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Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
Gamos,” on account of the great tide issuing from it, and a return to
Spain by way of Cuba. The authorities cited in support of these
statements are Peter Martyr’s Decades, Herrera, and Cespedes’
Yslario general,—the last in manuscript. The extracts from Martyr
and Herrera I have reserved for another part of this chapter.[84]
They do not support Mr. Murphy’s details. The Cespedes manuscript
was the subject of some remarks by Mr. Buckingham Smith before
the New York Historical Society, briefly reported in the Historical
Magazine.[85] Mr. Smith had not been able to find this manuscript,
but understood that it contained a full account of the voyage of
Gomez. Mr. Murphy’s note shows that he knew of its existence in the
National Library at Madrid. The director of that library has examined
this manuscript at the request of Harrisse, and has not found in it
any report of the voyage of Gomez by the navigator, nor does it
contain any detailed account of the expedition. There is a reference
which shows, perhaps, that Cespedes had seen one of Gomez’
writings.[86]
The attempt to derive the Verrazano letter from the voyage of
Gomez is called by Mr. Major the “climax of the series of Mr. Murphy’s
constructive imputations.”[87] His elaborate comparison of the
courses of Verrazano with similar divisions on Ribero’s map is open
to serious question. There are no such divisions on the map. He
argues from a knowledge of the two extreme terms of Verrazano’s
voyage, and neglects the intermediate term, the latitude of the
harbor where the explorers spent fifteen days, doubtless the most
accurate latitude taken. And even at the close of his comparison he
allows that the latitudes of Ribero’s map are wrong, and says that
the map does not give a faithful representation of the voyage of
Gomez. It does not give by name the “Rio de los Gamos” which
Cespedes says Gomez discovered, although that estuary was already
drawn, in the same form given to it by Ribero, on the earlier Weimar
map of 1527, which map omits the name of Gomez altogether.[88]
The passage from one of Peter Martyr’s letters, which Mr. Murphy
cites to prove that Verrazano was capturing a Portuguese vessel at
the time when the letter claimed him as making discoveries, is not
very conclusive. Mr. Major thinks that there was time for him to have
run down from Dieppe, after his return to that port, to the coast of
Portugal, attracted by so rich a game as one hundred and eighty
thousand ducats. But Martyr’s statement is indefinite. There are no
particulars of time or place, when or where the treasure was taken.
It is not even certain that the news brought by the courier was more
than a rumor. Martyr’s language is: “Ad aliud hac, iter fecit regis
Portugalliæ cursor, quod Florinus pyrata Gallus nauim regi suo
raptauerit ab Indis venientem, qua merces vehebãtur gemmarum et
aromatum ad ducatorum centum octoginta millium summam
conqueritur.”[89]
The map of Hieronimo da Verrazano is without doubt the
strongest support of the letter and voyage of his brother Giovanni.
That these persons were brothers appears from a document dated
May 11, 1526, whereby the navigator constitutes “Jarosme de
Varasenne, son frère et heritier,” his attorney to act for him during a
proposed voyage to the Indies. This paper, first printed by M.
Harrisse in 1876, is signed “Janus Verrazanus.” Dr. De Costa gives a
fac-simile of this signature,—here reproduced,—the only known
autograph of Verrazano.[90]

Mr. Brevoort gives perhaps the best description of the map, and I
condense the following from his account of it. The map is on three
sheets of parchment, pasted together, and is 260 centimetres long
and 130 wide (about 102 inches by 51), its length being just double
the width. It is well preserved, somewhat stained; but no part,
except coast-names, is indistinct. Its projection is the simple
cylindrical square one, in which all the degrees of latitude are made
equal to each other and to the equatorial ones. Like other maps of
its period, it has the equator drawn below the middle of the map,
and shows 90° of latitude north, and 64° south of it. In breadth it
represents about 320° of longitude. There is no graduation for
longitude; but the meridians that cross the centres and sides of the
two great circles of windroses appear to be drawn seventy degrees
apart. There is the usual network of cross-lines radiating from
windroses, with one great central rose in north latitude 16°. From
the centre of each rose thirty-two lines are drawn to the points of
the compass, and these lines are prolonged to the margin of the
map. One meridian is divided into degrees of latitude of equal size,
each one numbered. Close to the upper margin there is a small
scale, with a legend explaining that from point to point there are
twelve and a half leagues, each of four miles. The scale is equal to
eighteen degrees of latitude in length, and is subdivided into six
parts, each having four divisions or points.
 THE VERRAZANO MAP
A fac-simile of the engraving given by Brevoort, sufficient for a
general outline.

