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Precalculus 4th Edition Margaret L. Lial Digital Instant
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The religious opinions of Cromwell had very feebly influenced his
conduct, and he had often placed them at the service of worldly
interests, but they had never disappeared from this soul burdened
with prevarications and criminal acts, and they resumed all their
sway upon his deathbed. "Tell me," he said, on the 2nd of
September, to one of his chaplains, "is it possible to fall from the
state of grace?" "No," said the divine. "Then am I safe," said
Cromwell, "for I am sure that once I was in a state of grace." He
tossed about in his bed, praying aloud. "Lord," he said, "I am a
miserable creature. … Thou hast made me, though very unworthy,
a mean instrument to do them some good and Thee service. …
And many of them have set too high a value upon me, though
others wish and would be glad of my death. Lord, however Thou
do dispose of me, continue and go on to do good for them. Give
them consistency of judgment, one heart and mutual love. …
Pardon such as desire to trample upon the dust of a poor worm. …
Even for Jesus Christ's sake. And give us a good night if it be Thy
pleasure. Amen."

The repose which Cromwell asked of God was approaching for him.
It was on the 3rd of September, the anniversary of his victories of
Dunbar and Worcester. He muttered now only broken words: "Truly
God is good … indeed He is … I would be willing to live to be
farther serviceable to God and His people, but my work is done …
yet God will be with His people." Some drink was offered to him,
and he was urged to sleep. "It is not my design to drink or sleep,"
he said, "but my design is to make what haste I can to be gone."
He fell into a profound stupor, from which he did not arouse again.
A sigh alone announced to those present that he had expired.

A universal shudder ran through England at this news. Friends and

enemies all felt that the true time of stirring events had come
again. Only a few moments before his death the Protector had
named his son Richard to succeed him; he was proclaimed without
opposition. "It has pleased God," wrote Thurloe to Henry Cromwell,
"to give to his Highness your brother a very easy and peaceful
beginning in his government; there is not a dog who wags his
tongue, so profound is the calm which we are in." The great head
of European Protestantism was interred at Westminster with a
magnificence which surpassed anything that had been seen in
England at the funerals of kings; it was from the obsequies of the
most "Catholic of monarchs," Philip II., King of Spain, that the
ceremony was copied.

Everything had succeeded with Cromwell; he had arrived at the

summit of power and grandeur, and yet he died in sadness.
Whatever may have been his selfishness, he was too high-souled
for the highest fortune of a purely personal and ephemeral kind to
afford him satisfaction. Weary of the destruction which he had
accomplished, he desired in his heart to restore to his country a
regular and stable government, the only kind which was suited to
her, namely, monarchy with Parliament. At the same time carrying
his ambition beyond the tomb, and thirsting for that permanent
place in men's esteem which is the crown of greatness, he aspired
to leave his name and race in the possession of power in the
future. In all these designs he was deceived. His daring enterprises
had created around him obstacles which neither his powerful genius
nor his obstinate will had sufficed to overcome. Overburdened with
power and glory personally, he died deprived of his dearest hopes,
leaving behind to succeed him only the two foes whom he had so
ardently contended against—monarchy and the Stuarts.
 Chapter XXVIII.

Protectorate Of Richard Cromwell.

Cromwell was dead, and his son Richard had succeeded him
without any excitement or resistance. To the joy which had seized
the Royalists at the news of the decease of the Protector, to the
transports which had caused cries to be heard in Amsterdam of
"The Devil is dead," had succeeded an exaggerated dejection. "We
have not yet found that advantage by Cromwell's death that we
reasonably hoped," wrote Hyde to Howard, one of the most faithful
servants of the king in England; "nay rather, we are in the worse
situation for it, people imagining by the great calm that has
followed that the nation is united, and that the king has very few
friends. … I hope, however, that this young man will not inherit the
good fortune of his father, and that there will happen some
confusion which will open a door for us."

