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Japanese Contract and Anti Trust Law A Sociological
and Comparative Study 1st Edition Visser T'Hooft Digital
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Author(s): Visser t'Hooft
ISBN(s): 9780700715770, 0700715770
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Year: 2002
Language: english
Japanese contract and Anti-Trust Law
Japanese Contract and
    Anti-Trust Law
A Sociological and Comparative
             Study
    ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS                                      vii
    LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS                                 ix
1   INTRODUCTION                                           1
1   The Japanese interest in continuing domestic trade     1
    relationships
2   Distribution agreements, definition and terminology    3
3   Unilateral termination of distribution agreements      6
4   Problems for distributors and the legal response       9
5   The main purposes of this study                       11
6   Structure of this study                               13
7   Discussion on Japanese attitudes toward contracts     17
8   Explanation of the following chapters                 19
2   JAPANESE CONTRACT LAW AND THE UNILATERAL              21
    TERMINATION OF DISTRIBUTION AGREEMENTS
1   Introduction                                          21
2   Japanese civil and commercial codes                   22
3   Case law                                              25
4   Legal literature                                      39
5   A brief comparison with the Dutch judicial approach   42
6   Barriers to litigation                                43
7   Conclusion                                            47
3   JAPANESE ANTI-TRUST LAW AND THE                       51
    UNILATERAL TERMINATION OF DISTRIBUTION
    AGREEMENTS
                                                                       v
1    Introduction                                                    51
2    Substantive Japanese anti-trust law                             52
3    Public law enforcement of anti-trust law                        59
4    Private vate law enforcement of anti-trust law                  63
5    Complaint with the FTC                                          78
6    conclusion                                                      80
4    TERMINATION DISPUTES WITHIN THE JAPANESE                        83
     DISTRIBUTION SYSTEM FOR LUXURY COSMETICS
     A CASE STUDY: MANUFACTURERS V.
     DISCOUNTERS
1    Introduction                                                    83
2    The development of the Japanese luxury cosmetics distribution   87
     system
3    Shiseido v. Fujiki                                              91
4    Kao v. Egawakikaku                                              100
5    Victories for discounters before the Tokyo district court       103
6    Leading Cosmetics Manufacturers v. Kawachiya                    107
7    The first Tokyo High Court decision in favour of Shiseido       111
     (september 1994)
8    The FTC recommendation against Shiseido (june 1995)             115
9    The second Tokyo High Court decision in favour of Kao (july     120
     1997)
10   The Supreme Court decision (december 1998)                      123
11   Conclusion                                                      127
5    DUTCH LAW AND THE UNILATERAL                                    133
     TERMINATION OF DISTRIBUTION AGREEMENTS
1    Introduction                                                    133
2    The situation in the Netherlands                                134
3    Dutch contract law                                              135
4    Anti-trust law                                                  148
5    Applicable contract law and eu anti-trust law in the Dutch      166
     distribution system for luxury cosmetics
vi
                  BIBLIOGRAPHY                                    195
     APPENDIX I   CASE LAW: JAPAN                                 207
 APPENDIX II      CASE LAW: THE NETHERLANDS                       211
APPENDIX III      CASE LAW: EUROPEAN UNION                        213
                  PUBLICATIONS IN THE MEIJERS SERIES              215
                  CURRICULUM VITAE                                219
                              Acknowledgements
First and foremost I would like to express my gratitude to the late Prof. A.A.G. Peters who
was my supervisor when I started this research in 1993. He was a great inspiration to me.
His enthusiasm for the study of Japanese law motivated me to pursue this research. His
proposal that I conduct a few in-depth case studies in Japan has indeed proved to be very
rewarding.
   With the financial support of a two-year scholarship from the Japanese Ministry of
Education I was able to conduct my research at the faculty of law of Tokyo University from
1993 to 1995. I am profoundly indebted to Prof. Yoshihisa Nōmi and Prof. Takashi Uchida
who were my supervisors during this period. For the many stimulating discussions with
them, which were very helpful in developing my research questions, I am very grateful. I
also wish to express my appreciation for the assistance that I received from many other staff
members of the faculty of law of Tokyo University.