Mr. Brevoort next gives a careful account of the representation of

different parts of the world upon this map. Passing somewhat rapidly
over the eastern hemisphere, which appears to be generally drawn
from the most recent authorities, he takes up the western in some
detail. The latitudes of the map are wrong; all the West India Islands
are placed several degrees too high, thus forcing northward all other
places. Verrazano’s landfall, for instance, is here indicated at about
42°, instead of 34°, as stated in the letter. With this correction the
map shows the American coast with some approach to accuracy.
Three French standards[91] are placed (according to Brevoort) on the
territory claimed as Verrazano’s discovery,—one at the southern and
one at the northern limit, with the third at the place where the
explorers spent fifteen days. Over these three flags appears the
inscription, in capital letters, “NOVA GALLIA SIVE IUCATANET,” and
the legend, already cited, “VERRAZANA SIVE NOVA GALLIA,” etc.
Mr. Brevoort has industriously collected the scanty references to
this map after it became the property of Cardinal Borgia, with whose
collection it was bequeathed to the Propaganda in 1804; but he has
been unable to discover the time when the Cardinal procured it, and
the source whence it came to his collection. Nothing, indeed, is
known of its early history.[92]
Dr. De Costa devotes a chapter of his book to the map of
Hieronimo. After showing that the map-maker and the navigator
were brothers, he proceeds to consider the genesis of the map, and
finds the beginning of its North American portion in the Lorraine
map, published in the Ptolemy of 1513. The latitudes of the
Verrazano map are recognized as erroneous, and the observer is
warned to disregard them. “When this is done, the student will have
no difficulty in recognizing the outlines of the North Atlantic coast.
For general correctness, the delineation is not equalled by any map
of the sixteenth century.” Prominent places are identified and named.
The influence of this map upon subsequent ones is next
considered, and a long list of maps showing this influence is cited.
Dr. De Costa adds to the value of his discussion by giving tracings
from several of these maps, with fac-similes of the Verrazano map,
and an enlarged drawing of its coast-line.[93] But the strong point of
his chapter, and that for which he deserves the greatest credit, is the
publication of a sketch of Verrazano’s coast of the United States, with
the names of places attached. These names he deciphered from the
original map during a late visit to Rome. They are, of course, of the
greatest value in any future study of the map. Dr. De Costa enters
somewhat into a study of these names.[94]
M. Desimoni, while generally acknowledging his indebtedness to
Dr. De Costa’s work, and praising that gentleman’s scholarship and
research, could not accept all his inferences in the matter of the
names, and doubted some of his readings. He therefore caused a
fresh examination of the map to be made, through the kind and
learned services of Dr. Giacomo Lumbroso and Canon Fabiani. He
prints, in the Appendix to his Studio secondo on Verrazano, in
parallel columns, the variations from De Costa’s readings. The great
difficulty and doubt attending the deciphering words, particularly
names, in old documents and maps, is well known to all who have
attempted such work.[95]
A discovery made lately at Milan brings out a new map, and one
of great value in the discussion of Verrazano’s voyage. M. Desimoni,
on his return to Genoa from the Geographical Congress held at
Venice in September, 1881, stopped at Milan, where he visited the
Ambrosian Library to consult some maps. He was there told by the
prefetto, the Abbé Ceriani, that a map by Vesconte Maggiolo,
hitherto supposed to bear the date of 1587, and therefore to have
been the work of one of the second generation of this family of map-
makers, was really dated 1527. By comparing the legend on this map
with one of similar form and writing on a map of 1524, it could be
seen that the numeral 2 in the first map had become an 8 by
lengthening the curves of the figure until they were finally joined.
This appeared to have been done with ink of a paler color. M.
Desimoni reproduces the two legends, to show the process.[96] He
finds also certain peculiarities in the map, supposed of 1587, which
prove that it must belong to the first decades of the century, and
therefore entertains no doubt of the correctness of the change in the
date.
Fresh from studies of early American voyages, M. Desimoni
examined the North American portion of this map, particularly the
coast, with as great care as his limited time and the poor condition
of the parchment permitted. He was not a little surprised to find that
the coast bore names closely related both to the Verrazano and to
other maps whose source is yet undiscovered. He made a copy of
the names, and afterward submitted his work to Signor Carlo Prayer,
of Milan, who verified it, and also furnished as perfect a copy as it
was possible to make of the names, and a sketch of the whole coast.
This was reproduced by M. Desimoni to illustrate a paper prepared
for the Società Ligure di’ Storia Patria.
This map measures about seventy-five centimetres in length by
about fifty in width,—about 29½ inches by 19½. Its legend reads:
“Vesconte de Maiollo conposuy hanc cartam in Janua anno d̄ ny.
1527, die xx Decenbris.” The place occupied in the Verrazano map by
the title Nova Gallia, etc., and the legend about Verrazano’s
discovery, bears in this map the name Francesca, to indicate exactly a
name for the whole region.
There is no mention of Verrazano by name in this map, but there
is ample evidence of a connection between Maggiolo’s map and that
of Hieronimo da Verrazano; very probably, M. Desimoni thinks,
through the intervention or medium of some chart or charts yet
unknown. The Maggiolo map has a reference to Florence,
Verrazano’s birthplace, in the names of “Valle unbrosa”
(Vallambrosa), “Careggi,” etc.; references to France and Francis in
such names as “Anguileme,” “Longavilla,” “Normanvilla,” “Diepa,”
“San Germano,” and others, particularly “Luisa,” applied to an island.
The map is connected with Verrazano’s, not only by this name, but
by a great number which the two have in common. It is true that
these names are not always applied to the same positions on the
two maps: “Luisa” is a squarish island on the Maggiolo map, and a
triangular one on the other, and in the letter. The latitudes of
Maggiolo’s map are different. Florida is placed as far south as the
tropic. There is naturally some diversity in the general direction of
the coast, and in the distances from place to place. But the
substantial points are equivalent, if not identical. We have the Nova
Gallia in its equivalent, Francesca; the same allusions in the names to
Tuscany, France, Dieppe; and an identity in the names of three very
important places,—“Luisa,” the port of refuge, and the attempt to
show Cape Cod.
M. Desimoni examines again the map of Gastoldo, first published
in the Ptolemy of 1548, inserted later in Ramusio’s third volume, and
the globe known as the globe of Ulpius, already mentioned here.
Both contain names that appear on the Verrazano map; but an
examination shows that both contain names not on that map, and
each contains at least one name not on the other. All these names
are found on the map of Maggiolo; and M. Desimoni concludes his
paper with a table in four parallel columns, in which a careful
comparison is given of the nomenclature of four maps,—the
Maggiolo of 1527, the Verrazano of 1529, the Ulpius globe of 1542,
and the Gastoldo of 1548.[97]
The earliest mention of the voyage of Gomez is found in Oviedo’s
Sumario, which was published at Toledo in 1526.[98] It is there
stated (folio xiv, verso) that Gomez returned in November from a
voyage begun the year before (1524, which we now know is an
error); that he had found in the north “a greate parte of lande
continuate from that which is caued Baccaleos, discoursynge
towarde the West to the xl. and xli. degree [et puesta en quarenta
grados y xli, et assi algo mas y algo menos], frō whense he brought
certeyn Indians,” etc.[99]
Peter Martyr’s Decades were published in a complete edition at
Alcala in 1530,[100] and his Letters appeared also that same year
from the same press.[101] He speaks thus of Gomez in the Decades:
“It is also decreed that one Stephanus Gomez, who also himselfe is a
skillful navigator, shal goe another way, whereby, betweene the
Baccalaos and Florida, long since our countries, he saith he will finde
out a waye to Cataia: one onely shippe, called a Caruell, is furnished
for him, and he shall haue no other thing in charge then to search
out whether any passage to the great Chan, from out the diuers
windings and vast compassings of this our Ocean, were to be
founde.”[102]
 And later he narrates the return of the expedition, its failure to
find the strait (declaring his own opinion that Gomez’ “imaginations
were vaine and frivolous”), and tells the story about the mistake of
cloves and slaves.[103] In a letter written in August, 1524, he speaks
also of the voyage of Gomez, but I find no mention of his return in
that publication.[104]
Gomara devotes a short chapter to Gomez. He says that his
purpose was to find a northern passage, but that he failed; and so,
loading his ship with slaves, returned home. He also relates the clove
anecdote.[105]
Herrera gives an account of Gomez and his voyage. He says:
“Corriò por toda aquella costa hasta la Florida, gran trecho de Tierra
lo que hasta entonces, por otros Navios Castellanos, no estaba
navegado, aunque Sebastian Gaboto, Juan Verraçano, i otros lo
havian navegado.... Desde la Florida, atravesò à la Isla de Cuba, i
fue à dar al Puerto de Santiago, adonde se refrescò, i le regalò
Andrès de Duero, por lo qual el Rei le mostrò agradecimiento, bolviò
à Castilla i aportò à la Coruña diez meses despues que saliò de aquel
Puerto,” etc.[106] “He ran along that whole coast as far as Florida,—a
great stretch of land which, up to that time, had not been traversed
by other Spanish ships, although Sebastian Cabot, John Verrazano,
and others had sailed along it.... From Florida he passed to the
island of Cuba, and entered the port of Santiago, where he
refreshed, and Andrès de Duero regaled him, for which the King
showed gratitude. He returned to Castille, and landed at Corunna ten
months after he had sailed from that port,” etc.
Galvano, in his account of the voyage, appears to make Gomez
sail along the American coast from south to north; while Herrera, it
will have been observed, reverses this direction.[107] The testimony
of Cespedes has already been considered.[108] Dr. Kohl, in his
Discovery of Maine, gives a good account of Gomez’ voyage, based
on careful study of the authorities.[109]
The mutinous conduct of Gomez in the fleet of Magellan is
related by Pigafetta, who accompanied that expedition, and kept a
diary, from which he afterward made up an account of the voyage.
One of the copies of this, which existed only in manuscript, was
given to Louisa, mother of Francis I. of France, who employed
Jacques Antoine Fabre to translate it into French. He made in
preference an abridgment of the account, and this was published at
Paris in 1525.[110]
For the opinion that a northern passage through America could
be discovered somewhere between Florida and the Baccalaos,
Navarrete’s work may be consulted.[111] He gives among his
documents the letter of the King commanding the attendance of
Dornelos;[112] the agreement with Agramonte in 1511, and his
commission as captain of the expedition,[113] and the grant to De
Ayllon.[114] He has found also the appointment of Gomez as pilot
just before the sailing of his expedition, Feb. 10, 1525.[115]
The Agreement of Gomez with the Emperor for the voyage is
printed in full in the Documentos ineditos.[116] Hernando Cortes’
letter about the existence of the northern passage may be consulted
in an English translation in Mr. Folsom’s Despatches of Cortes.[117]
The discoveries of Gomez are laid down upon a map[118] of the
world made, at the command of the Emperor, in 1529 by Diego
Ribero, a well-known cosmographer, who had been sent to the
Congress of Badajos as one of the Spanish experts.
On a large section of this coast extending from Cape Breton
westward about three hundred leagues to a point where the land
bends to the south, is the legend: “Tierra de Estevan Gomez la qual
descubrio por mandado de su magt nel anno de 1525 ay en ella
muchos arboles y fructas de los de españa y muchos rodovallos y
salmones y sollos: no han allado oro.” (“The Country of Stephen Gomez,
which he discovered at the command of his Majesty, in the year
1525. There are here many trees and fruits similar to those in Spain,
and many walruses and salmon, and fish of all sorts. Gold they have
not found.”)[119] This is supposed to have been drawn from the
reports of Gomez, and to contain his coast-lines and the names
which he gave to places.
Oviedo wrote in 1537 a description of the American coast from a
map made by Alonzo de Chaves the year before. He frequently cites
Gomez as his authority for the names of places, etc. This part of
Oviedo’s work remained in manuscript until its publication by the
Academy of Madrid in 1852. Dr. Kohl enters into an elaborate
commentary of this description by Oviedo, and the Chaves map, of
which not even a copy has come down to our times.[120]

