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Managing the Environment, Managing Ourselves
This page intentionally left blank
Managing the Environment,
Managing Ourselves
A History of American Environmental Policy

second edition

Richard N. L. Andrews

Yale University Press New Haven & London

First Edition published 1999 by Yale University Press.
Second Edition published 2006 by Yale University Press.
Copyright ∫ 1999, 2006 by Yale University.
All rights reserved.
This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, including illustrations, in any form (beyond that
copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the
public press), without written permission from the publishers.

Set in Galliard Roman by Keystone Typesetting, Inc.

Printed in the United States of America.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Andrews, Richard N. L.
Managing the environment, managing ourselves : a history of American environmental policy / Richard
N.L. Andrews.—2nd ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
isbn-13: 978-0-300-11124-8 (pbk. : alk. paper)
isbn-10: 0-300-11124-x (pbk. : alk. paper)

1. Environmental policy—United States—History. 2. Environmental management—United States—

History. I. Title.
ge180.a53 2006
363.7%050973—dc22
2006009073

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production
Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources.

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
S.D.G.
This page intentionally left blank
 Contents

Preface to the Second Edition ix

Preface to the First Edition xiii

1 Environment and Governance 1

2 Historical Context: European Colonization and Trade 14

3 Colonial Precedents: Environment as Property 28

4 The Constitutional Framework 51

5 Land and Transport: Commercial Development as Environmental

Policy 71

6 Agencies and Experts: The Beginnings of Public Management 94

7 Public Health and Urban Sanitation 109

8 Progressivism: Conservation in the Public Interest 136

9 Administering the Environment: Subgovernments and Stakeholders 154

10 Superpower and Supermarket 179

11 The Rise of Modern Environmentalism 201

12 Nationalizing Pollution Control 227

13 Reform or Reaction? The Politics of the Pendulum 255

viii Contents

14 The Unfinished Business of National Environmental Policy 284

15 Environmental Policy in a Global Economy 317

16 The Era of Base Politics 350

17 Managing the Environment, Managing Ourselves 396

Chronology 411

Notes 437

References 479

Index 503
 Preface to the Second Edition

When the first edition of this book was published, in 1999, President Bill Clinton had won
reelection and was in the midst of his second term. Environmental policymaking by the
Congress was increasingly gridlocked in partisan and ideological trench warfare, between
defenders of the status quo and those who wished to radically weaken and restructure the
environmental laws. Only three significant new environmental laws had been enacted since
1990, all in 1996 with an election looming. Even President Clinton had been only a
lukewarm supporter of environmental policy reform initiatives during his first term, de-
spite his high-profile environmentalist vice-president Al Gore, until the Republicans’ legis-
lative attacks in 1995–96 created an opportunity for him to run for reelection as defender-in-
chief of the nation’s environmental laws.
Since the first edition was published, American environmental policy has seen pro-
found changes. President Clinton pursued a far more aggressive environmental agenda
during his second term, both in setting aside public lands as protected wilderness and
roadless areas—more lands even than Theodore Roosevelt—and in regulating pollution,
energy conservation, and other environmental impacts. By the end of his second term he
had established a far stronger claim as an ‘‘environmental president’’ than in his first. He
also left a substantial legacy of environmental policy achievements, albeit most by execu-
tive actions rather than by legislation, as well as an increasingly mobilized opposition
among many of the businesses, rural property owners, and other constituencies most
directly restricted by his actions.
George W. Bush, in contrast, ran for president as an environmentally moderate Texas
governor, but he ran with the active support of these aroused constituencies, and as
president, and with Republicans in control of both houses of Congress as well, he initiated
a far more aggressive series of policy changes.
These changes included strong new emission controls for diesel engines, an expanded
‘‘cap-and-trade’’ system for reducing air pollution from power plants, increased subsidies
for conservation practices by rural landowners, streamlined procedures for cleaning up