   In particular, I would like to thank Mitsuo Matsuzawa (the General Editor of the
Commercial Law Centre) who assisted me in my field research into the termination disputes
within the Japanese distribution system for luxury cosmetics. Through his numerous
contacts he was able to arrange the many interviews I conducted in Japan. Without his
assistance these interviews would not have been possible. Furthermore, he continuously
provided me with much of the necessary Japanese legal material. And, of course, I would
also like to express my sincere appreciation to all those I interviewed in Japan.
   A grant from the Isaac Alfred Ailion Foundation enabled me to continue my research at
Leiden University and to return to Japan during November 1997 for the second part of my
field research.
   I would also like to acknowledge the support I received from the Dutch law firm, Trenité
van Doorne, where I worked as a part-time employee from 1996 to 1998. Their strong
interest in my research was very stimulating. They also provided numerous opportunities
for gathering information on Dutch law and practice, which enabled me to bring my research
in Japan into perspective.
   I also wish to express my gratitude to the practicing attorneys G.van der Wal and
R.F.K.Visser who provided invaluable information about the termination disputes within
the Dutch distribution system for luxury cosmetics.
viii
                                     1
           THE JAPANESE INTEREST IN CONTINUING DOMESTIC TRADE
                              RELATIONSHIPS
Since the beginning of the 20th century, starting in the 1920s, there has always been a strong
interest in domestic continuing trade relationships (keizokuteki torihiki)1 among legal scholars
and practitioners in Japan. In the first 20 years there had been much influence of German
legal doctrine upon these scholars.2 During that period the labour and lease contract were
the main representatives of continuing contracts. Yet, their interest was not so much based
on practical cases. It was not focused on the actual condition of these relationships, but
rather on general theory. There was mostly a theoretical interest in continuing trade
relationships.3
   In contrast, particularly since the 1960s, many Japanese scholars and practitioners
became more interested in Japanese ‘living law’ and more empirical research was conducted
on commercial relationships within the distribution sector. For this reason, many of these
scholars started to gain more interest in distribution agreements as one type of continuing
1 Continuing contracts can be structured in a variety of ways: ‘long-term’ contracts with stipulated,
periodic deliveries and payment; long-term master contracts under which a series of subsidiary,
independent sales are made; open-ended contracts with an alternating series of obligations; or a series
of orders placed with a transaction partner on the same terms each time, within a trading relationship.
See Veronica Taylor (1993), ‘Continuing Transactions and Persistent Myths: Contracts in
Contemporary Japan’, 19 Melbourne University Law Review 371.
2 German legal doctrine had a strong influence on Japanese civil law after the enactment of the
Japanese Civil and Commercial Codes at the end of the 19th century. They were drafted largely along
the lines of the German Civil and Commercial Codes.
3 Takashi Uchida (1997), ‘Keizokuteki torihiki ni kansuru jisshōteki kenkyū no mokuteki to igi’ (The Meaning
and Purpose of Empirical Research in Relation to Continuing Trade), 627 New Business Law 6. For a
list of these Japanese studies, see Hiroyasu Nakata (1994), Keizokuteki baibai no kaishō (The Termination
of Continuing Trade), p. 20–24.
