19th. Then bend the minute hand of the clock to nine. That will
convey a correct impression of the broad sweep made by the
northern wing of the German army within four or five days; and it
must be acknowledged, unfortunately, that it swept the Allies in
front of it.
The result of the first stages of the Charleroi fighting made one or
two things evident. In the first place, it was then known that the
strength of the opposing German armies had been considerably
under-estimated; they had succeeded in bringing up very strong
reinforcements, with field guns and adequate munitions, through
Liège. Secondly, it was seen that the French had not advanced
northwards in sufficiently strong force. General Joffre had
concentrated on Alsace and the Ardennes, rather than on the Namur
front. The official statement published in Paris shows the French
position at the commencement of the battle:

An army starting from Northern Woevre and proceeding towards

Neufchateau is attacking the German forces which have
marched through the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg on the right
bank of the Semois, and are going in a westerly direction.
Another army, which had started from the region of Sedan, is
crossing the Ardennes, and is attacking the German forces
which are marching between the Lesse and the Meuse.
A third army, from the region of Chimay, has begun an attack on
the German right between the Sambre and the Meuse. This
army is supported by the English army, proceeding from the
Mons region.

In this statement, as Mr. Ashmead-Bartlett remarked at the time,

several very important facts stood forth clearly:

(1) The French armies had never held the line of the Meuse and
of the Sambre in any strength.
(2) The German armies, before the commencement of the
fighting at Charleroi, were in possession of the country
contained within the triangle, of which Namur is the apex,
between the Sambre and the Meuse.
(3) Before some of its forts fell, Namur must have been entirely
isolated, and attacked not only from the north but also from the
south; and the French armies were not in a position to reinforce
the garrison unless they sent forward some detachments before
the Germans crossed the Sambre.
(4) In the fighting between August 18th and 22nd or 23rd it
was the French armies who attacked and not the German—
except in the neighbourhood of Mons.
Reference has been made to the triangle of which Namur is the
apex. This, it was generally believed by the military critics, was the
angle which the French were ready to occupy, if they had not,
indeed, already occupied it, before the fighting at Charleroi began.
The discovery that this triangle was really in possession of the
Germans came as a shock. Exaggerated hopes gave way to
exaggerated fears; and it was even held that the Germans had a
reasonable chance of breaking through the French lines in the north
and advancing on Paris before the Russians could advance much
further into Germany.
It is to be presumed that these fears are exaggerated, and that
General Joffre can shift his men from Alsace to the north. One
gathered that eighteen German army corps had advanced through
Belgium, and that only three or four had been left to watch over
Alsace-Lorraine. It would be unwise to hazard any conjecture as to
the strength of the French; but if it were said that the proportions
were just the reverse the statement might not be far out. At any
rate, the fact remains that at the time of writing the French advance
has been entirely checked; and the Allies are now on the defensive.
If General Joffre had chosen to remain on the defensive from the
first instead of advancing into Alsace; or, on the other hand, if he
had considerably strengthened his force in the north and advanced
in that direction with the object of establishing himself at Namur, the
position would have been totally different. The numbers of the
opposing forces would, at least, have been better proportioned, and
the "human tidal wave" could have been held back.
There is, of course, another side to the story. Although the Allies had
to retire, the retirement was carried out in good order. German
prisoners bore flattering testimony to the accuracy of the British
firing, and it was admitted that the invaders had lost very heavily—
so heavily, in fact, that they could not proceed with their advance for
a day or two. Furthermore, there was no particular reason why, at
this stage, the Allies should have wished to assume the offensive at
all. They were not driven out of their original defensive positions;
they merely failed, by their forward movement, to dislodge the
Germans, who were greatly superior to them in numbers. The net
result of the fighting was that the Allies had simply to abandon their
offensive—an offensive which does not appear to have been
included in their original plans. In the official statement already
quoted there was a passage saying: "On the orders of General Joffre
our troops and the British troops took up positions on the covering
line, which they would not have left had not the admirable Belgian
effort enabled them to enter Belgium." Commenting on this, Mr.
Ashmead-Bartlett said:

The only deduction one can draw from this is that these
operations were never included in the pre-arranged plan of
campaign, and that they were only undertaken on the
supposition that Namur, isolated and surrounded by the enemy,
would be able to offer the same prolonged resistance as Liège,
which would give the Allies time to advance in strength and
occupy the triangle formed by the junction of the Sambre and
the Meuse. The unexpected fall of this fortress at the very apex
has now forced General Joffre to fall back on his original line of
defence along the French frontier.