ix
x Preface to the Second Edition

contaminated sites (‘‘brownfields’’) for reuse, and a new ocean policy initiative. More
prominently, however, they included rolling back many of Clinton’s land-protection and
regulatory initiatives, opening many western natural areas to oil and gas extraction, in-
creasing commercial logging on the national forest lands, exempting the military agencies
from several of the environmental statutes, weakening endangered species protections by
manipulating their scientific justifications, withdrawing U.S. leadership and even par-
ticipation from the Kyoto Protocol on global climate change, and opposing ambitious
goals or binding commitments in most other international environmental agreements.
More than a year into his second term, Bush and the Republican leadership in Congress
had achieved relatively few changes in the environmental statutes. They had not succeeded
in several high-profile attempts to open the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to oil and gas
extraction, to enact major changes in the Clean Air Act, nor to radically alter the Endan-
gered Species Act or National Environmental Policy Act as conservative House Republi-
cans had hoped. Like Clinton, however, though to very di√erent ends, Bush instigated a
wide range of policy changes through executive and regulatory actions, in Bush’s case
aimed chiefly at easing environmental restrictions on businesses, property owners, and the
military and security agencies, and at restoring discretionary autonomy to federal agencies
to approve commercial or governmental uses of environmental resources.
The ‘‘environmental era’’ that President Nixon declared in 1970 was a time when, in his
words, ‘‘it was literally now or never’’ to clean up the pollution burden and other environ-
mental excesses of modern society. That era was marked by a rare and distinctive bipartisan
commitment to national environmental protection policies, both in legislation and in
executive policies, many of them signed and implemented by Republican presidents.
Notwithstanding several organized counterattacks—the attempted counterrevolution of
the early Reagan administration and the antigovernment Republican congressional insur-
gency of 1994–96—the politics of the environmental era remained a significant force in
national policy, far longer than its early observers anticipated, and they remain potent
enough still to block most attempts to reverse statutory protections.
With the presidency of George W. Bush, however, and the control of both houses of
Congress by conservative factions of the Republican party, the broad-based and bipartisan
civic politics of the environmental era appeared to have largely ended, at least for a time.
They were replaced by a more divisive ‘‘base politics,’’ which emphasized mobilizing and
catering to the most ideologically zealous factions of each party’s ‘‘base,’’ marginalizing
moderates, demonizing opponents, and seeking radical policy transformation to serve the
base’s preferences rather than workable solutions accommodating the broader electorate.
Environmental politics were reduced to a partisan and ideological issue, used by many
Republicans to mobilize their base against government regulation and by many Demo-
crats to mobilize their base by demonizing the Republicans. Environmental issues were
reframed as issues of anti-government ideology, ‘‘business-friendly’’ regulatory streamlin-
ing, and subsidies for favored industries; environmental protection advocates were forced
into a largely defensive posture against proposals to weaken core statutes and regulations.
Bipartisan environmental policy initiatives continued to be proposed, but the era of bipar-
 Preface to the Second Edition xi

tisan congressional leadership cooperation in designing broadly consensual and more