4 H.Nakata (1994), Ibid., p. 28,44.
2 CHAPTER 1
commercial contract. This was also triggered by the growing number of termination
disputes concerning distribution agreements which received their attention.4
   Of a slightly different nature is the recent focus in Japan among legal scholars and
economists on continuing commercial trade relationships and Japanese trade customs
(nihonteki torihiki kankō). During the period of great economic growth in Japan there had
already been an interest in these customs, but particularly the recent trade problems
between Japan and the US have caused this interest to becomemuch stronger than
previously. During the Structural Impediment Initiative (SII) talks between the US and
Japan which started at the end of the 1980s, the US negotiators criticised Japan for its
traditional transaction practices and also argued that continuing commercial contracts in
Japan were an invisible trade barrier which prevented new market entrants from establishing
business in the distribution sectors of the Japanese economy. They further contended that
continuing contracts are a means by which unfair competition devices such as resale price
maintenance and rebates are established and that such practices are seldom made explicit
in the terms of the contract.5
   Although some disagreement exists in Japan among legal scholars and economists about
what exactly constitute Japanese trade customs, they all agree that it is the existence of
many enduring trade relationships in Japan which enhances the use of these Japanese trade
customs. Many recent economic studies concerning Japan also point to the fact that
continuing transactions are integral to the operation of Japanese-style capitalism.6
   The legal scholar Takashi Uchida indicates that so far among the Japanese there have
been three ways of discussing continuing trade relationships in Japan.7 In the first approach
the distinct nature of the Japanese preference for continuing contracts is emphasised and
explained by Japanese culture. Several Japanese legal practitioners pointed out that in Japan
                                      2
                   DISTRIBUTION AGREEMENTS, DEFINITION AND
                                 TERMINOLOGY
When Japanese manufacturers wish to sell their products they have many possibilities. In
most cases they appoint independent merchants to resell the products to other wholesalers,
retailers or ultimate consumers.10
   There is no codified legal definition in Japan of a distribution agreement. Moreover, it
is difficult to give a clear definition of a Japanese distributor. These independent traders
are usually called tokuyakuten, dairiten or hanbaiten.11 The exact definition of the word for
distributor, tokuyakuten, which is used most frequently, is not very clear. The vagueness
surrounding this word is caused by the various expressions used in actual business, in legal
discourse and judicial decisions. Furthermore, in trading relationships between
manufacturers and distributors the contents of the actual trade are also sometimes not very
clear.12 Usually, it is not the name which parties give to the contract that is determinative,
but the actual circumstances of the trade. Generally speaking, a distributor is an independent
trader who sells the products of his supplier in his own name and for his own profit.
   In Japan the term distributorship is commonly used to describe a sales representative
who purchases products from the supplier for resale to other wholesalers, retailers, or the
ultimate consumers, with the ownership right to the goods usually passing to the distributor
at the time of delivery of the products.13 The essence of a distributorship is not the mere
repetition of purchase and sale of the principal’s products, but rather a grant to the
distributor by the principal of the right to sell the products of the supplier and a continuous
supply to the distributor by the supplier of its products to effectuate such a sales right.
   It is very difficult to discover a brief and clear definition of a distribution agreement in
Japanese legal material. Most Japanese legal scholars only describe the characteristics of
this agreement without providing any brief definition. Based on these descriptions I use the
following definition of the distribution agreement:
   An agreement whereby one party, the distributor, agrees to purchase and resell in his
own name and for his own account products and/or services of a certain company on a
continuing basis and agrees to co-operate with the marketing policy of that company. In
turn the company, or its importer or higher-level distributor, agrees to sell and supply these
products and/or services to the distributor.
   Although ownership and control generally rest with the individual distributor, it is still
very susceptible to the control exercised by the manufacturer or higherlevel distributor,
often because of the terms of the distribution agreement. Although both parties are mutually
dependent, they are not equal. There are differences in economic power and social status,
which are also characteristic of distributorships in other modern industrialised nations.
   Generally speaking, I assume that distributorships in Japan share many common
characteristics with distributorships elsewhere.14 It must be noted that distribution
agreements often represent a highly developed form of retailing in which a product or
service is bundled together with an efficient delivery system. Distributors purchase not
only the products themselves but also expertise and management advice. Producers choose
distributors who will promote the product as if it were their own. Therefore, they also
need to control the quality of service offered by the distributor. The value of the trademark
must be maintained by providing the products and services in the agreed manner.
                                            2.1
               Standard Patterns in the Phrasing of Distribution Agreements
These agreements are usually standard-form. Typical clauses of a distribution agreement
are the following:15
                                                                              INTRODUCTION 5
   First, there is usually a clause which formally appoints the distributor as a tokuyakuten of
the manufacturer’s brand. In addition, there are clauses, which stipulate that the distributor
shall endeavour to expand the sales and they furthermore oblige that distributor to provide
information about its customers to the manufacturer. The standard-form contracts also
usually impose duties upon the distributor as to how to use the trade and service marks.
   These contracts may also contain provisions for minimum annual purchases or resales.
Sometimes these provisions are imposed in the form of a legal obligation but in most cases
they are only included in the form of targets which the distributor shall endeavour to reach
(doryoku mokuhyō). Occasionally, the contracts set out the limits on the amount of credit
extended to the distributor but in most cases the manufacturers do not wish to clearly
express these limits.
   These contracts may also include non-competition clauses and sales territory clauses
which make the contracts exclusive. The more exclusive the transaction the more
interdependent the parties will be. Finally, typical clauses are those in which the
manufacturer shall provide the distributor with information about the products and the
market, shall cover part of the advertisement costs and shall train the distributor’s personnel.