As will be seen from telegrams quoted in the course of the following

pages, German cavalrymen made a series of raids through northern
Belgium, and took possession of Ghent and Bruges, even
penetrating as far as Ostend. These raids, similar to many others in
the central and southern parts of the country, were carried out—the
Germans admitted it officially—with the aim of terrorising the civilian
population. It appears to be a German belief—quite erroneous!—that
when the civilian population is terrified by raids of this nature it
brings pressure to bear on the Government to "stop the war." On
August 26th, in order to check further German advances of this kind
along the coast, a large force of British marines took possession of
Ostend.
As moral effects count for as much in war as the effects of accurate
marksmanship or the "pounding" of siege guns, it should be stated
that the Belgian resistance did more than delay the German
advance. It had an effect which, in this war, was of even greater
importance. For forty years all Europe had been brought up to
believe in the invulnerability of the German army. The mere threat of
German intervention was enough to turn the scales in favour of any
proposals which were being urged by German diplomats. It almost
became an accepted axiom of diplomacy and war that the Germans
would always win and that their opponents would always lose.
Certainly the Germans, and above all the Prussians, lost no
opportunity of impressing this fact upon the world at large. To a
supreme belief in themselves they added a disdainful arrogance of
the rest of mankind which was, for an extraordinarily long period,
found effective and impressive.

The atmosphere which this attitude brought about, the atmosphere

of terror which had enveloped Europe for so many years, was swept
away, once and for all, by the Belgian army at Liège. Such was the
awesome feeling inspired by the mere name of Germany that we
should have hardly been surprised to see the Belgians turn tail and
throw down their arms without firing a shot. What did happen we all
know. The forts, which the Germans expected to capture in a few
hours, were still holding out after twelve days. In the field, small
forces of Belgians time and again cut up forces of Germans out-
numbering them by three or four to one. In some outpost
engagements, on a scale which would have entitled them to be
called battles a century or so ago, the invaders were beaten back
time after time—cavalry, infantry, and artillery were equally
ineffective against the Belgian arms. It was only by sheer weight of
numbers that the Belgians were forced back into Antwerp, and even
then they preserved their ranks intact and were ready, after a few
days' rest, for a further onslaught.
The importance of this great moral change should be emphasised.
The German army will never again represent invulnerability; it will
stand rather for pure savagery. Reference has already been made to
the raids undertaken by German cavalry for the purpose of
terrorising the civilian population. As the telegrams in this volume
will show, intimidation did not stop at mere raids, fuss, and noise.
Inoffensive civilians were shot on the slightest provocation; houses
were looted; villages burned; women and even young girls outraged;
boys battered to death with the butts of rifles—and all this was
done, not because the men got out of hand and "saw red"; but
systematically, because the invaders wished to terrorise the civil
population. When this statement was first made it seemed incredible
—the methods of the Huns or the Tartars in the twentieth century.
Some refutation, some attempt at refutation, from the German side
was awaited. It did not come. Instead there came an admission of
the truth of the allegations which had been accumulating for several
days.
After the outbreak of war it was customary for the German
"wireless" stations to send out war "news" at Nauen or Norddeich.
This was picked up by the Marconi Company and given out to the
English Press. The "news" was usually exaggerated and in many
cases utterly mendacious. But hidden away at the end of a batch of
these messages which reached London on August 27th was to be
found an appalling paragraph, which, in the course of a very few
lines, admitted publicly and officially the terrible charges of barbaric
savagery that during the preceding days had compelled the Belgian
Government to appeal to the judgment of the civilised world.
Special stress must be laid on the official character of this
confession, because it is notorious that nothing can be transmitted
from the German wireless stations under war conditions without the
express sanction and approval of the Berlin Government.
The statement in question is as follows:

The distribution of arms and ammunition among the civil

population of Belgium had been carried out on systematic lines,
and the authorities enraged the public against Germany by
 assiduously circulating false reports. They were under the
impression that, with the aid of the French, they would be able
to drive the Germans out of Belgium in two days. The only
means of preventing surprise attacks from the civil population
has been to interfere with unrelenting severity and to create
examples, which by their "frightfulness" would be a warning to
the whole country. The increased war contribution levied on the
Province of Liège has also had an excellent effect.

Could a confession be more frank or candid? Could any statement

nerve us, as we have never been nerved before, to resist the
menace of Prussian militarism to the uttermost?

CHAPTER I
Outbreak of War—Invasion of Belgium and Luxemburg—The First Fighting
at Liège

In the first volume of this series, "How the War Began," the causes
leading up to the great conflict were dealt with in detail. It may be
briefly recalled that on Thursday, July 23rd, the Austro-Hungarian
ultimatum was sent to Servia, the Belgrade authorities being allowed
only forty-eight hours in which to reply. The next day saw the
holding of a Cabinet Council in Russia. On July 25th the Austrian
Minister left Belgrade because the reply handed to him by the
Servian Cabinet was deemed unsatisfactory. Sir Edward Grey, on
Monday, July 27th, announced his plan for a "Four-Power
Conference"—Germany, France, Italy, and ourselves—a plan which
had to be abandoned owing to the hostility of Germany. On July
28th, Austria-Hungary declared war on Servia; a partial Russian
mobilisation was ordered on the 30th; Germany mobilised on the
31st.
It became evident at once that it was the aim of the German
General Staff to cripple the French army immediately, so that the
German soldiers, who were concentrated on the French and Belgium
frontiers, could be hurried back to East Prussia to meet the Russian
forces later on. Before any definite declaration of war had been
made, indeed, either against France or Russia, German patrols
invaded French territory on the night of July 31st, seized several
locomotives, and cut the telegraph and telephone wires. This may be
regarded as the first act of war, though the French outposts were
withdrawn in order that they might not come into actual conflict with
the invaders just then.
So serious had the international situation become, that the smaller
countries began to make preparations lest their territory should be
violated. On Friday, July 31st, the Belgian Government ordered a
partial, and the Dutch Government, a complete mobilisation; and
before the week-end had passed practically all Belgium was in arms.
The Stavelot-Malmedy route near the German frontier was
strengthened by advance cavalry outposts; dirigibles were got in
readiness; the Meuse strongholds were fully garrisoned, and barbed
wire fences were erected everywhere. On August 2nd, without
having yet declared war, Germany invaded the independent state of
Luxemburg, the neutrality of which had been guaranteed by the
Treaty of London of 1867, by Great Britain, Austria-Hungary, France,
Prussia, Russia, Italy, Holland, and Belgium.
The German soldiers arrived at the station of Luxemburg during the
night, seized the station and the Government offices, and held the
bridges on the Trèves and Trois Vierges lines, so as to ensure the
passage of military trains across the Grand Duchy. The Grand
Duchess was rudely treated by the German officers, and imprisoned
in her palace; and the invaders positively refused to withdraw. It was
admitted a day or two afterwards by the Imperial Chancellor,
speaking in the Reichstag, that the violation of neutral territory was
wrong, but that the Germans were determined, in his now famous
phrase, to "hack their way through."
At the same time the German army penetrated French territory at
two points, namely, Longwy and Cirey-les-Forges.
It was stated on August 2nd that the number of Germans who had
crossed the Grand Duchy was about 100,000, and that they were
concentrating in Belgian territory in the neighbourhood of Liège.
Strong guards were posted round the railway lines. On Sunday, too,
a despatch from Luxemburg announced that the Luxemburg Minister
of State had received, through the German Minister there, a
telegram from the Imperial Chancellor stating that the military
measures taken by the Germans in Luxemburg did not constitute a
hostile act against the Grand Duchy. They were simply measures
taken to protect the working of the railways connected with the
German system against a possible attack by French troops.
Luxemburg would be completely indemnified for any damage that
might be done to the lines.
Although Germany formally declared war on Russia on July 31st, no
great military efforts were made in the east. On the other hand, the
movements already made against France were followed up with
energy, in spite of the fact that diplomatic relations had not actually
been severed. What the next German step was may be seen from
the following brief statement, which was made by Sir Edward Grey in
the House of Commons on the evening of August 3rd:

Germany sent yesterday evening at seven o'clock a Note

proposing to Belgium friendly neutrality covering a free passage
through Belgian territory, and promising the maintenance of the
independence of the kingdom and possessions at the conclusion
of peace, and threatening in the case of refusal to treat Belgium
as an enemy.
A time limit of twelve hours was fixed for reply.

Belgium answered that an attack on their neutrality would be a

flagrant violation of the rights of nations and that to accept the
German proposal would sacrifice the honour of a nation
conscious of its duty. Belgium is firmly resolved to repel
aggression by all possible means.

King George at once signed the Proclamation ordering the

mobilisation of the entire British army and embodying the
Territorials. This cynical disregard of a Treaty to which Germany had
affixed her signature could be redressed in only one way. While the
British Expeditionary Force was being prepared, however, the
Germans were making haste to secure their positions in Belgium and
on the French frontier, and their movements were reported from the
outset by the special correspondents of The Daily Telegraph. On
August 4th, by order of the Belgian General Staff, the railway bridges
at Lavaux and Bastogne were destroyed, so as to delay the Germans
if they advanced through Luxemburg: everywhere the conditions in
Belgium were those of war. Civilians in all directions took refuge in
the towns, and the roads were blocked by wagons and ploughs. On
the Luxemburg frontier many German patrols and posts were seen.
The Germans occupied the whole of the province, with the object of
facilitating the concentration of their army.
A correspondent, returning from Longwy, the great natural fortress
which forms the advance guard of the French covering troops, found
it necessary, owing to military obstacles, to perform some part of the
journey on foot. The roads were barred by sentries and posts at all
points. The officers of the garrison asked him to assure the English
that the morale of the army was superb. Certainly, the
correspondent added, he had never seen French soldiers so calm,
cool, and confident.
On the same day the Germans entered Belgium at three points—
Dolhain, Francorchamps, and Stavelot; and other forces advanced
from Luxemburg in the direction of Longwy, Villerupt, and Thionville.
In the evening Belgium was declared to be in a state of war with
Germany. The German raids, following upon the insolent demand
that German troops should be allowed to march through the country,
had caused an intense feeling of indignation throughout Belgium.
At the Brussels recruiting station men of all ages literally fought to
enlist and get rifles. There was wild patriotic enthusiasm and no sign
of fear.
At an extraordinary sitting of Parliament many members appeared in
military uniform, ready to start for the front.
The King delivered the following speech to the deputies:

Never since 1830 has a graver hour sounded for Belgium. The
strength of our right and the need of Europe for our
autonomous existence make us still hope that the dreaded
events will not occur. If it is necessary for us to resist an
invasion of our soil, however, that duty will find us armed and
ready to make the greatest sacrifices. Our young men have
already come forward to defend the Fatherland in danger.
One duty alone is imposed upon us, namely, the maintenance of
a stubborn resistance, courage, and union. Our bravery is
proved by our faultless mobilisation and by the multitude of
voluntary engagements. This is the moment for action. I have
called you together to-day in order to allow the Chambers to
participate in the enthusiasm of the country. You will know how
to adopt with urgency all necessary measures. Are you decided
to maintain inviolate the sacred patrimony of our ancestors?
No one will fail in his duty, and the army is capable of
performing its task. The Government and I are fully confident.
The Government is aware of its responsibilities, and will carry
them out to the end to guard the supreme welfare of the
country. If a stranger should violate our territory he will find all
the Belgians gathered round their Sovereign, who will never
betray his constitutional oath. I have faith in our destinies. A
 country which defends itself wins the respect of everyone, and
cannot perish.
God will be with us.