Confusion had already set in, latent and silent as yet, but the most
zealous partisans of Cromwell and of his sons were even then
under no delusion. Amidst the general adhesion which had fallen to
the lot of the new Protector at his accession, they were filled with
anxiety and convinced that their success was superficial and their
peril imminent. The body of Cromwell was still lying upon its bed of
state, and already the impression which his death had caused and
the unanimous assent which it had brought to his successor were
but a vain appearance.
Richard Cromwell.
The strong hand which had raised and supported the power was
scarcely cold in death when from all quarters the pretensions
sprang up which he had reduced to silence. The first blow was not
long delayed. For several days the Republican leaders of the army
assembled at the house of Desborough. On the 14th of October,
two or three hundred officers, conducted by Fleetwood, or rather
conducting at their head General Fleetwood, presented to Richard a
petition demanding that the army should henceforth have an
appointed leader empowered to nominate to all the vacant posts. It
was taking away the army from the Protector and placing the
Protector at the mercy of the army. Richard preserved a good
countenance; Thurloe had prepared his answer. He intrenched
himself behind the "Petition and advice," the fundamental act of the
Protectorate, which was opposed to the request of the officers. He
spoke of the arrears due to the troops, of his wish to pay them.
The officers did not persist: it was enough to have made known
their demand; they promised themselves to return to the attack.
Richard and his friends did not deceive themselves as to these
pretensions. "In the present state of affairs," wrote Henry Cromwell
to his brother, "the waves, I am afraid, are too rough for you to be
able to cast your anchor anywhere; you must content yourself with
drifting and waiting for the turn of tide. … I sometimes think of a
Parliament, but I doubt whether wise men would be willing to
embark in such ventures in the midst of so troubled a State; should
they be willing, could the army be prevented from offering violence
to the elections?"

It was also towards a Parliament that the thoughts of the friends of

the Protector inclined in England. Money was wanting. Thurloe had
caused Mazarin to be sounded as to a loan of fifty thousand
pounds sterling; but the cardinal, recently so assiduous in his
attentions to Cromwell, was not disposed to make the same efforts
in favor of his successors; he wished to live on good terms with
him, and see his destiny accomplished without lending him efficient
assistance to contribute artificially to secure his position. He
pleaded his own embarrassments, and refused the money. Every
resource had been exhausted; the time of arbitrary taxes and of
the rule of the majors-general had passed away; with his genius,
Cromwell had carried tyranny with him to the tomb. The council of
the Protector resolved to convoke a Parliament. "We shall have
great struggles to sustain," wrote Thurloe to Henry Cromwell; "the
Republicans assemble every day and discuss as to what republic
they ought to prefer, for they deem it certain that they have only to
choose and take. They flatter themselves that a portion of the army
will march with them. I trust that they are mistaken. However, I
must say that I do not like the aspect of things, and my fears
outweigh my hopes."

Under the dominion of the fears expressed by Thurloe the new

government did not dare to conduct the elections according to the
electoral system prepared by the Long Parliament and twice
practiced by Cromwell; the customs of the monarchy were revived
in the hope of influencing the elections in the boroughs. Scotland
and Ireland, recently incorporated with England, had no traditional
right to invoke. To each were allotted thirty representatives, whose
elections were necessarily to depend upon the army which ruled
them. The army of Ireland was commanded by Henry Cromwell;
that of Scotland by Monk, who had shown himself favorable to the
new power. The "other House" was convoked by letters patent
similar to those which the king had formerly addressed to the peers
of the kingdom. Thus no legal or consistent principle presided at
the formation of the new Parliament. When it assembled on the
27th of January, 1659, after elections which had been much
discussed, but had everywhere been freely accomplished, the
diversity in its ranks was considerable. The Protector and his
advisers were not, however, discouraged. "Our enemies in
Parliament are numerous and bold beyond measure," wrote Lord
Falconbridge to Henry Cromwell, "but more than doubly
counterbalanced by the moderate party, so that if the results are
slow and difficult to obtain, we do not see, as to the present, great
cause for fear."
Delays and difficulties were not slow in manifesting themselves. On
the 1st of February, Thurloe boldly proposed to Parliament the
recognition of the new Protector. "It has pleased God," he said, "to
put an end to the days of his Highness. Sad consequences were
expected from that blow. God has granted us the favor of a son of
his Highness who possesses the hearts of the people, a testimony
to his undoubted right of succession. … It behooves this House to
respond to this favor by recognizing in his Highness, now engaged
in his functions, the undoubted successor. … It is with this object
that I propose a bill for the recognition of the Protector."