The books of André Thevet which contain the accounts of his visit
to this country are the Singularitez de la France antarctique and the
Cosmographie universelle.[121] Besides these works Thevet
published an account of his journey to the East, Cosmographie du
Levant, at Lyons, in 1554, and a series of portraits and lives of great
men, ancient and modern, in two volumes, at Paris, in 1584. He left
also several manuscripts, which are now preserved in the National
Library at Paris.
The Singularitez passed to a second edition,[122] and was
translated into Italian by Giuseppe Horologgi,[123] and into
English[124] by M. Hacket. A reprint of the original edition was
published at Paris in 1878, with notes, and a biographical preface by
M. Paul Gaffarel of Dijon.
The Cosmographie was not reprinted, nor was it, so far as I
know, translated into any other language. In the Magazine of
American History for February, 1882, however, Dr. De Costa
published a translation of the part of the book which relates to New
England.
It seems quite probable that Thevet never made the voyage
along the American coast of which he pretends to give an account.
He gives nothing at all from Florida to what he calls the River of
Norumbega, and is generally very indefinite in all his statements. He
may easily have taken his stories from other travellers’ books, and it
is known he used Cartier and others; and indeed he is said to have
been ill nearly all the time of his stay in Brazil, and to have scarcely
stirred out of the island where the fort was, waiting for the ship to
make ready for home.
Thevet’s reputation for veracity is poor, particularly among his
contemporaries. Jean de Léry, who was one of the party which went
out to Villegagnon, in response to his appeal for Protestant ministers
in 1556, after Thevet’s return home, wrote an account of the Brazil
enterprise. This, first published at La Rochelle in 1578, passed
through several editions. The preface of the second edition is
occupied with an exposure of the “errors and impostures” of Thevet,
and that of the fifth edition contains more matter of the same kind.
De Léry calls Thevet “impudent menteur,” and speaks of his books as
“vieux haillons et fripperies.” Again he says, “Il fait des contes
prophanes, ridicules, pueriles, et mensonges pour tous ses escrits.”
Possibly some allowance may be made for the odium theologicum of
the writer, a Calvinist, disputing with a monk; and it may be
remembered that both had been disappointed in any hopes they had
entertained of the conversion of the Indians, through the treachery
of Villegagnon.
Belleforest and Fumée have also written in harsh terms about
Thevet. De Thou, a historian of far more dignified and impartial
character than these others, is nearly as abusive. He says: “Il
s’appliqua par une ridicule vanité à écrire des livres, qu’il vendait à
des misérables libraires: après avoir compilé des extraits de
différents auteurs, il y ajoutait tout ce qu’il trouvait dans les guides
des chemins et autres livres semblables qui sont entre les mains du
peuple. Ignorant au-delà de ce qu’on peut imaginer, il mettait dans
ses livres l’incertain pour le certain, et le faux pour le vrai, avec une
assurance étonnante.”[125]
Even Thevet’s latest editor, M. Gaffarel, is forced to begin his
notice of the monk by allowing that he was not “un de ces écrivans
de premier ordre, qui, par la sûreté de leur critique, le charme de
leur style, ou l’intérét de leurs écrits commandent l’admiration à leurs
contemporains, et s’imposent à la postérité. Il passait, au contraire,
même de son temps, pour ne pas avoir un jugement très sur,” etc.
M. Gaffarel claims for Thevet the credit of introducing tobacco into
France, and hopes that this may balance the imperfections of his
books.
Dr. Kohl gave some credence to Thevet’s narrative, but admits
that he is “not esteemed as a very reliable author.” Still, he translated
the account of his visit to Penobscot Bay, and inserted it entire in his
Discovery of Maine.[126] Dr. De Costa in 1870 criticised this view of
Dr. Kohl.[127]