   In most cases these standard-form contracts also set out the contract period and include
automatic renewal clauses. Furthermore, they usually include intermediate termination
clauses, which entitle one of the parties to cancel immediately in case important obligations
are not honoured by the other party.
                                             2.2
                                    Franchise Agreements
A special distribution agreement is the franchise agreement where the manufacturer
exercises the most control over the distributor.16 In the franchise agreement the ‘franchiser’
usually has almost unlimited decision-making authority over the ‘franchisee’. It provides
the marketing concept, product ideas and design and develops procedures for delivering
the products. In return for the payment of royalties franchisees may utilise the ‘bundled’
services and/or products provided by the franchiser which are to be resold under a certain
image which is determined by the franchiser. It must be noted that franchising systems have
increased very rapidly during the 1990s within Japan.17
                                         2.3
           Differences with other Agreements within the Japanese Distribution
                                        Sector
Finally, it is important to distinguish the distribution agreement from the commercial agency
agreement (dairishō keiyaku) and the consignment sales agreement (itaku hanbai keiyaku).
   First, a commercial agent refers to an independent trader who makes repeated sales of
products of his principal. He has no ownership right to the products he sells and he does
not purchase products from his principal. He sells products for the account of his principal
and in return he receives a commission from his principal. In general, from the standpoint
of termination the difference between distribution and agency agreements is that the amount
invested by an agency in its business and in promoting the principal’s products is likely to
be lower than the amount invested by a distributor.18
   Second, the consignment sales agreement differs from a distribution agreement in that
the buyer, usually called a commission agent (toiya), sells the goods in his own name but
for the account of the producer. The producer consigns the goods to the buyer but retains
ownership of the goods. Where goods remain unsold, these can be returned to the seller
at no cost to the buyer. The producer bears the market risk and in addition he must pay a
sales commission to the commission agent. The latter is a consignor in relation to the supplier
but a seller in relation to the purchaser.19
   Important factors demarcating the distributor from the commercial agent and
commission agent are not the commercial usage of the name of the entities or the name of
the contract but the legal factors, such as for whose account the trader sells the products,
who bears the loss for unsold products, who retains the title to the products and what he
receives as his income.20
   Several Japanese legal practitioners have pointed out that distribution agreements are
far more frequently used within the distribution sector for selling products than commercial
or commission agency contracts.21 Moreover, terminations of such agreements have not
caused as many disputes as terminations of distribution agreements.
                                    3
                  UNILATERAL TERMINATION OF DISTRIBUTION
                               AGREEMENTS
In such a highly competitive economy as the Japanese one terminations of distribution
agreements or the halting of supplies have occurred frequently.22 In most recorded cases
it concerns manufacturers who cancelled these agreements. Sometimes this led to litigated
termination disputes, which have been analysed in detail by many Japanese legal scholars.
These disputes especially involved medium and small-sized companies who usually
terminated in a more abrupt manner than large manufacturers leaving the distributor no
option but to litigate.23 By contrast, in only a limited number of cases have distributors
cancelled the agreement with the manufacturers. Although these may have led to some
termination disputes they fall beyond the scope of this study. I decided to focus on the
terminations by manufacturers since these are much more frequent and lead to more
problems than terminations by distributors.
   In recent years frictions between manufacturers and distributors have increased.
Recently, there have been significant pressures both to lower prices and to restructure
distribution channels in Japan. This has put a greater strain on many continuing commercial
contracts, which have been described so extensively in Japanese literature.24 Economic
pressures have not only caused further restructuring of distribution systems and subsequent
terminations of distribution agreements by manufacturers, but also a greater volume of
termination disputes.
                                            3.1
                Recent Causes for Unilateral Terminations by Manufacturers
The most important factor is the current recession. After 25 years of enormous economic
growth,25 at the end of the 1980s the ‘bubble’ economy had well and truly burst. This
caused a long period of stagnant economic growth which started in the early 1990s and led
to the current recession. It has left Japanese consumers with less purchasing power than
before. Therefore, pressures to sell at lower prices have increased, even leading to
deflationary pressures throughout the economy. This has in turn triggered the sudden
growth of discounters in the 1990s which had many repercussions in the distribution sector.26
   Although there may be examples of manufacturers and distributors working even more
closely together in the current poor economic climate in order to survive, the exact opposite
also occurs. While trust in one’s business partners and standards of co-operation may work
in good times, they cannot always be counted on when the economic tide turns.27 The
current turndown has particularly struck small businesses such as distributors. Large
companies have cut back on distributors and have sometimes stopped providing goods to
them. The distributors face hard times and sometimes even bankruptcy and have increasingly
sought the help of the civil courts, since they no longer feel obligated to their long-term
partners who have abandoned them for several reasons.