The ill-humor as well as the surprise of the Republicans was

extreme. They did not expect so soon to see recommended the
contest upon fundamental matters. "This is not proposed
opportunely," exclaimed Haslerig; "we have many things to
consider; the committee of grievances, the affairs of religion. … Let
us not busy ourselves with a bill of this importance before the day
of fasting and solemn prayers which we have ordered; we have
never destroyed anything without first addressing our prayers to
God; let us not attempt to establish without praying." The
discussion was long and animated; the Republicans maintained the
full sovereignty of the people and of their supreme power. The
Cromwellians, warned by experience and political instinct, did not
think that the popular voice sufficed for the whole government, or
that they had the right of destroying and establishing at their
pleasure. They gained the ascendant at last, and, on the 14th of
February, the House voted that it recognized and declared his
Highness Richard, Lord Protector and first magistrate of England,
Scotland, and Ireland, and of all the territories dependent thereon;
but, at the same time, the House declared that the bill should
contain additional clauses intended to limit the power of the first
magistrate and to guarantee the rights and liberties of Parliament
and the people. Thurloe alone voted against this amendment.

The victory appeared decisive; but the long debate had revived all
the memories of discords, inflamed all passions, and once more set
the Republic at contention with the Protectorate under the eyes of
the observant and motionless Royalists. "The dissension is such in
Parliament (wrote to Hyde one of his friends, John Barwick), that it
will probably end in confusion: one party thinks that the
Protectorate cannot last; the other that the Republic cannot raise
itself again; the indifferent hope that both will be right. It is easy to
foresee and foretell the upshot."

Beaten upon the Protectorate, the Republicans fell back upon the
second House, the existence of which they called into question. The
debate was long and stormy: all the friends and followers of
Cromwell sat in that assembly which overshadowed the Commons;
but there again, Haslerig, Vane, and their friends were defeated.
The second House remained as it had been constituted by
Cromwell; the attacks directed against the internal and external
policy of the dead Protector also failed. The great name of
Cromwell still protected his work and his son.

Then began a fresh toil; two powers were in opposition, Parliament

and the army. In their blind hatred of the Protectorate, which
claimed, they said, to oppress them, the Republican leaders
undertook to foment the natural jealousy which existed between
the politicians and the soldiers, in order to compel the Protector to
lean for support upon one of the two parties, thus destroying
beforehand all equilibrium in the government.

The situation could not possibly be sustained; a catastrophe was

rapidly approaching. Cromwell had been able, although with great
difficulty, to caress and misuse in turns the revolution which he had
accomplished, and the army which he had conducted to victory;
neither to Parliament nor to the army was Richard anything. He still
possessed the majority in the House; but when, by the aid of the
alarm of the moment and the services of the adherents of his
father, he triumphed over his enemies, it was for him a barren
victory: the day was coming when, placed between the army and
Parliament as a powerless moderator, he was to fall a victim to the
blows which were aimed at each other by these two great enemies,
for he could neither conciliate them nor choose between them
without peril.