Note.—Harrisse, in his recent Discovery of North America (p. 234), cites

for the first time a long passage about Gomez’s voyage from the Islario of
Alonso de Santa Cruz, preserved in the Imperial Library at Vienna, and
finds it to be the source whence Cespedes (see ante, p. 24) drew his
language; and in it he finds somewhat uncertain proof that Gomez went
as far north as the entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and corrected
some cartographical notions respecting those waters. A map showing
Gomez’s discoveries is attached to the Islario, and Harrisse gives this map
in fac-simile.

MAPS OF THE
EASTERN COAST OF NORTH
AMERICA,
1500-1535,
WITH THE CARTOGRAPHICAL HISTORY OF THE SEA OF
VERRAZANO.
 BY THE EDITOR.

T
HE Editor has elsewhere[128] referred to the great uncertainty
attending the identification of minor coast localities in the
earliest maps. The most trustworthy interpreters recognize
two important canons,—namely, that cartographical names
during a long series of years, and at an era of exploration
forerunning settlements, are always suspicious and often delusive, as
Professor Bache has pointed out in the Coast Survey Report for 1855
(p. 10); and that direction is likely to be right, and distance easily
wrong, as Humboldt has explained. Nothing is more seductive than
to let a spirit of dogmatism direct in the interpretation of the early
maps, and there is no field of research in which predisposition to
belief may lead one so wrongly. It was largely in the spirit of finding
what they sought, that the early map-makers fashioned their charts;
and their interpretation depends quite as much on geographical
views current in those days as upon geographical facts patent in
these days.
The study of early American cartography may be said to have
begun with Humboldt; and in this restricted field no one has since
rendered greater service than Dr. Kohl.[129] Mr. Brevoort, not without
justice, calls him “the most able comparative geographer of our
day.”[130] The labor which Dr. Kohl performed took expression not
only in his publications, but also in the collection of copies of early
maps which he formed and annotated for the United States
Government twenty-five years ago. His later printed books, using
necessarily much of the same material, may be riper from longer
experience; but the Washington Collection, as he formed it, is still
valuable, and deserves to be better known. It belongs to the
Department of State, and consists of not far from four hundred
maps, following printed and manuscript originals. They are carefully
and handsomely executed, but with little attempt at reproduction in
fac-simile. By favor of the Secretary of State, and through the
interest of Theodore F. Dwight, Esq., the librarian of that
department, the collection has been intrusted to the Editor for use in
the present work and for the preparation of an annotated calendar of
the maps which will be printed by Harvard University.

THE ADMIRAL’S MAP, 1513.

Besides this collection in the State Department (which cost the

Government nearly $6,000), the Reports of the United States Coast-
Survey[131] describe three other collections, accompanied by
descriptive texts, which he made for that office, and which he
proposed to call collectively “The Hydrographic Annals of the United
States.” They repeat many of the maps belonging to the State
Department Collection. These supplemental collections are,—
1. On the eastern coast of the United States, giving copies of 41
maps; the titles of 155 surveys of the coast between 1612 and 1851;
a list of 291 works on the early explorations of the coast; and an
historical memoir on such voyages, from the Northmen down.
2. On the coasts of the Gulf of Mexico falling within the United
States, giving copies of 48 maps from 1500 to 1846; the titles of 58
surveys (exclusive of those of the United States), between 1733 and
1851; a list of 221 books and manuscripts on the explorations since
1524; and an historical memoir of the explorations between 1492
and 1722.[132]
3. On the west coast of the United States, giving a bibliography
of 230 titles.
There is another historical memoir by Dr. Kohl, with other copies
of the maps of the west coast, in the Library of the American
Antiquarian Society at Worcester, Mass.; and this also has been in
the temporary custody of the Editor.[133] At the time of his death Dr.
Kohl was occupied with the preparation of a history of the Search for
a Northwest Passage, from Cortes to Franklin, of which only a
fragment appeared in the Augsburg periodical, Ausland. It was a
theme which would naturally have embraced the whole extent of his
knowledge of early American discovery and cartography.[134]
The best printed enumeration of maps of the eastern coast of
North America is given by Harrisse for the earlier period in his
Cabots, and for a later period in his Notes sur la Nouvelle France.
 PORTUGUESE CHART, 1503 (after Kohl).