   Increasingly, lawsuits for specific performance and claims for damages for breach of
contract are being filed because of financial losses. Facing the possibility of recovering a
18 Yasuzo Takeno (1997) in: Agustm Jausàs (ed), International Encyclopedia of Agency & Distribution
Agreements, p. 169.; Also R.Christou (1996) (ed.), International Agency, Distribution and Licensing
Agreements, p. 489.
19 This transaction type is usually identified as a traditional contracting practice and is currently
gradually decreasing. See also about this transaction type V.Taylor (1993), o. c., p. 364–367.
20 Yasuzo Takeno (1997), o. c., p. 167.
21 Ibid., p. 168; K.Kawagoe (1988), o. c., p. 10; K.Egashira (1992), o. c., p. 205–206.
22 For example, see Kenji Iwaki and Noboru Kashiwagi (1995), ‘Kakaku hakai genshōka no keizokuteki
torihiki’ (Continuing Trade and the Phenomenon of Price Destruction) Zadankai (Round Table
Discussion), 560 New Business Law 8–10; See also V.Taylor (1993), o. c., p. 357.
23 See Kenji Iwaki (1995), o. c., p. 10.
8 CHAPTER 1
loss in legal proceedings can outweigh the disadvantages of litigation. They may have
invested heavily in the relationship. Furthermore, poor economic conditions decrease the
possibilities for a compromise since the parties have less leeway (extra cash) for such a
compromise. They prefer to risk litigation rather than settle.28 Special reference needs to
be made to the fact that the recession and the resulting decrease in consumer demand has
recently caused a great number of disputes within the rapidly growing franchise industry.
There has been much friction in the relationship between franchisers and franchisees which
has sometimes led to termination disputes.29
   Another economic factor, which increases pressures upon the distribution sector, are
the efforts for more deregulation starting in the 1990s. This increases competition and the
need for manufacturers to restructure their distribution systems.30 A good example is the
replacement of the ‘Large Scale Retail Store Law’ by a more lenient law which enhances
the possibilities for opening large stores. It needs to be added that these factors enhance
the possibilities for foreign companies to start business in Japan, which only increases with
the competition within the distribution sector and the resulting restructuring.31
   Finally, a third factor increasing pressure on the distribution sector and resulting in more
termination disputes is of a legal nature. This is the stricter enforcement of the Japanese
Anti-monopoly Act which is, in part, attributable to outside pressure from the US As will
be explained below the stronger enforcement of the Act has also triggered more distributors
to take legal measures after the distribution agreements have been terminated.
Furthermore, it is necessary to refer to the current re-evaluation of the exemption system
under which certain products were exempt from application of the Anti-monopoly Act
provisions relating to resale price maintenance. For an increasing number of products the
exemption from these provisions has been eliminated.
   It must be further noted that all the above-mentioned factors also exert pressure on many
trade customs which created much mutual dependency and which were widespread during
the long period of high economic growth. These include rebate programs; quoted price or
24 Kenji Kawagoe, Kenji Iwaki, Noboru Kashiwagi and Kōji Shind ō (1995), o. c., p. 4–19.
25 I have not compared the situations in times of previous recessions, but the current recession is the
worst since World War II, resulting in more pressure on continuing contracts than previously.
26 Kenji Iwaki explains that the growth of discounters forms the third and most influential revolution
in the Japanese distribution sector since World War II. It has had more impact than the rise of super-
markets or convenience stores which are considered to constitute the first and second revolution
within the distribution system. See K.Iwaki (1995), o. c., p. 7.
27 See for a good example: Michael Gerlach (1990), Trust is not Enough: Cooperation and Conflict
in Kikkoman’s American Development’, 16 Journal of Japanese Studies 422.