In a moment of weakness, without consulting his surest friends,

Richard had yielded to the solicitations of Fleetwood and
Desborough, who demanded of him the convocation of a general
council of the officers, summoned to agree amongst themselves
and with the Protector. This was forming a hostile and rival
assembly in opposition to Parliament. The House of Commons
complained. The Republican leaders alone, by a sudden change,
manifested some alarm at the idea of the disaffection of the army.
Alarmed at the constant albeit silent progress of the Royalists,
Vane, Haslerig, and their friends, had secretly become reconciled
with the officers. The House carried out its schemes and voted that
the council general of the officers could not assemble without the
authority of the Protector and of the two Houses of Parliament.
Lord Broghill proposed to Richard that he should himself dissolve
the council. "How am I to proceed?" said the Protector in
embarrassment. "I will compose your speech for you." Accordingly,
on the morrow Richard arrived at the council which was being held
at Wallingford House; he listened for an hour to the discussion,
then, rising suddenly, "Gentlemen," he said, "I gratefully accept
your services; I have examined your grievances and I think that the
best means of redressing them is to confer about them with
Parliament, which will do you justice. I therefore annul the orders
that I gave for your assembling, and I invite you all to return to
your various commands."

Surprised and exasperated, the malcontents did not dare to resist

in the face of the Protector. They retired, but shortly afterwards
meeting Lord Broghill in the House of Lords, some of the leaders of
the army, turning towards him, loudly demanded that an address
should be presented to the Protector, in order to ascertain who had
counselled him to thus dissolve the council of war without having
previously informed the whole Parliament of his design. "Since such
an address is proposed," said Lord Broghill, "I in my turn propose
another: it must also be learnt who counselled the Protector to
assemble a council of war without the previous knowledge and
approbation of Parliament; it will be seen which of these two
councils is the more guilty." Courageous frankness impresses the
most impetuous: the two propositions remained without result. But
the situation became day by day more difficult; the struggle was
more flagrant between the House of Commons and the army.
Notwithstanding the prohibitions of the Protector and the House,
the council of officers continued to assemble at Wallingford House,
concealing its strength and preparing its blows. The friends of the
Protector urged him to action. "A bold hand, supported by a good
head is necessary here," said Lord Howard; "Lambert, Desborough,
Fleetwood, and Vane are the leaders of all this. Simply give me
your sanction, and I will rid you of them; for your honor, lend to
my zeal the support of your name." Ingoldsby joined his
solicitations to those of Howard, proposing to take charge of
Lambert, who was looked upon as the most dangerous. Richard
continued to hesitate. "I have never done anybody any harm, and I
never will," he said; "I will not have a drop of blood spilt for the
preservation of my greatness, which is a burden to me." Howard
persisted. "I thank you for your friendship," the Protector said at
length, "but let us speak no more of it; violent counsels do not suit
me." Howard left Whitehall. Released from the two Cromwells,
whom he had loyally served, he now, like Lord Broghill, thought
only of preparing the return of Charles Stuart.

The Cavaliers yet hoped to involve the Protector himself in their

cause, and made redoubled advances towards him, but Richard
declined. As honest almost as he was weak, while a Royalist by
inclination, he was loth to betray his name and his cause, or to
attempt serious enterprises by himself. He had for a moment
sought a support in Monk, offering him a pension of twenty
thousand pounds sterling if he would take up his cause and defend
him against his enemies; but Monk, more shrewd than hasty, had
been content to reply, "Let the Protector keep his money; it will be
of more service to him than my adherence."

The enemies whom Richard dreaded, and against whom he wished

to enroll the able commander of the army in Scotland, were in
greater haste than the latter. They desired to obtain from the
Protector the dissolution of the House of Commons, the real object
of their fears and of their wrath. Richard obstinately refused to
grant this object. It was resolved to compel him. The Protector,
being well informed, sent for Fleetwood; he did not reply, but
repaired to St. James's, where were already assembled a great
number of officers. The whole army was soon convoked. A counter-
order from the Protector summoned him to Whitehall. A few
colonels, faithful to Richard, would have brought their regiments to
him; the majors and sub-alterns had already ordered the soldiers to
proceed towards St. James's. The very guards of the Protector
disbanded; he found himself almost alone. It was on the 21st of
April, at midday, Desborough arrived at Whitehall, and, with his
accustomed uncouthness, declared to Richard that if he wished to
dissolve Parliament, the officers would take care of him and of his
interests; otherwise, they would effect the dissolution without him,
and would leave him to extricate himself from the difficulty as he
could. The poor Protector yet hesitated; he assembled some of his
most trusty friends: Whitelocke alone spoke against the dissolution,
being prudently resolved not to mix himself up in it; the necessity
was urgent. Richard yielded, and, on the morrow, April 22d, as the
Commons were assembling in their hall, the Usher of the Black Rod
invited them to the House of Lords, without informing them,
however, that the Secretary of State, Furniss, awaited them there
with the decree of dissolution. A few members left at once; but the
immense majority remained motionless in their seats,
notwithstanding a second summons from the usher. At length,
accompanying the speaker in a body to his coach, in the presence
of the soldiers placed at the door of Parliament, the House of
Commons, which had no desire to hear the reading of its own
death-warrant, adjourned until the following Monday morning to
resume its labors.