The map of La Cosa (1500) still remains the earliest of these

delineations, and a heliotype of it is given in another volume.[135]
Harrisse has lately claimed the discovery in Italy of a Portuguese
chart of 1502, showing the coast from the Gulf of Mexico to about
the region of the Hudson River, which bears coast names in twenty-
two places; but the full publication of the facts has not yet been
made;[136] and there is no present means of ascertaining what
relation it bears to a large manuscript map of the world, of
Portuguese origin, preserved in the Archives at Munich, of which a
part is herewith sketched from Dr. Kohl’s copy, and to which he gives
the conjectural date of 1503.
Dr. Kohl also reproduces it in part in his Discovery of Maine, p.
174, where he dates it 1504. His two copies vary, in that the
engraved one seems to make the east and west coast-line from
“Cabo de Conception” the determinate one, while his manuscript
copy gives the completed character to the other line. It is held to
record the results of Cortereal’s voyage, and shows in Greenland a
more correct outline than any earlier chart. The other coast seems to
be Labrador and Newfoundland run into one. Peschel (Geschichte
des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, p. 331) puts the date 1502 or
1503. The present Cape Freels, on the Newfoundland coast, is
thought to be a corruption of “Frey Luis,”—here given to an island.
(Cf. Kunstmann, Die Entdeckung Amerikas, pp. 69, 128.) Harrisse
(Cabots, p. 161) speaks of Kunstmann’s referring it to “Salvat de
Pilestrina,” and thinks that the author may be “Salvat[ore] de
Palastrina” of Majorca. Lelewel also gives in his Géographie du
Moyen-Âge (plate 43) a map of importance in this connection, which
he dates 1501-1504, and which seems to be very like a combination
of the two Ptolemy maps of 1513. The Reinel Chart of 1505 has
been referred to in the preceding text.[137]
The Catalogue of the Library of Parliament (Canada), 1858, p.
1614, gives what purports to be a copy of a “Carte de l’embouchure
du St. Laurent faite et dressée sur une écorce de bois de Vouleau,
envoyée du Canada par Jehan Denys, 1508.” Shea also mentions it in
his Charlevoix, i. 106, with a reference to Ramusio’s third volume. Mr.
Ben: Perley Poore, in his Documents collected in France, in the
Massachusetts Archives, says he searched for the original of this map
at Honfleur without success. Harrisse, Cabots, p. 250, says no such
map is to be found in the Paris Archives; and a tracing being
supplied from Canada, he pronounces it “absolument apocryphe,”
with a nomenclature of the last century. Bancroft (United States,
edition of 1883, i. 14) still, however, acknowledges a map of Denys
of this date.
The question of the duration of the belief in the Asiatic
connection of North America naturally falls into connection with the
volume[138] of this work devoted to the Spanish discoveries. We may
refer briefly to a type of map represented by the Lenox globe[139]
(1510-1512), the Stobnicza map[140] (1512), the so-called Da Vinci
sketch[141] (1512-1515), the Sylvanus map in the Ptolemy of 1511,
the Ptolemy of 1513, the Schöner, or Frankfort, globe of 1515,[142]
the Schöner globe of 1520,[143] the Münster map of 1532,[144] and
even so late a representation as the Honter mappamundi of 1542,
reproduced in 1552 and 1560. This type represents a solitary island,
or a strip of an unknown shore, sometimes joined with the island,
lying in the North Atlantic. The name given to this land is Baccalaos,
or Corterealis, or some equivalent form of those words, and their
coasts represent the views which the voyages of the Cabots and
Cortereals had established. West and southwest of this the ocean
flowed uninterruptedly, till you came to the region of Florida and its
northern extension. The Portuguese seem to have been the first to
surmise a continental connection to this region, in a portolano which
is variously dated from 1514 to 1520, and whose legends have been
quoted in the preceding text.[145]
The Portuguese claim of explorations in this region by Alvarez
Fagundes in 1521, or later, is open to question. If a map which is
brought forward by C. A. de Bettencourt, in his Descobrimentos dos
Portuguezes em terras do ultramar nos seculos xv e xvi, published at
Lisbon in 1881-1882, represents the knowledge of a time anterior to
Cartier, it implies an acquaintance with this region more exact than
we have other evidence of. The annexed sketch of that map follows
a colored fac-simile entitled, “Fac-simile de uma das cartas do atlas
de Lazaro Luiz,” which is given by Bettencourt. The atlas in which it
occurs was made in 1563, though the map is supposed to record the
explorations of João Alvarez Fagundes, under an authority from King
Manoel, which was given in 1521. Harrisse in his Cabots (p. 277)
indicates the very doubtful character of this Portuguese claim.
 LAZARO LUIZ.