28 Joseph Davis (1996), Dispute Resolution in Japan, p. 139–141; N.Kashiwagi (1992), ‘Nihon no torihiki
to keiyaku hō’ (Japanese Trade and Contract Law), 500 New Business Law 22–23. In Japan, as in other
modern industrialised countries, it is especially in the termination stage of the continuing commercial
contract that law might matter. The desire to terminate can often provide the impetus for driving
dispute resolution into the formal legal arena. At this stage, the parties may not shy away from legal
action because they accept that the commercial relationship will collapse.
                                                                                     INTRODUCTION 9
suggested retail price systems, the dispatch personnel system and returns to manufacturers
of retailers’ unsold products.32
                                         3.2
                Common Types of Unilateral Termination by Manufacturers
According to Japanese legal practitioners the following two types of termination occurred
regularly in the 1990s.33 One type of termination occurs when manufacturers wish to cut
costs. In these cases the manufacturer finds a better alternative or takes distribution into
its own hands, thereby expending with the services of the distributor. This usually happens
after the distributor has expanded the sales of the manufacturer’s products and the market
has reached saturation point. Since many distributors in Japan are very inefficient, which
causes high retail prices, this type of termination has always occurred frequently, and can
be considered to be a natural process.34 However, recently this type of termination has
undoubtedly increased when the pressures to lower prices have become so much stronger.35
    One other common type of termination relates much more to the current pressures
upon the Japanese distribution system. This type of termination occurs when leading
manufacturers cancel contracts with distributors who sell the products at prices which are
lower than those agreed upon with the manufacturer. These terminations have been brought
about by the rise of regular distributors which turned themselves into discounters starting
in the 1990s. It concerns distributors who want to increase their competitive power and
expand their sales by lowering resale prices. This second type of termination frequently
occurs in industries where leading manufacturers enjoy a great deal of control over the
majority of their distributors.36 They want to keep resale prices at a certain level and decide
to terminate the contract. Furthermore, they might have been subject to pressure from
regular distributors which are forced to compete with such discounters.
                                   4
            PROBLEMS FOR DISTRIBUTORS AND THE LEGAL RESPONSE
Distributors sometimes take legal measures after a termination of the contract because
terminations can be very damaging to them. Manufacturers can cause a great amount of
29 See M.Sugawara and S.Saito (1998), ‘Furanchaizu hikari to yami’ (Franchise, Light and Darkness)
in: Nikkei Business 23 February 1998, p. 23–24; Also H.Tanaka and K.Fukazawa (1998) ‘Furanchaizu
no jigoku’ (The Franchise Hell) in: Shūkan Daiyamondo 20 June 1998, p. 24–45.
30 See on the increasing dependence on civil remedies before the civil courts during this period of
deregulation: Kenji Kawagoe, Hiroshi Takahashi, Yoshihisa Nōmi, Kazuhiko Bandō (1998), ‘Kisei
kanwa jidai ni okeru hō no jitsugen’ (Law Enforcement in a Period of Deregulation), 632 New Business
Law 4–16; 633 New Business Law 43–51. (Zadankai) (Round Table Discussion).
31 Nihon Keizai Shinbun (ed.) (1993), Ryūtsū gendaishi (Modern History of Distribution), p. 358–
359. The factors which I have referred to are by no means exhaustive. But an overall overview of all
the relevant factors falls beyond the scope of this study. For example, the strong growth of large-scale
retailers can also be regarded as influential. See Roy Larke (1994), Japanese Retailing.
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The run up along the reef was made with the Betsy Anne on the
inside and the Fish Hawk two hundred yards off the starboard
quarter. But the swordfisherman could see that the race was lost and
he was only keeping abreast while he thought of a new plan of
action. But even while he was thinking it over the sloop came even
with the break between the rocks and although the water raced
through the opening at express speed and lashed the boulders on
either side, Old Mitchell jammed down the helm, hauled in on his
sheet and with a swish of canvas and the creaking of blocks, the
Betsy Anne came about and slipped through and into the
comparatively smooth water inside.
“Talk about a sailor!” cried Ray, as Mitchell headed the Betsy Anne
north again toward the little beach. “Talk about a sailor! Why, there
isn’t a man along the Maine coast who could have done it prettier,
Mr. Mitchell.”
“Tut, tut, hit hall comes o’ my known t’ wies o’ me Betsy Hanne, me
boy,” said the lobsterman, but he was plainly pleased with the
compliment.