Deafening cheers welcomed the announcement that M. Vandervelde,

the leader of the Socialists, had been nominated as Minister of State,
to show that men of all parties were now united for the defence of
the flag. The King's speech, appealing to the devotion of the whole
nation, and expressing confidence in the fate of a neutral and
peaceful country which had been so unlawfully attacked, caused an
indescribable outburst of loyal and brave assent. All bills regulating a
moratorium and the recall of more army drafts were voted without a
minute's discussion.
While the King and Queen left the Palace amid wonderful ovations,
emotion increased when the Premier, M. de Broqueville, announced
that Belgian territory had already been invaded by Germans, and
when he read the recent Germano-Belgian diplomatic notes,
threatening Belgium with Germany's dire vengeance for defending
her neutrality.
The King started for the front at once.
On August 5th, Dr. E.J. Dillon, one of The Daily Telegraph's special
correspondents, wired:

I received information this morning that British troops had

landed and were on their way to the frontier to defend Belgian
neutrality. I at once drove out to Laeken, through which suburb
they must pass. There I learned that the news was premature.
French regiments are alleged to have arrived at Namur. Others
are marching into Belgium. It is reported here that the German
troops, when entering Belgian territory, were fired upon from
houses in Visé, whereupon they decimated the population,
sparing neither age nor sex.
All these reports must be received with circumspection. I myself,
however, have witnessed scenes of poignant grief, the actors in
 which were relatives of the people in Visé, who had heard the
narrative and believed it. The authorities naturally keep such
things dark in order not to frighten the population, which is
incensed against the Germans.
Belgium is beset with German spies, who even now continue
their work, with marvellous deliberation and courage. Wireless
telegraphic apparatus is alleged by the authorities to be still
employed by the German agents, some of whom have been
arrested. The population of both Brussels and Antwerp are
excited against the Germans. The authorities are now effectually
protecting the shops. Twenty-five thousand Germans, many
occupying influential positions, reside in Antwerp, and the public
desires their expulsion in the interests of defence. Belgians have
been expelled from Germany and forbidden during the railway
journey to look out of the windows or speak any language but
German.
This morning a German eagle-shaped aeroplane was hovering
over Liège city. A Belgian aviator rose higher, and descended
heavily upon the German craft, cutting it in two. The Belgian is
said to be but slightly wounded. As his name is not given the
narrative is open to doubt.
An eye-witness of the combat at Visé affirms that a squadron of
Prussian cavalry moved towards Visé Bridge, in which the
Belgians had made a breach sixty mètres wide. The Belgians,
hidden among the broken piers, opened a cross-fire, almost
annihilating them. At the same time shots were fired from the
houses on the right bank of Visé, which was already occupied
by the Germans. It was then that the indiscriminate massacre of
the inhabitants by the German soldiers began. They also fired
upon the Red Cross ambulance.

The latest news received from the front on the same day stated that
under the protection of the long range guns of the fortress of Liège
the Belgian troops were putting up a fine defence against the
German invaders. They inflicted great losses on the enemy, whose
attempts to cross the River Meuse by means of a pontoon bridge
had failed. This, it was stated, would compel the Germans to cross
the Meuse on foot at the Dutch frontier. The attitude of the Dutch
towards them was not yet known.
Official news received at Brussels stated that a fierce fight had
occurred at Liège. The present situation was understood to be very
favourable for the Belgians, who had victoriously repulsed all the
German attacks. The Germans, who endeavoured to pass through
the spaces between the forts, were driven back by a mixed brigade.
It was said that not a single one who passed the intervals returned.
The German shells were unable to pierce the defences. German
aeroplanes showed themselves much inferior to the Belgian. None of
the Belgian aeroplanes sustained any accident, but several of the
German did so.
It was confirmed that the Germans behaved disgracefully at Visé.
They shot many civilians, expelling the remainder of the inhabitants
and giving the town to the flames.