The information concerning the

Baccalaos region, which was the
basis of these Portuguese charts,
seems also to have been known,
in part at least, a few years later
to Hieronymus Verrazano, and
Ribero, though the former
contracted and the latter closed up
the passages by the north and
south of Newfoundland. The chart VERRAZANO, 1529.
usually ascribed to Fernando
Columbus[146] closely resembles
that of Ribero. Of the Verrazano map sufficient has been said in the
preceding text; but it may not be amiss to trace more fully the
indications there given of its effect upon subsequent cartography, so
far as it established a prototype for a great western sea only
separated at one point from the Atlantic by a slender isthmus. Mr.
Brevoort (Verrazano, p. 5) is of the opinion that the idea of the
Western Sea originated with Oviedo’s Sumario of 1526.
 Reference has already been made to
the map of Maggiollo, or Maiollo (1527),
which Desimoni has brought forward,
and of which a fac-simile of his sketch is
reproduced on page 39. The sea will be
here observed with the designation,
“Mare Indicum.” Dr. De Costa showed a
large photograph of it at a meeting of
RIBERO, 1529. the New York Historical Society, May,
The key is as follows:— 1883, pointing out that the name
1. Esta tierra descubrierô los “Francesca” gave Verrazano the credit of
Ingleses, Tiera del Labrador. first bestowing that name in some form
2. Tiera de los Bacallaos, la upon what was afterward known as
qual descubrieron los corte New France.[147]
reales.
In 1870 there was published in the
3. Tiera de Esteva Gomez la Jahrbuch des Vereins für Erdkunde in
qual descubrio por mandado de
su. mag. el año de 1525, etc.
Dresden (tabula vii.) a fac-simile of a
map of America from a manuscript atlas
There are several early copies
preserved in Turin which gives
of this map. Harrisse describes
the Weimar copy as having on conjecturally this western sea, closely
“Tiera del Labrador” the words, after the type shown below in a map of
“Esta tierra descubrieron los Baptista Agnese (1536); its date is put
Ingleses no ay en ella cosa de somewhere between 1530 and 1540.
pronecho.” Thomassy says the
Propagande copy indicates the An Italian mappamundi of the middle
discovery of Labrador by the of the sixteenth century is described by
English of Bristol. See Vol. III. Peschel in the Jahresbericht des Vereins
pp. 16, 24, and a note in chap. für Erdkunde in Leipzig, 1871, where
ix. of the present volume. The
the map is given in colored fac-simile.
Ribero contour of the eastern
coast long prevailed as a type. Peschel places it between 1534 and
We find it in the Venice map of 1550; and it also bears a close
1534, of which there is a fac- resemblance to the Agnese map, as
simile in Stevens’s Notes, and does also a manuscript map of about
in the popular Bellero map of
1536, preserved in the Bodleian, of
1554 (in use for many years),
and, with little modification, in which Kohl, in his manuscript collection,
so late a chart as Hood’s in has a copy. This Agnese map is a part of
1592. It was held to for the a portolano in the Royal Library at
coast between Florida and Dresden; and similar ones by him are
Nova Scotia long after better
knowledge prevailed of the
said to be in the Royal Library at
more northern regions. It wasMunich, in the British Museum, and in
the Bodleian, dated a few months apart.
evidently the model of the map
published by the Spanish Kohl, in his Discovery of Maine (pl. xiv.),
Government in 1877 in the sketches it from the Dresden copy, and
Cartas de Indias.
his sketch is followed in the
accompanying cut. An account of Agnese’s cartographical labors is
given in another volume.[148]
Perhaps the most popular map of America issued in the sixteenth
century was Münster’s of 1540, of which a fac-simile is annexed.
Kohl, in his Discovery of Maine (pl. xvª), erring, as has been pointed
out by Murphy,[149] in giving a date (1530) ten years too early to
this map, and in ignorance of the Maiollo map, was led into the
mistake of considering it the earliest which has been found showing
this western sea. The map was frequently repeated, with changes of
names, during that century, and is found in use in books as late as
1572.[150]

MAIOLLO, OR MAGGIOLO, 1527.

The two legends, with date, are explained on p. 28.
 In the same year (1540) a similarly conjectural western sea was
given in a map of the Portuguese Diego Homem, which is preserved
in the British Museum. Kohl, in his Discovery of Maine (pl. xv.), gives
this and other maps which support in his judgment the belief in the
Verrazano Sea; but Murphy (Verrazzano, p. 106) denies that they
contribute any evidence to that end. Of the Ulpius globe, mention
has already been made.[151] A fac-simile of Dr. De Costa’s
representation of the American portion is given herewith.
There are two maps which
connect this western sea,
extending southerly from the
north, with the idea that a belt
of land surrounded the earth,
there being a connection
between Europe and Greenland,
and between Greenland and
Labrador, making America and
Eastern Asia identical. This
theory was represented in a map
of 1544,—preserved in the
AGNESE MAP, 1536.
British Museum and figured[152]
The key is as follows: 1. Terra de
bacalaos. 2. (dotted line) El viage de
by Kohl in his Discovery of Maine
france. 3. (dotted line) El viage de peru. (pl. xv.), who assigns it to
4. (dotted line) El viago a maluche. 5. Ruscelli, the Italian geographer.
Temistitan. 6. Iucatan. 7. Nombre de Another support of the same
dios. 8. Panama. 9. La provintia de peru. theory is found in the “Carta
10. La provintia de chinagua. 11. S.
Marina” of the 1548 edition of
paulo. 12. Mundus novus. 13. Brazil. 14.
Rio de la plata. 15. El Streto de Ptolemy (map no. 60).
ferdinando de Magallanas. Jacobo Gastaldo, or Gastaldi,
Harrisse (Cabots, p. 191), referring to was the cartographer of this
the dotted line of a route to India, which
Agnese lays down on this map, crossing
edition, and Lelewel[153] calls
the Verrazano isthmus, thinks it is rather him “le coryphée des
a reminiscence of Verrazano than of géographes de la peninsula
Cartier. Harrisse gives the legend, “el italique.” Ruscelli, if he did not
viazo de franza.” make this map for Gastaldo,
included it in his own edition of Ptolemy in 1561, the maps of which
have been pointed out by Thomassy as bearing “la plus grande
analogie avec celles de la galerie géographique de Pie IV.,” while the
same authority[154] refers to a planisphere of Ruscelli (1561) as
“inédit, conservé au Musée de la Propagande.”[155]
This union of North America and Asia was a favorite theory of the
Italians long after other nations had given it up.[156] Furlani in 1560
held to it in a map, and Ruscelli, in another map of the 1561 edition
of Ptolemy, leaves the question unsettled by a “littus incognitum.”

MÜNSTER, 1540.

Meanwhile Münster in the 1540 Ptolemy had given his idea of the
western sea by making it a southern extension of the northwest
passage. This is shown in a sketch of Münster’s 1540 map given
above.
FROM THE ULPIUS GLOBE, 1542.
 CARTA MARINA, 1548.
The key is as follows:—
11. Ganges.
1. Norvegia.
12. Samatra.
2. Laponia.
13. Java.
3. Gronlandia.
14. Panama.
4. Tierra del Labrador.
15. Mar del Sur.
5. Tierra del Bacalaos.
16. El Brasil.
6. La Florida.
17. El Peru.
7. Nueva Hispania.
18. Strecho de Fernande
8. Mexico.
Magalhaes.
9. India Superior.
19. Tierra del Fuego
10. La China.