A few minutes later the little sloop came to anchor and the crew of
three rowed to the beach in Captain Eli’s dory. And as the trio
stepped ashore, Ray turned and gazed at the disappearing Fish
Hawk.
“Well, we beat you, Uncle Vance, and I hope I’ll never see your old
boat again,” he said.
But he little knew under what circumstances he would see his uncle’s
vessel once more.
                        CHAPTER XI
                             RAY’S FIND
T    hat dinner was one of the best the lads had ever eaten, it
     seemed to them. Indeed, Jack forgot about the howling of the
wind and the spattering of the rain outside, and Ray even ceased
talking of his precious model, so intent were they both on satisfying
their ravenous appetites. There were sizzling hot flounders, the
finest flapjacks that ever were cooked, cold boiled lobster, fine
homemade bread, steaming coffee and a generous apple pie, which
Jack assured the lobsterman was quite the best of its kind he had
ever tasted.
              “The finest flapjacks that ever were
                             cooked.”
The old seaman     took as much pride in his cooking as any housewife
and it pleased     him to watch the lads “git a full cargo,” as he
expressed it. In   fact, he urged them to eat more, even after they
had announced      that they could not possibly hold another morsel,
and finally the boys simply had to push back their chairs and cry
“enough.”
It was fully half-past three when the dishes were cleared away and
washed, and by that time the storm outside had worked up to a
furious pitch. The wind whistled about the little cottage and down
the chimney, blowing great quantities of smoke into the room from
the wood fire that Mitchell kept burning to heat his dish water. The
rain was coming down harder now, and spattering against the
window panes so furiously that Jack had difficulty in seeing out
across the cove in which the Betsy Anne and Mitchell’s dories were
moored.
“Say, Ray, this is a real storm,” he said to his young chum. “How on
earth are we to get back to the lighthouse? We can’t go by way of
the Betsy Anne. I’d never take a chance in any boat to-day no
matter how seaworthy she is.”
“Right an’ so, right an’ so, lad,” said the old lobsterman as he took a
squint at the weather through the front window. “An’ ’e needn’t be a
fearin’ as I’d ask ’e to. Hit ud take a ’ull lot of coaxin’ for t’ git me t’
take t’ Betsy Hanne hout hin weather like this ’ere even though she’s
t’ safest boat fer ’er size as ever was. But must ’e go back t’day?
Can’t ’e stiy ’ere for t’ night, mebby?”
“Goodness, no. You remember how we got a scolding for staying
away over night at Austin’s Pool, don’t you, Ray? Poor Mr. Warner
and Big O’Brien were worried to death. Thought we’d been drowned,
sure enough. And he saw us go out in a sailboat this morning too.
Jiminy, I’ll bet they think we were caught in this storm. They will
sure decide we are goners, if we don’t show up to-night. We must
get to the lighthouse, Ray. Don’t you agree with me?”
“Yes,” said Ray firmly, “Mr. Warner has been mighty good to both of
us and I don’t think we should cause him any more worry than
necessary. I was sorry that we made it so unpleasant by staying at
Frenchman’s Point last time. We must get back to the lighthouse. We
can walk across the island. I don’t mind getting wet, do you? That’s
about the worst that can happen to us.”
“Jest so, jest so,” said Mitchell with a pleased smile. “I think as ’ow
yer two boys ’as got common sense and a bit o’ feelin’ fer t’ other
feller. Glad t’ ’ear ye speak es ye do. Go, by hall means, an’ hif ye’ll
take my advice ye’ll start mighty soon fer there’s no tellin’ as t’ ’ow
long hit’ll tike ’e. An’ hif ye’re hout there when night comes on—well
hin t’ dark ye might stumble over a cliff peraps er—er—. Say, look
’ere, lads, I’ll go along wi’ ye. I don’t mind gettin’ wet an’ besides I
got ’ilers an’ a so’wester. I’ll go long wi’ ye t’ show ’e t’ wi, seein’ as
’ow ye never walked crost t’ hisland yit.”
“Great,” cried Jack.
“Finest ever,” said Ray, and the old seaman looked delighted at their
manifestations of pleasure.
“Hall right, me ’arties, we’ll start right awiy. You lads, just wait till I
git on me ilers an’ I’ll go out hin t’ boat ’ouse an’ look hup some old
duds as I got stowed awi there agin jist sech an adwersity.” And
presently the lobsterman donned his oilskins and plunged out into
the storm.