On the same evening the decree of dissolution was published, and

padlocks were placed upon the door of the House of Commons.
The monarchical government attempted by Cromwell and the only
Parliament freely elected since the death of Charles I. fell together.
The phantom of the Republic, conjured up by the army, arose and
took its stand between England and royalty.
Charles II.
 Chapter XXIX.

The Restoration Of The Stuarts (1659-1660).

The downfall of the Protector was accomplished, although he still

resided at Whitehall. The question was that of founding a
government. The leaders of the army looked with little favor upon
the Republic; they had strongly supported and participated in the
tyranny of Cromwell, and they dreaded the increasing progress of
the Royalists; it was against them that they had allied themselves
with the old Republican leaders in order to submit to their yoke a
phantom Protector. It was also in opposition to them that they
resolved to exterminate all that remained of the Republic, the
remnants of the Long Parliament expelled by Cromwell in April,
1653.

It was a mere handful of men, the majority already old and

wearied by political struggles, who thus assembled together on the
7th of May, 1659, and returned to that place of assemblage from
which they had been so roughly ejected; forty-two members only
were there, their former speaker, Lenthall, at their head. The latter
had for a long time hesitated, wishing to preserve what he already
called his peerage in the new House of Lords of Cromwell; but
when the line of members passed near his door, he joined them,
being unable to resist the desire to see once more the hall of the
Long Parliament. The general officers awaited them at the door,
congratulating them as they passed in, and promising to live and
die with them.

Scarcely had they been restored and placed once more in

possession of the government by the leaders of the army, when the
Republicans of the Long Parliament found themselves confronted
with legal difficulties. The Presbyterians, excluded from the House
of Commons in 1648, claimed their seats; fourteen of them
presented themselves at the door in the name of their companions
in misfortune: there were two hundred and thirteen of them. The
Republicans peremptorily repelled them. Prynne contrived to slip
into the Hall, and he remained imperturbably in his place,
notwithstanding the insults of Haslerig and Vane. The sitting was
declared closed. Prynne was the last to leave; but when he
returned in the evening every outlet was guarded, and placards
posted up in all parts confirmed the exclusion already pronounced
against all members who had been strangers since 1648 to the
sittings of the Long Parliament. "A worse and more oppressive war
against the Commons," said Prynne, "than was ever waged against
them by the beheaded king and the Cavaliers."