One of the most conspicuous instances of a belief in this sea was

the Lok map of 1582, which Hakluyt published, as has been already
stated, in his Divers Voyages of that year, which, being made
“according to Verarzanus’s plot,” is reproduced here from the cut
already given in the preceding volume.[157]
 With Lok we may consider that the western sea vanishes, unless
there be thought a curious relic of it in the map which John White, of
the Roanoke Colony, made in 1585 of the coast from the Chesapeake
to Florida, which is preserved among the De Bry drawings in the
British Museum. The history of these drawings has been already told.
[158] There is a copy of this map in the Kohl Collection; but the
annexed sketch is taken from a fac-simile engraving given by Dr.
Edward Eggleston in The Century Magazine, November, 1882. It will
be observed that at Port Royal there seems to be a passage to
western water of uncertain extent,[159] which was interpreted later
as an inland lake.

LOK’S MAP, 1582,—REDUCED.

 JOHN WHITE, 1585.

Other maps of this period have no trace of such western sea, like
the protuberant “Terra del laboradore” of Bordone in 1521 and 1528;
[160] the “Terra Francesca” of the Premontré globe, now in the

National Library at Paris;[161] the northeasterly trend of the map of

the monk Franciscus;[162] the “Nova Terra laboratorum dicta” of
Robert Thorne’s map (1527);[163] Piero Coppo’s Portolano of 1528, in
which America appears as a group of islands; and in the British
Museum among the Sloane Manuscripts a treatise, De principiis
astronomie, which has a map in which the eastern coast of America
is made to consist of two huge peninsulas, one of them being
marked “Terra Franciscana nuper lustrata,”[164] and the other,
“Baccalear regio,” ending towards the east with a cape, “Rasu.”[165]
Kunstmann in his Atlas (pl. vi.) gives a map which he places
between 1532 and 1540; it is of unknown authorship.
 Wieser, in his Magalhâes-Strasse (p. 77), points to a globe of
Schöner, the author of the Opusculum geographicum, in which he
claimed that “Bachalaos—called from a new kind of fish there—had
been discovered to be continuous with Upper India.”

NORTH AMERICA, 1532-1540 (after Kunstmann).

There is a chart of Newfoundland and the Gulf of St. Lawrence

dated 1534, and of which Kohl gives a sketch in his Discovery of
Maine (pl. xviiiª). It is signed by Gaspar Viegas, of whom nothing is
known. A map, in what Harrisse[166] calls the Wolfenbüttel
Manuscript, has the legend upon Labrador: “This land was
discovered by the English from Bristol, and named Labrador because
the one who saw it first was a laborer from the Azores.” Biddle, in his
Sebastian Cabot, p. 246, had conjectured from a passage in a letter
of Pasqualigo in the Paesi novamente retrovati of 1507 (lib. vi. cap.
cxxvi.), that the name had come from Cortereal’s selling its natives in
Lisbon as slaves.
 CHAPTER II.
JACQUES CARTIER AND HIS SUCCESSORS.
BY THE REV. BENJAMIN F. DE COSTA, D.D.