e√ective national environmental policies was over. The national political agenda was dom-
inated instead by partisan agenda control and by terrorism and security issues, war and
torture, economic fears and corporate scandals, and moralistic crusades to control individ-
ual rather than business behavior.
Does this mean, then, that environmentalism is ‘‘dead,’’ as two self-styled ‘‘new environ-
mentalists’’ have recently claimed (Shellenberger and Nordhaus 2004), urging that en-
vironmental protection advocates retreat from all that they have done and start over?
Hardly. Environmental policy even at the federal level remains hotly contested, and even at
a stando√ it stands as evidence of the continuing importance of environmental protection
policies to the American public, not a victorious rout by those who would prefer a return
to self-interested exploitation. Advocates of radical rollbacks in environmental policy
failed repeatedly to pass their chosen symbolic test of political power, legislation opening
the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to oil extraction, as a coalition of Democrats and
moderate Republicans held firm against it; most other environmental bills were shelved
for similar reasons. As Bush’s personal popularity diminished and Republican conserva-
tives themselves became more divided, and as the 2006 congressional elections drew
nearer, there were even some signs of new collaborative initiatives by moderates of both
parties: a bipartisan Energy Policy Act was finally passed without ANWR in 2005, and
Senators McCain and Lieberman attracted a growing number of signatures on a climate-
change bill, among others.
Meanwhile, environmental policy innovations continue to emerge in some states, in
the European Union, and in many other countries. Even George Bush’s Texas and Chris-
tine Todd Whitman’s New Jersey, let alone Arnold Schwarzenegger’s California, have
produced more significant innovations in policies for slowing global warming than has the
U.S. government. Other states have taken initiatives to clean up old coal-fired power
plants, to reduce emissions from motor vehicles, to protect ecosystems and natural land-
scapes, and to achieve other environmental goals. Many businesses and some trade asso-
ciations have committed themselves to promoting more environmentally sustainable prac-
tices and requiring such practices of their members, suppliers, and customers.
The tragedy of today’s dysfunctional national environmental politics is that it is making
the United States increasingly ill prepared to deal with the serious environmental threats,
to the economy as well as ecosystems, that loom ahead. The United Nations’ Millennium
Ecosystem Assessment, produced by more than 1,300 scientists and released in 2005,
documents in sobering and systematic detail the serious deterioration of the world’s eco-
systems and of the vital services they provide to human life and economic benefit.
Global climate change is no longer merely a speculative concern about the distant
future: the rapid melting of glaciers and polar ice caps is now well documented, as is the
increasing frequency and intensity of tropical storms, and the severe economic and social
impacts that accompany them. Global energy shortages, fueled by rising demand and
limited new oil and gas discoveries, now threaten large and permanent cost burdens. Will
we therefore continue to define the American way of life as feeding an insatiable demand
xii Preface to the Second Edition

for cheap fossil fuels, and accept the environmental damage of all-out exploitation of
them, or will we support policies to promote a transition to more e≈cient energy conser-
vation and more benign and renewable sources?
Many world fisheries are near collapse. Can they be protected and given time to regen-
erate? If not, what will replace them, and at what loss and costs?
Many of the world’s people still lack such basic environmental resources as food and
potable water. How will these be provided?
Even within the United States, past generations’ investments in environmental infra-
structures are now aging and increasingly inadequate. Will there be a renewed public
commitment to finance repairing and expanding them? And if so, will this e√ort be made
in ways that further exacerbate urban sprawl and oil-dependent commuting, or in ways
that propel communities toward greater e≈ciency and more sustainable harmony with
their natural environments?
Finally, the U.S. economy and standard of living themselves, and those of other coun-
tries both rich and poor, depend increasingly on the health of global ecosystems as well as
the global economy, and of the natural processes and services that support them. How will
we generate the political will to manage these ecosystems on a sustainable basis, and to
manage our own demands and use of them so as to assure their continued health?
In U.S. national environmental policymaking, the present prospect is not hopeful.
What hope there is lies in the recognition of the importance of these issues by new and
broader alliances of stakeholders and civic constituencies, including many leaders in the
business and religious communities as well as in some farsighted local and state govern-
ments, and in the innovative examples of some other countries as well.
This second edition, then, brings the first up to date through President Clinton’s
second term and President George W. Bush’s first. I am grateful once again for the encour-
agement of my editor at Yale University Press, Jean Thomson Black; for comments and
suggestions on the new material by Joel Mintz, Robert Paehlke, Rena Steinzor, Robert
Verchick, and others including many of my students; and for skillful copyediting by Jenya
Weinreb. Di√erent versions of a few of the discussions in this edition also appear in other
books and journals (e.g., Andrews 1998, 2005).
I also express my continuing gratitude to the late Maynard Michael Hufschmidt, who
first encouraged me down the path of historical inquiry into environmental policy; to my
children and grandchild, Sarah and Roland Roehrich and Amber, and Chris Andrews and
Emily Harville, for whose world this book seeks to provide context and encouragement;
to my parents, Constance Doane Young Andrews and the late Nigel Lyon Andrews, for
their lifelong love and encouragement; and for the continuing support, joyful companion-
ship, and sharp editorial eye of my wife, Hannah Wheeler Andrews.
 Preface to the First Edition