Weak in appearance and in reality, the Republican chiefs were

courageous and sincere, profoundly devoted to their cause, and
irrevocably involved in its fate. They hastened to strike another
blow at the shadow of the Protectorate, which was still retained by
Cromwell. Haslerig intimated to him orders to quit Whitehall.
Richard received the message and the messenger with scornful
haughtiness. He lent ear to the solicitations of the Cavaliers, who
were secretly assiduous in their attentions to him as well as to his
brother Henry, who was still Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland and
powerful in the midst of his army. The Protector was moreover
burdened with debts. … Whitehall afforded him a place of refuge
against his creditors. It was only six weeks later, when Parliament
guaranteed him against any proceedings, that Richard at length
consented to abandon the remains of his greatness. "My past
conduct," he wrote to Parliament, "has afforded evidence, I think,
of my submission to the will of God, and also of how far I esteem
the peace of my country beyond my own interests. … Counting, like
all other men, upon the protection of the present government, I
consider myself bound to live quietly under its laws, and to do
whatever depends on me in order that the persons upon whom I
may have some influence may do likewise." Parliament took charge
of all his debts, and granted, on the 16th of July, to "Richard
Cromwell, eldest son of the late Lord General Cromwell," a yearly
income of £10,000 sterling. For this price Richard consented to quit
Whitehall and Hampton Court. As his personal effects were being
carried away, he specially recommended to his attendants two old
trunks lying in his apartment. One of his friends asked him what
they contained. "Nothing less," said Richard, "than the life and
fortune of all the good people of England." The two cases were full
of the addresses which, on his accession, had come to him from all
parts, placing at his disposal the fortune and the life of the whole
nation, of which his government, they affirmed, was the salvation.

The retirement of Henry Cromwell was less disputed, if not less

bitter; he even preserved his dignity in the matter. Being recalled to
England, on the 7th of June, by Parliament, which had decided that
Ireland should be governed by five commissioners, he sent his
formal resignation on the 15th of June. "I adhere," he said, "to the
present government, although I cannot promise it the devotion
which others may honestly bring to it. … I am not fitted to serve
you in the construction of the edifice which you wish to raise upon
a new basis. But, inasmuch as I can lend myself to nothing which
should detract in any degree from the merit and glory of my father,
I thank the Lord who has preserved me from succumbing to a
temptation with which I have often been beset, that of deserting
the cause for which my father lived and died."

The Royalists were in consternation; they had counted upon the

support of Henry Cromwell. "Richard has retired into Hampshire,"
Hyde was informed by letter, "having in his purse no money, and
out of his purse no friends. Henry is at the residence of his father-
in-law, in Cambridgeshire. Claypole, who is really very poor, is in
hiding in consequence of his debts, and causes it to be reported
that he is in France. The fortune of the old woman is much below
what was believed, and Falconbridge is not at all proud of the
union." Such a fall for the Cromwells, and such a mistake on the
part of the Royalists was a double victory for Parliament.

It soon gained a more decided success. Monk declared himself in

its favor. Despising anarchy like an old soldier, and dreading it for
his own fortune as well as for his country, Monk always rallied,
without devoting himself to it, around the power which, for the
moment, appeared to him the best able to govern. After the
expulsion of the Long Parliament he had supported and served
Cromwell.
Portrait Of Monk.
When Richard Cromwell was overthrown he decided for the same
reasons, and within the same limits, to support the Long Parliament
when it was recalled. It was a great joy for London; the House
hastened to manifest to Monk its satisfaction in the matter, but
when it desired to remove some officers from the army in Scotland,
Monk immediately wrote to the speaker, "He heard it said that the
House intended to make some modifications in his list of officers; it
certainly did not know the officers in person, or their qualities or
their shortcomings; it judged of them according to instructions
which others furnished to it; he thought himself, he, the general, as
worthy of being believed as anybody; he assured the House that
the officers who had been denounced to it were honest and
staunch men, and he would answer for their fidelity as well as for
their good conduct." The House took alarm; it drew back; the
officers who had been dismissed remained at their posts and were
not replaced. Monk thus grew in importance in England as in
Scotland, in Parliament as in the army. While distrusting him, the
House sought to conciliate him as a necessary support, and he
served it without belonging to it.