J
ACQUES CARTIER, the Breton sailor, sometimes styled “the Corsair,”
was born at St. Malo, probably in 1491. He began to follow the sea
at an early age, and soon attained to prominence. In 1534 the
discovery of a western route to the Indies being a subject that
attracted great attention, Cartier undertook an expedition, for which
preparations had been begun during the previous year.
The Treaty of Cambrai having given peace to France, the
privateersmen, or “corsairs,” found that the best excuse for their
occupation was gone; and they were ready to engage in the work of
exploration opened by Francis I. in 1524, by sending out Verrazano.
Accordingly the King appears to have accepted the plan of Cartier
submitted by Chabot, Admiral of France, and the arrangements were
perfected. Cartier’s commission for the voyage has not yet been
produced, though in March, 1533, he was recognized by the Court of
St. Malo as a person already authorized to undertake a voyage to the
New Land.
Cartier sailed from the ancient port of St. Malo, April 20, 1534. With
two ships of about sixty tons each, and a company, it would appear, of
sixty-two chosen men, he laid his course in the track of the old
navigators, with whom he must have been familiar. On May 10 he
reached Cape Bonavista, one of the nearest headlands of
Newfoundland. Forced by storms to seek refuge in the harbor of St.
Catherine, about fifteen miles south-southeast of Bonavista, he spent
ten days in making some needed repairs. With the return of favorable
winds he resumed his voyage, and coasted northward to the Island of
Birds, which he found surrounded by banks of broken ice and covered
by an incredible number of fowl. With these the French loaded their
boats in half an hour. There, also, they saw a large bear, “as white as
any swan,” swimming thither “to eat of the said birds.” On May 27 the
ships reached the entrance of the Straits of Belle Isle, but were obliged
by the ice to enter the neighboring harbor of Carpunt, 51° N. From
Carpunt, Cartier sailed to the Labrador coast, and, June 10, reached a
harbor which he called Port Brest. The next day being the festival of St.
Barnabas, divine service was said by the priest serving as chaplain,
after which several boats went along the coast to explore, when they
reached and named the harbors of St. Anthony, St. Servans, and
Jacques Cartier. At St. Servans the explorers set up a cross, and near
by, at a place called St. John’s River, they found a ship from Rochelle,
which had touched at Port Brest the previous night.
The boats returned to the ships
on the 13th, the leader reporting
the appearance of Labrador as
forbidding, saying that this must be
the land that was allotted to Cain.
In this region they found some
savages who were “wild and
unruly,” and who had come “from
the mainland out of warmer
regions” in bark canoes. They
appear to have been the Red
Indians, or Boeotics, of
Newfoundland, who were
renowned as hunters, and who
excelled in the manufacture of
instruments carved in ivory and
[The familiar portrait of Cartier, of which bone. Professor Dawson says that
a sketch of the head is given in the the Breton sailor here stood in the
accompanying vignette, is preserved at presence of the precise equivalent
St. Malo, and engravings of it will be of the Flint Folk of his own country.
found in Shea’s editions of Le Clercq’s From Port Brest the expedition
Etablissement de la Foy and of crossed the Strait and “sailed
Charlevoix’s Histoire de la Nouvelle
toward the south, to view the lands
France, vol. i. p. 110, and in Faillon’s
that we had there seen, that
Histoire de la Colonie Française, vol. i.—
Ed.] appeared to us like two great
islands; but when we were in the
middle of the Gulf we knew it that it was terra firma, where there was a
great double cape, one above the other, and on this account we called
it Cape Double.” This was Point Rich, Newfoundland. Coasting the land,
amid mists and storms, June 24 he reached a cape, which in honor of
the day he called Cape St. John,—now known as Anguille. From
Anguille Cartier sailed southwest into the Gulf, reaching the Isles aux
Margoulx, the present Bird Rocks, two of which were “steep and upright
as any wall,” where he was again impressed by the fowl, “innumerable
as the flowers on a meadow.” Twenty-five miles westward was another
island, about six miles long and as many wide, being fertile, and full of
beautiful trees, meadows, and flowers. There were sea-monsters on
the shores, which had tusks like elephants. This he called Brion Island,
and the name still remains.
At this point both Ramusio’s narrative of the voyage and the
Discovrs dv voyage (1598) make Cartier say: “I think that there may be
some passage between Newfoundland and Brion Island;” but the text
of the Relation originale[167] reads, “between the New Land and the
land of the Bretons.” This has been accepted as teaching that Cartier at
that time did not know of the strait between Newfoundland and Cape
Breton; and it is argued that, as it afforded a shorter route from France
to Canada, he would have followed it, if he had known of its existence;
yet in 1541, when he certainly knew that strait, he took the route by
Belle Isle, as twice before. Again, on his second voyage, while passing
through the southern strait on his way to France, the narrative does not
speak of any discovery. The inference may be drawn that the passage
quoted misrepresents Cartier. Indeed, the portion of the narrative
covering the movements around Brion and Alezay Island is so confused
that one with difficulty takes in the situation. Dr. Kohl, in his Discovery
of Maine (p. 326), represents Brion’s Island as the present Prince
Edward; though no map seems to bear out the statement.
 Next Cartier passed to an island “very high and pointed at one end,
which was named Alezay.” Its first cape was called St. Peter’s, in honor
of the day. This, as it would appear, is the present Prince Edward
Island;[168] but the account admits of large latitude of interpretation.
Cartier reached the mainland on the evening of the last day of June,
and named a headland Cape Orleans; next he found Miramichi Bay, or
the Bay of Boats, which he called St. Lunario. Here he had some hope
of finding a passage through the continent. On July 4 Cartier was
surrounded by a great fleet of canoes, and was obliged to fire his
cannon to drive the natives away. The next day, however, he met them
on the shore, and propitiated their chief with the present of a red hat.
These were the Micmacs, a coast tribe wandering from place to place,
fishing in the summer, and hunting in the interior during the winter. By
July 8 he reached the bay which, on account of the heat, he called the
Bay Chaleur, known by the Indians as Mowebaktabāāk, or the Biggest
Bay. Here the Micmac country ended, and the natives were of another
tribe, visitors from Canada, who had descended the St. Lawrence to
prosecute the summer fisheries.[169] They proved friendly, engaging in
trade, and showing a disposition which Cartier thought would incline
them to receive Christianity. The country was beautiful, but no passage
was found extending through the land; and accordingly he sailed
northward, reaching a place called St. Martin’s Creek, and saying that
on this coast they have “figs, nuts, pears, and other fruits.” Leaving St.
Martin’s Creek, the coast was followed to Cape Prato,—a name which
appears like a reminiscence of Albert de Prato, who was at
Newfoundland in 1527.[170] Forty natives were seen in canoes; but they
were poor, and almost in a nude condition. They appeared to be
catching mackerel in nets made of a kind of hemp. Reaching Gaspé,
July 24, a large cross was set up, with a shield attached, bearing the
fleur-de-lis and the motto: “Vive le Roi de France.” The natives,
however, protested, understanding that by setting up this totem the
strangers claimed a country to which they had no right. Afterward two
of the natives, Taignoagny and Domagaya, were entrapped and made
prisoners, while presents sent to the tribe seemingly afforded
satisfaction. The next day the expedition left the land, and, sailing out
once more into the Gulf, they saw the great Island of Anticosti, when,
coasting its southern shore, they named its eastern cape St. Loys.
Thence Cartier steered over to the coast of Labrador, searching for a
passage to the west. On St. Peter’s day he was in the strait between
Anticosti and Labrador, which forms one entrance to Canada. He called
it St. Peter’s Channel; but he did not know whither it led, and
accordingly called a council. As the result, the season being now far
advanced, and the supplies running low, it was resolved to return to
France, and defer the examination of the strait to some more favorable
occasion. Cartier therefore left Anticosti, and reached White Sand
Island, August 9; on the 15th, after hearing Mass, he passed through
the Strait of Belle Isle into the ocean, and laid his course for France. He
had a prosperous passage, and arrived at St. Malo early in September.
The main object of his voyage proved a failure, and a route to the
Indies was not discovered. He had approached close to the mouth of
the St. Lawrence, but was not aware of the fact. A correct knowledge
of the situation would have filled him with chagrin. As it was, he
determined to persevere; and upon reaching France he proceeded to
prepare for another voyage.

The representations made by the intrepid sailor had the desired

effect, and Admiral Chabot at once made known the condition of affairs
to Francis I., who signed a commission for Cartier, Oct. 30, 1534,
authorizing him to complete the exploration beyond Newfoundland. For
this purpose the King gave Cartier three ships,—the “Great Hermina,” of
about one hundred and twenty tons, to be commanded by Cartier; the
“Little Hermina,” of sixty tons, under Macé Jalobert; and a small galley,
the “Emerilon,” in charge of Jacques Maingart. The men for his first
expedition had been obtained with difficulty, the sailors of St. Malo
preferring voyages with more certain and solid results than any to be
gained in Cartier’s romantic quest. Accordingly the King authorized him
to impress criminals. In a letter to the Most Christian King, Cartier
advocated the enterprise as one destined to open new fields for the
activity of the Church, which was now beginning to suffer from the
effects of the Protestant Reformation.
On Whit-Sunday, 1535, the members of the expedition—which does
not appear to have carried a priest, but included a number of
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