Since 1970, the natural environment has been one of the most visible and volatile topics of
American public policy. In popular perceptions the ‘‘environmental era’’ began in 1970,
with Earth Day, the coalescence of a broad ‘‘environmental movement,’’ the signing of the
National Environmental Policy Act, the creation of the Environmental Protection Agency,
and the enactment of over a dozen sweeping new federal laws for environmental protec-
tion and ecological preservation. Much of the literature of American environmental policy
deals only with this recent period and provides little sense of the historical origins or
context of these policies.
In reality, American environmental policy has far older roots. It includes not only the
recent burst of legislation intended to protect the environment, but all the policies by
which Americans have used the powers of government to exploit, transform, or control
their natural surroundings. These include nearly four hundred years’ worth of policies
establishing private rights, public restrictions, and economic incentives shaping human
use of the natural environment, from colonial precedents and constitutional principles to
subsequent laws, regulations, and other policies. Some recent policies are genuinely new,
but far more are attempts to change or o√set policies already in e√ect that reflect the
environmental priorities and political power structures of previous generations.
Environmental policies are intricately interwoven with the broader forces and patterns
of American history. The history of environmental policy is the history not merely of the
Environmental Protection Agency, nor of the public lands, water resource, and wildlife
agencies. It is all these things, but it is also the history of policies promoting transporta-
tion, industrialization, urbanization and suburbanization, trade, and other uses of en-
vironmental resources. It is a product not merely of specialized professions and interest
groups, therefore, but of the country’s dominant economic and political forces, shaped by
elected o≈cials, government agencies, business interests, and citizen demands. Some en-
vironmental historians would even argue that the history of human use of the natural
environment is the only ultimately real or important history, underneath the distractions of

xiii
xiv Preface to the First Edition

more fleeting politics and ‘‘progress’’ (Martin 1992, 109–30). It is not, therefore, merely
an isolated sector of interest to a few specialists and advocates, but an essential thread in
the fabric of American historical understanding.
The purpose of this book is to provide a systematic account of how American environ-
mental policy has developed, in the larger context of American history. It is in particular a
history of environmental policies—of the actions of government that have a√ected the
natural environment, and of the problems that motivated them and the consequences that
followed from them—with particular attention to their implications for issues today. It is
ultimately about the future of American environmental policy, in a world in which na-
tional environmental policies are increasingly under challenge not only by domestic
critics—both for and against e√ective environmental governance—but also by the rising
influence of global economic forces that are largely independent of national policy control.
Several themes run through this book. First, environmental issues are issues not just of
science or economics but of governance. They concern problems that are not being solved
by science and technology alone, nor by the ‘‘invisible hand’’ of markets or individual
actions, and for which advocates therefore seek collective solutions through government
action. They are debates as much about what government should do to solve environmen-
tal issues, therefore, as about the issues themselves. Some of these solutions have involved
regulation, but others have involved public investments and subsidies, scientific research
and technical assistance, information and educational programs, determination of prop-
erty rights, and other government actions. Government policies themselves, moreover, are
often causes of environmental problems as well as solutions to them.
Second, environmental policy includes not just what government says about the en-
vironment, not just what is labeled as environmental policy, but everything the govern-
ment does that a√ects it. This is an important distinction. The term ‘‘environmental
policy’’ dates back only to the 1960s, and some readers may wish to reserve it for actions
explicitly taken under that label. Policymakers in other times and other policy arenas
defined issues di√erently, one might reason, and had no conscious understanding of ‘‘the
environment’’ as it is thought of today nor any meaningful intent to a√ect it by their
actions toward other policy ends. Such a limited definition, however, would rule out even
many current issues in which advocates of di√erent priorities purposely describe them in
rhetorics other than ‘‘environmental’’ in order to advance di√erent political agendas. In
reality, many of the impacts of government action on the natural landscape were evident
and intentional in other policy sectors throughout American history (though not all, or
always). Whether or not today’s concept of ‘‘environment’’ and its full modern connota-
tions were present, therefore, both the facts of those impacts and the ways in which
policymakers characterized them are legitimate and essential raw materials for understand-
ing the history and politics that have shaped American environmental policy.
Third, today’s environmental policies have been strongly shaped, though not foreor-
dained, by past policies and by their historical contexts. Policies are path–dependent:
today’s policies and issues in any society are strongly shaped by past issues and policy
decisions, and by the political and economic forces associated with them, not merely by
immediate political debates. American environmental policy reflects distinctive features of
 Preface to the First Edition xv