The Rotterdamsche Courant in a leading article said that Holland had

read with satisfaction Sir Edward Grey's statement that it was
obligatory on the Great Powers to maintain the neutrality of the
Netherlands, Belgium, and Denmark. Holland also observed with
satisfaction that Germany was avoiding the Dutch frontier.
The engagement referred to above was generally known as the first
battle of Liège. Subsequent particulars of it showed that the Belgian
forces captured seven guns, and that 8,000 of the invaders were
killed and wounded. On Wednesday, August 5th, in an encounter
between the Vesdre and the Meuse Rivers a single Belgian squadron
annihilated six German squadrons. The Seventh German Corps
suffered enormous loss, 800 prisoners being brought into Brussels.
The encounter began in the early morning, and lasted till five in the
afternoon.
Germans, with the Seventh Army Corps supported by a large mass
of cavalry, began a violent attack against the south-eastern section
of the Liège stronghold, not engaging the forts with their artillery,
but trying to reach the interior of the stronghold through the
intervals.
The ground was mined in several places, and all the battalions were
destroyed. The German loss was enormous. That of the Belgians
was very much less.
Early on Wednesday morning, by force of numbers, the German
advance guard succeeded in entering Liège. Fighting went on in the
street for a time.
In view of the strength of the fortifications at Liège, the strategic
position of the town, and the fact that the main body of the Belgian
army was concentrated there, it became evident that the invaders
could not advance without either "containing" Liège—i.e.,
surrounding the place with a large body of troops, and, as it were,
imprisoning the garrison without making any attempt at capture—or
reducing the fortresses to such an extent as to drive the main body
of the Belgian army before it. The latter plan was adopted and was
eventually successful; but not before the heroic garrison, though
greatly outnumbered, had succeeded in delaying the German
advance for nine or ten days. As time was an essential factor in the
German programme, it is difficult for us to over-estimate the
advantage which thus accrued to the defenders of Western Europe.
The town of Liège stands on the Meuse, close to the point where the
hills on its left bank come to an end, and near the spot where the
valleys of the Vesdre and Ourthe on the other side afford routes for
roads and railways, east to Verviers and southwards towards the
Ardennes. The main stream divides the far-extending city into an
older town, wherein is situated the citadel and most of the public
buildings, and a newer suburb containing the manufacturing
establishments and dwellings of the artisans. The most noteworthy
buildings are the magnificent church of St. Jacques, dating from the
eleventh century, the handsome Académie des Beaux Arts, the
Theatre Royal, built upon the model of the Odéon at Paris, the Palais
de Justice, and Town Hall. Liège owes much of its prosperity to the
fact that it is the centre of a rich coal district, some of the mines
actually extending under the houses and streets.
Iron industries and coal increased its population from 113,000 in
1873 to 169,000 in 1910. The iron manufacturers are chiefly
concerned with the production of cannon and those implements of
war for which the adjoining township of Seraing is especially famous.
The textile industry also employs thousands of workers, while paper,
oil, tobacco, leather, gold and silver ware, bicycles, watches, and
light machinery of all kinds are manufactured in the busy quarters.
Known to the Germans as Lüttich, the city is the capital of the
Walloons, a race who have been described as "marked by an
indefatigable industry and a fierce and implacable spirit of hostility
towards those who have attempted to infringe their privileges."
Since its foundation the town has been the scene of endless fighting.
Charles of Burgundy sacked it in 1468, and put thousands of its
brave inhabitants to death. It was stormed by Maximillian I. in 1649;
three times by the French between 1675 and 1691; and was
captured by Marlborough in 1702. In the wars of 1792-94 French
and Austrians fought repeatedly for its possession, the height of
Robermont outside the defences being the spot where the Prince of
Coburg was defeated by Marshal Jourdan on September 19th, 1794,
in the last battle fought by the Austrians on Belgian soil. The citadel,
500 feet above the sea level, whence the approach of the Germans
was anxiously watched, commands a view over the whole of the city