A few moments later he stumped into the room again, puffing like a
grampus and dripping wet. In his arms he clutched a bundle of
weatherworn oilskins.
“Phew, blime ’e hif hit ain’t rainin’,” said he as he deposited the
bundle of clothing on the floor. “’Ere’s a lot o’ cast-hoffs as I’ve ’ad a
’angin’ hin t’ boat ’ouse fer this long time. Some o’ ’em is putty much
worn, but they’ll shed water in spots henywi’. Sort ’em hout, lads.”
Jack and Ray began rummaging through the bundle of yellowish
gray garments and in no time they were decked out in weatherproof
clothes. Of course they wore their regular clothing underneath, as
did Old Mitchell, but even at that the lobsterman’s cast-offs were far
too large for them.
“Some fit,” said Jack as he waved a far too long sleeve in the air.
“Huh, two of us could get into this jacket, but just the same I’m glad
to have ’em. I’m ready to start—how about you?” said Ray, as he
gathered his precious model up under his arms and started for the
door. Jack followed him and the lobsterman, after a glance about the
cottage and a last poke at the dying fire in the stove, followed the
two boys.
The moment they emerged, the lads had to brace themselves to
keep from being blown down. The wind swooped around the corner
of the little cottage and tore at their garments madly, while the big
raindrops beat into their faces.
“Jiminy, some storm”, growled Ray as he forced his so’wester down
over his eyes.
“Hit’s blowin’ some ’at,” assured the lobsterman as he pulled his
collar up higher and stumped forward in the lead of the little party.
Jack was on the point of making an appropriate remark also, but the
wind snatched the words from between his teeth, it seemed, and he
decided after that to conserve his energies for the fight against the
storm.
Mitchell apparently followed some sort of a path through the forest
that clad the top of the island, for he wound his way in and out
among the trees in a peculiar manner. But if there was a path, the
boys could not detect it. All they did was follow the one-legged old
man who silently fought his way against the wind. Although the pine
trees were many and their foliage thick, the wind seemed just as
strong in the woods as out in the little opening around the
lobsterman’s cottage. It blew a veritable hurricane, it seemed to
Jack, and the tall trees bent and swayed in a most awe-inspiring
manner. In truth, branches were literally torn from some of them
and here and there the lads found a big timber that had been
uprooted and flung aside by the elements exactly as if it had been
no heavier than a clump of bay berry bushes.
On through this wind-lashed forest they plodded, watching
constantly to keep out of harm’s way for they realized that to be in
the path of one of the falling trees would be the end of them. On
and on they forced their way, backs bent and faces shielded as much
as possible against the stinging rain. Minutes seemed like hours and
hours eternal, so slow was their progress. How long they fought the
elements the boys could not guess, but gradually as they worked
their way across the island a new note was added to the terrible
growl of the storm and it gave the lads a better idea of their
location. It was the boom of the breakers upon Cobra Reef.
They were nearing the ocean side of the island now. Jack began to
detect familiar sections of the woods, in spite of the storm. He also
knew that they were approaching the top of the promontory upon
which the lighthouse was located, for they had begun to climb a
rather steep slope. On they toiled, their way growing harder as they
advanced, until suddenly they were struck by a gust of wind that
almost hurled them off their feet. Then Jack knew that they had left
the forest and entered the clearing about the construction camp.
Past the blacksmith shop and the bunk-house they trudged, until
they came to the long mess-hall. Along the lee wall of this building
they made their way until they came to the path that led to the
lighthouse. Here they paused and before leaving the shelter of the
building, took a survey of the situation.
And as Jack looked toward the beacon he caught sight of a big
group of men huddled in the shelter of the pile of granite blocks
near the steel tower of the cable-way. There must have been fifty or
more in the crowd and all were dressed in oilskins or overcoats.
“Look, there’s the whole camp. What’s wrong? What’s going on out
there? Something’s happened on the rock, I’ll bet. They are looking
out to sea!”
“Sure enough. What do you suppose is the matter?” exclaimed Ray,
as he too caught sight of the men.
“Matter! matter! Why noo, lad, hit could be something wrong on
Cobra ’Ead, but t’ my judgment hits like as not a wessel what’s
comin’ ashore, like es ’ow t’ schooner Jessie Joy did two years back.
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