American environmental conditions, and of the settlement patterns, technological in-

frastructures, economic and social dependencies, and political choices that have evolved in
interaction with them. To understand these conditions, and their interactions with social,
economic, and political choices over time, is essential to understanding American environ-
mental policies themselves. These historical factors are also important considerations in
any proposal to use American policies as models for other societies—or, for that matter, to
consider adopting other governments’ policy innovations in the United States.
Fourth, U.S. environmental policies have changed significantly and repeatedly over the
course of American history. Several of these shifts marked fundamental reversals in philos-
ophy of environmental governance. Examples include the shift from nineteenth-century
privatization to active public management under Theodore Roosevelt’s Progressivism,
from limited public management to massive federal investment in managed conservation
under Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal, from resource conservation to all–out industrial
exploitation during wartime, and from little or no federal responsibility for air and water
pollution control, waste management, and chemical hazards to detailed national regula-
tory authority in the 1970s. Most policy shifts, however, represented merely the cumula-
tive addition of disparate pieces, whose inconsistencies were often left resolved. The result
is a patchwork legacy of conflicting policies with little coordination or integration, which
are contested again with each new issue, each new Congress, and each new administration.
This historical context a√ects every environmental issue today. Wetland protection and
endangered species preservation are severely constrained by constitutional doctrines es-
tablishing the primacy of private property rights, for instance, and by almost two centuries
of policies selling or giving away federal lands to private owners. Water pollution and
waste management policies are powerfully shaped by the fact that city governments, not
just private enterprises, have been responsible for these functions for almost a century. The
energy crises of the 1970s were founded on decades of public policies providing cheap
energy and thus promoting structural dependence on it. Public–lands policies today in-
clude century–old statutes promoting mining and other extractive uses with few require-
ments to prevent or correct their damage to the environment. Environmental administra-
tors in government profess a hundred-year-old tradition of belief in using their science and
engineering expertise ‘‘in the public interest,’’ while challengers from both businesses and
environmental advocacy groups point to forty years of literature rebutting such claims,
and advocate instead for more direct accountability of government agencies to citizens
a√ected by their actions. Federal pollution control regulations are now being whipsawed
between resurgent advocates of states’ rights—the subject of a two-hundred-year-old
debate—and larger forces in the global economy, enlarged by five decades of policies
promoting world trade liberalization, which threaten to move economic activities and
their environmental impacts beyond any e√ective state or national control. The political
stalemate over environmental policy in the 1990s reflects the consequences of the very
policies put in place in the 1970s, at the height of the ‘‘environmental era,’’ to provide for
e√ective protection and management of the natural environment. Today’s policies will
shape tomorrow’s as well, both by their e√ects and by their omissions.
Finally, environmental policy is not just about managing the environment, but about
xvi Preface to the First Edition

managing ourselves. Much of the history of American environmental policy reflects a