and the populous and industrious valleys of the Meuse, while in the
South can be seen from its summit the peaks of the Ardennes and
northward the Petersburg near Maastricht and the broad plains of
Limburg.
Hardly had the siege begun in earnest when a small body of Uhlans,
who had been directed by spies to the headquarters of General
Leman, the Belgian commander, made a determined attempt to
assassinate him by forcing their way into his office and shooting at
him with revolvers. One of the General's brother officers lifted him
up bodily, carried him to the yard at the back of the house, and
dropped him over the wall into the yard alongside. This promptness,
in the momentary confusion, was believed to have saved General
Leman's life. Two Belgian gendarmes and an officer were killed; but
the other Belgians present shot dead the Uhlans who had made the
daring raid. There were eight of them in all—two officers and six
men.
In a despatch sent off in the evening of August 6th Dr. E.J. Dillon
briefly summed up the early fighting. The invading army, he stated,
at first expected a mere nominal resistance. Disappointed, they
despatched forces to the north and south-east of Liège, where are
the forts of Barchon, north of Evegnée, of Fléron and Chaud-fontaine
to the east, and of Embourg and Boncelles to the south. The attacks
proceeded at various points along this front.
The position at Liège was defended by forts and also by field works,
trenches, barbed-wire entanglement, and mines, with artillery served
by mobile troops, under improvised cover, who occupied the spaces
between the forts, but hidden behind them so that the Germans who
endeavoured to pass through these spaces in order to surround the
forts were unable to determine the position of the field works and
direct their artillery fire against them. This piece of strategy proved
fatal to the enemy's troops, who were exposed to artillery fire from
the forts, and cut down piecemeal by the defenders within the
spaces. The country was favourable to the invaders, owing to the
ravines, woods, and winding roads, which enabled them to advance
under natural cover. Despite this advantage, the Belgians, who
displayed genuine heroism, drove them back with slaughter, but not
without themselves making heavy sacrifices, which they did with a
degree of valour that commanded universal admiration. The Russian
Tsar sent his hearty congratulations.
During the night of Wednesday—Thursday, a tremendous assault
was undertaken by the Germans, in which the entire Seventh Army
Corps took part. The Belgians manfully held their positions, while the
whole country around, illumined by dazzling searchlights, quaked as
if shaken by a seismic convulsion. The grey light of morning revealed
hundreds of German corpses and also the advance of the German
forces against Fort Barchon. The Belgians having formed a mixed
brigade of two regiments, proceeded to effect a daring counter-
attack from the heights of Wandre. Their advance was as irresistible
as an oceanic tide. The Germans stood a few minutes awaiting the
onset, and then fled panic-stricken. The Seventh Corps was broken,
and a few hours later 5,000 fugitives passed by Maastricht, where
they were received, fed, and, curiously enough, sent to Aix-la-
Chapelle.
On the south the spaces between the forts of Embourg were the
objective of a resolute attack. The invaders advancing within three
hundred yards of the Garde Civique were first deprived of their
colonel, whom a soldier shot dead, and were then literally mown
down like grass by the scythe.
Meanwhile the German artillery fire was concentrated upon the
Château of Langres, opposite Fort Embourg. Under cover of a heavy
artillery fire a body of German troops surrounded the Château when
suddenly a grey cloud with flame arose, followed by a terrific
explosion. The Belgians having mined the Château had blown it up,
and many Germans with it.
The upshot of this brilliant stand made by the Belgians was the
maintenance of all the forts, the capture of numerous prisoners and
seven guns, the death of 800 and the disablement of thousands of
the enemy, and the defeat of the two crack corps of Brandenburg.
After this defeat the Germans sent a parlementaire to demand the
surrender of Liège, threatening an attack by a Zeppelin airship as
the alternative. General Leman's refusal was speedily followed by an
advance executed by the Tenth Army Corps. It was repulsed.
The Belgian War Office stated that the German invaders, having
already lost about 25,000 men, killed, wounded, or taken prisoners,
requested the Belgian authorities to grant a twenty-four hours'
armistice. This was refused.