A mutual understanding appeared now to reign at home between

Parliament and the army. Abroad, the Republic was engaged in a
prudent and sensible policy which was already bearing its fruits.
After some hesitation, Mazarin had recognized the Republic, and
Lockhart, who continued its ambassador at the court of France,
accompanied the cardinal to Fontarabia, where peace with Spain
was in course of negotiation. He on the other hand was engaged in
negotiating for a cessation of hostilities between Spain and
England. The war still continued between Sweden and Denmark.
England had hitherto supported Sweden, and Holland had remained
faithful to Denmark. The plenipotentiaries of the Republic,
commissioned to settle the question of the Baltic, which disturbed
the peace of the North, the commerce of England, and the
harmony of the Protestant States, having failed to overcome the
obstinacy of the King of Sweden, it was soon perceived that
England had changed its policy. "I foresee, by the language of Mr.
Downing," wrote John De Witt to his ambassador in London, "that
England is determined to vigorously prosecute the war with
Sweden, if his Majesty continues to refuse to make peace on the
proposed conditions. I hope that God will grant a happy ending to
all this." These were real successes for the Republic, and obtained
by the fidelity of its chiefs to their cause, and by their intelligent
activity in the exercise of their power; but these successes and
merits were in vain. The Republicans remained an isolated coterie,
repugnant to the nation, which believed neither in their right nor in
the permanence of their influence. The most eminent of its chiefs,
Vane himself, preserved for the Republic a devotion devoid of hope.
"The king," he said, "will one day or other take the crown again;
the nation is disgusted with every other government."

The Royalists had hoped for a more rapid success, and a more
prompt realization of the painful forebodings of Vane. Remaining
inactive hitherto, in the expectation of a conflict between
Parliament and the army, they had counted upon the revolt of
Monk; then upon that of Henry Cromwell; then upon that of
Lockhart; and their expectant policy exasperated the new Royalists
who every day became more numerous. "It is the most passive and
indifferent of the parties," said Mordaunt, one of the best recruits
whom King Charles had made; "I endeavor with a heavy heart to
struggle against this tide of baseness which invades us, and to
shake off this fatal lethargy." Mordaunt did himself and his friends
an injustice; their efforts did not remain unproductive. A general
insurrection was resolved upon in the eastern, midland, and
western counties. The old or new Royalists, Cavaliers, and
Presbyterians, prepared for it with ardor. The king placed himself at
the disposition of his partisans, being quite ready to land at their
call at the place which should be chosen for him. He even offered
to Admiral Montague, if he would declare himself for him, to
proceed immediately aboard his vessel, and make sail with him for
England.
Parliament was upon its guard. Sir Charles Willis continued to
inform Thurloe of what was going forward among the Royalists, as
he had but recently served Cromwell. The Royalists betrayed
themselves by their foolish confidence. The organization of the
militia was urged forward; six new regiments were formed in the
city. The three regiments which had served in France were recalled.
The strictest supervision was everywhere exercised over the
Royalists; a certain number of them were arrested; many great
noblemen hesitated. The king was at Calais, where the Duke of
York soon arrived; but the prince was the bearer of sad tidings;
irresolution had borne its fruits; the insurrection was deferred;
nobody dared any longer urge the king to proceed to England. In
some place in Cheshire, a plain Presbyterian gentleman, Sir George
Booth, more bold than the other conspirators, or being warned
later of the postponement, raised the royal standard and organized
the struggle against the Republic. The king did not lose courage.
The Prince of Condé offered him troops, and even spoke of
accompanying him to England. Turenne, on the other hand, offered
him his own regiment of infantry, twelve hundred men strong, and
the Scotch men-at-arms, with provisions and ammunition. The Duke
of Bouillon, a nephew of Turenne, conducted the first detachment
to Boulogne himself, and was preparing to embark with the Duke of
York, when it was learnt that Sir George Booth had been defeated
by Lambert, that his friends were dispersed or captured, and that
the Royalist insurrection, annihilated by one single blow in the only
part in which it had been attempted, no longer offered to the king
and his allies any support.

Sir George Booth, who had taken up arms on August 1st in

Cheshire, might in effect have conceived some hopes; during the
first days he had seen numerous volunteers hasten to place
themselves under his banner, among others the Earl of Derby, son
of him who had perished upon the scaffold after the battle of
Worcester. The king had been proclaimed in several towns, and the
insurgents were occupying Chester, when Lambert marched against
them with six thousand men. Some hesitation had prevailed as to
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