primary emphasis on controlling, managing, and manipulating the natural landscape it-
self, as a supply of raw materials and energy, a site for human construction and develop-
ment projects, a source of hazards to be controlled by human intervention, and occa-
sionally, a source of amenity and human enjoyment. Protecting and maintaining that
landscape requires restraining and moderating the impacts of human intervention in order
to protect natural species, processes, and ecosystems for other purposes and to sustain
their continued existence. Today and for the foreseeable future, in a world in which human
population growth, technological capabilities, and material and energy consumption now
impact the earth’s natural processes on a global scale, managing the environment requires
managing ourselves as well. In this task the perspectives of the social sciences and the
humanities will be as important as the natural and engineering sciences, and both intellec-
tual interaction and practical cooperation among all these fields will be essential.
No book could hope to do justice to all the significant events of American environmen-
tal policy, let alone the details of the policies themselves and the full stories of their
establishment and implementation. I am painfully aware of how many of them I have had
to mention only briefly if at all, and can only hope that readers unfamiliar with them will
be inspired to read further about them, and that those who know them well will forgive
my brevity and omissions. If this book at least conveys an informative and reasonably
accurate account of the major lines of policy development, the contexts and forces that
produced them, and their consequences for later and current issues, it will have accom-
plished what I can reasonably hope for it.
Any book of this scope owes many debts, both intellectual and personal. The first is to
the distinguished group of scholars whose earlier work on the history of various aspects of
environmental policy laid the foundations for it, including particularly Lynton Caldwell,
William Cronon, Samuel Dana, Ernest Engelbert, Samuel Hays, Martin Melosi, George
Rosen, Joel Tarr, and others cited in the bibliography. The second is to those who most
directly inspired my own interest in the subject, particularly Maynard Hufschmidt and
Blair Bower in environmental policy, Milton Heath and Joseph Sax in environmental law,
and John Morton Blum in American history. Third, I have benefited greatly from my
interaction with senior environmental policymakers who have shared thoughtful perspec-
tives on their experience, particularly William Ruckelshaus, William Reilly, Alvin Alm, and
Terry Davies, and from the excellent work of Dewitt John and the sta√ of the National
Academy of Public Administration, whose e√orts enriched the chapters on the Environ-
mental Protection Agency.
I am also deeply grateful to a number of colleagues who were kind enough to read and
suggest improvements in the manuscript, including Dan Esty, Donald Higginbotham,
William Leuchtenburg, Michael Lienesch, Barry Rabe, and others including one anony-
mous reviewer, and to other colleagues whose ideas have influenced my own: in particular
Otis Graham, Donald Hornstein, Michael Kraft, Robert Paehlke, Norman Vig, and oth-
ers. I acknowledge with special thanks Jean Thomson Black of Yale University Press,
whose enthusiasm and professionalism as well as her thoughtful comments provided
valuable incentives to bring this to completion. Any remaining errors are mine alone.
 Preface to the First Edition xvii

Fellowships from Resources for the Future and the Rockefeller Foundation provided
financial support for several stages of the research, which I acknowledge with thanks. I am
also especially grateful to my students, whose critiques and fresh ideas have shaped my
perspective in innumerable ways, and to the University of Michigan School of Natural
Resources and the Department of Environmental Sciences and Engineering of the School
of Public Health, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, for allowing and encourag-
ing me to develop these ideas over some twenty-six years of teaching and research. Rebek-
kah Cote provided extraordinarily diligent secretarial assistance in various stages of the
word processing of the manuscript, and Frederick Mullner provided valuable help in
finding illustrations.
Finally, I am grateful beyond words for the personal and intellectual companionship of
Hannah Wheeler Andrews throughout this project, and for her constant encouragement
as well as her insightful questions and editing suggestions; and for the patience and
support of all my family.
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Managing the Environment, Managing Ourselves
This page intentionally left blank
1 Environment and Governance
A belief in spontaneous progress must make us blind to the role of government in
economic life.—Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation

Every society develops particular patterns of relationships between its members and their
natural environment. At a minimum, these patterns include acquiring the material neces-
sities of life (food, water, heat, shelter), disposing of material and energy wastes, and pro-
tecting people from environmental hazards (fires, floods, predators, diseases). Beyond the
minimum, they include attempts to satisfy additional human wants and aspirations: larger
populations, material comfort and aΔuence, urban amenities, political and economic
power, a sense of beauty or security, and monuments to religious values or human vanity.
These patterns di√er greatly from one society to another. They di√er in part due to the
environmental conditions themselves—climate and weather patterns, hills and valleys and
plains, minerals, vegetation and wildlife, rivers, estuaries and oceans—and the oppor-
tunities and constraints and hazards that these conditions present. They di√er also with
the characteristics of the society. Large and small populations make di√erent demands on
their environments. So do populations that have more or less powerful technologies for
resource extraction and transportation, more or less elaborate systems for economic ex-
change, more dense or dispersed settlement patterns, and greater or fewer material aspira-
tions. Di√erent societies also see and value their environments in di√erent ways: what is
desired in one culture may be unrecognized, distasteful, or even feared in another.
The e√ects of these patterns may be more or less sustainable over time, both for the
society itself and for its environmental conditions. They may also be more or less equitable
in their impacts, more or less conscious and deliberate, and more or less influenced by the
actions of formal governments.

Environmental Issues as Governance Issues

Human uses of the environment are matters of governance, not merely of individual
choice or economic markets.
Some may disagree with this assertion. Strict libertarians might argue, for instance, that

1
2 Environment and Governance

uses of the environment should be decided by autonomous individuals acting on their

own preferences and values, without compulsion by governments. Free-market econo-
mists might argue that they should be decided by the sum of individual preferences
expressed in market choices, and that government should intervene only to correct ‘‘mar-
ket failures.’’ Still others might argue that the only role of government should be to protect
and enforce private property rights, leaving environmental choices to those who thus own
the environment.
For at least seven reasons, however, government involvement in environmental issues is
both necessary and inevitable.
First, governments assign and enforce property rights, determining who has what rights to use
or transform the environment and what duties to protect it. When someone buys an acre of
land, does she own the minerals underneath it and the water and wildlife that cross it as
well, or may these belong to someone else or to the public? Does a commercial fisherman
have the right to sell as many fish as he can catch, destroying an entire fishery and simply
moving on to another, or is that right limited by a legitimate public interest in maintaining
the fishery’s survival? Does an upstream industry or city have the right to use a river for
waste disposal, or does a downstream homeowner or community have the right to water
free of contaminants?
Governments do not merely intervene in markets. They establish the basic operating
conditions for them, a≈rming and enforcing principles regarding who actually holds the
rights to produce or sell environmental assets—or to exclude others from them—in the
first place, and who is liable for the costs of environmental damage. Even libertarians
need governments to enforce their rights against environmental damage caused by their
neighbors.
Second, governments define and enforce the rules of markets themselves. Governments en-
force contracts and other rules of market honesty, for instance, so that both buyers and
sellers can protect themselves against cheaters. Some of these rules involve environ-
mental conditions: adulterated foods, contaminated or toxic products, businesses with
unacknowledged environmental liabilities, false advertising claims for ‘‘green’’ products,
and other misrepresentations. For that matter, modern corporations would not even exist
without government statutes that allow people to pool capital assets in such organizations,
to limit their personal liability for the corporations’ actions, and to operate such corpora-
tions as ‘‘legal persons’’ with essentially the same legal rights as individuals. Markets do not
operate without government enforcement of the rules of fair transactions, and environ-
mental conditions are often elements of such fairness.
Third, governments protect public health and safety. Both infectious diseases and toxic
agents are spread through environmental exposures against which people cannot fully
protect themselves by individual actions or market choices: through air, water, and food
contamination, insect vectors, and unwitting contact with infected individuals, for in-
stance. Historically such hazards have killed and sickened vast numbers of people. En-
vironmental hazards are also increased by the cumulative e√ects of individually logical
choices: disposing of wastes as cheaply as possible, building more and more homes with
septic systems around lakes, paving and building along rivers and thus increasing down-
 Environment and Governance 3