CHAPTER II
French join Belgians—Details of the Battles—German Spy System—Raids
by Uhlans
French outposts effected a junction with the Belgians on the 7th.
Before they could offer effective assistance, however, the first battle
had already taken place. The Germans, profiting from their previous
experience of the Belgian forces, had this time taken greater
precautions and brought up more men. A Daily Telegraph
correspondent said that he could clearly see from the hill the
Germans in little boats and others building a pontoon over the
Meuse south of Visé. The horses were swum across. The crossing
was carried out in half a dozen places with great regularity. The
Germans did not seem much concerned at the fire of the Belgian
forts. The Belgian troops were spread out over the rising ground.
Fire from a German mitrailleuse kept the Belgians at a distance, and
slowly the whole hillside became covered with German soldiers, who
drove the Belgians before them.
Near Visé an automobile arrived with five Belgian civilian guards.
They alighted from the car and advanced on foot. A German patrol
called on them to halt, and instantly the Belgians fled. Four escaped;
one fell wounded. As they passed him the Germans said that when
they came back they would kill him.
By five o'clock a large force of Germans had crossed the Meuse and
commenced to march south on Liège. The Belgians tried to harass
the Germans by firing into the progressing columns. At last the
Belgians ceased firing and retired. From the houses along the road
the people took to flight in despair.
In the village of Eben people were calm, looking with astonishment
at the tremendous body of troops passing along the route. They
were not molested at all as the Germans progressed towards Liège
along both banks of the Meuse.
With characteristic optimism Germans said: "In two days we will
have Liège, and within a week we will be before Paris." The
Germans did not seem to have any idea, in fact, that in front of
Liège they might have an encounter with the French Army.
An incident was reported which showed how little the German
soldier knew about the war in which he was engaged. Amongst the
wounded in Maastricht was a young German of eighteen who
believed that he had been fighting the French. Great was his
surprise when he was told he had been fighting the Belgians. "The
Belgians!" he said, "but we have no quarrel with the Belgians!" He
was under the impression that he had a French bullet in him.
Already the advance guard was fighting near Liège, and the
Germans agreed that they had lost heavily. They said, "Cost what it
may, we will take Liège." Fort Pontisse, near Liège, was heavily
attacked.
Some of the wounded Germans received bullets in the back in the
encounter at Visé. It was believed that, by mistake, one body of
Germans fired into another. Twenty-six were killed and wounded.
Small wonder that the feelings of the people were filled with anguish
at Maastricht, as at all hours of the day motor ambulances came in
from the battlefield. The seriously wounded were brought to
Maastricht, where there were surgeons. The less seriously wounded
were taken to Eysden.
A Dutch lady with two children took to flight from Visé on hearing
that the Germans were approaching. She was stopped by a body of
Germans, who compelled her to go with them to Visé and afterwards
show where they could get provisions. Finally she was escorted to
the frontier.
In a later telegram the same correspondent said:

I have just returned from the frontier village of Mesch, where I

saw the most magnificent and impressive sight of a vast
German army. From the hill on which I was standing I could see
the German troops come up before me, artillery, cavalry,
infantry, and all, while behind the hill I could hear the boom of
gun fire.
As the Holsteiner Dragoons passed I could see on their colour
the date 1871. Then I saw fifteen farmers with bent heads led
forth as prisoners. Their crime was that they had defended their
homes.
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