stream floods. Governments are needed to enforce reasonable restrictions on individual

behavior patterns that create hazards to public health and safety.
Fourth, governments protect environmental assets from ‘‘tragedies of the commons.’’ Many
valuable environmental resources are ‘‘open access’’ or ‘‘common pool’’ resources that can
easily be captured and sold by competing businesses. Examples include ocean fisheries and
large underground oil pools. Each commercial fisherman has an incentive to catch and sell
as many fish as possible, and each oil company to pump as rapidly as possible, since
otherwise the resource will be captured and sold by their competitors. National parks and
public highways experience similar problems: the cumulative e√ects of individual choices
can lead to overcrowding or even destruction of the common resource. Garrett Hardin
described such problems as tragedies of the commons (1968). Such patterns of incentives
and behavior, he argued, must be restrained by some governance mechanism—‘‘mutual
coercion, mutually agreed upon’’—or the common resource will be destroyed by the
cumulative results of individually rational choices.
Fifth, governments provide collective goods that markets do not. Many valuable environmen-
tal conditions are collective goods. Like national defense, clean air and public parklands
benefit whole communities rather than just individual purchasers, and arable soils and
sustainable fisheries benefit generations who are not yet present to make market choices.
Markets undervalue or even fail to provide such goods: first, because it is impossible to
organize payment by all the people who benefit from them, and second, because those
who don’t pay cannot be excluded from enjoying them as well. Acting as self-interested
individuals, both businesses and consumers are tempted to ‘‘free-ride’’: to pay as little as
possible for their share of collective goods from which everyone benefits.
Free-riding aside, individuals and markets also depend on governments to pool enough
resources to finance projects that may be widely beneficial but require large investments
for benefits that accrue over long periods of time. Examples include large multipurpose
water resource development projects, building of transportation infrastructure, and space
exploration. Not all such projects have been well justified in the past, but many clearly
have been.
More generally, governments provide environmental services that people prefer to have pro-
vided collectively, acting as voting citizens of a community, state, or nation rather than as
individual consumers. Examples include public water supplies and waste management
services, community amenities, and parks and recreation areas. Governments also have the
unique power to redistribute access to environmental amenities and economic resources
based on votes rather than purchases. In societies more complex than small face-to-face
communities, only governments can redistribute resources so as to provide at least mini-
mal access to decent living conditions regardless of wealth. Also, only governments can
moderate the inequities that markets tend to produce, both in general economic opportu-
nity and in access to environmental resources and amenities. Governments do not always
produce these results—often they are influenced by powerful economic interests to redis-
tribute from the poor to the rich—but only governments can accomplish redistribution.
Finally, environmental issues are governance issues because governments’ actions have
environmental impacts themselves. Governments tax some uses and subsidize others, and
4 Environment and Governance

they invest public funds in projects to transform the landscape for resource extraction,
human settlements, transportation, food and energy production, and other uses. They
preserve and manage some landscapes directly, regulate and restrict the use of others, and
support research and professional expertise in areas of environmental knowledge that
markets alone might not. Government actions both cause and correct environmental
problems: government regulations and subsidies have been vital and e√ective tools for
cleaning up pollution, for instance, but government incentives for Cold War military and
industrial production also caused widespread contamination in the first place. Dealing
with environmental issues therefore means dealing with the environmental e√ects of gov-
ernment actions themselves, not simply those of individuals and businesses.
In environmental policy issues, therefore, questions about the proper management of
the environment are fundamentally intertwined with questions about the proper ends and
means of governments themselves.

Environmental Policy
Environmental protection policy includes three elements of environmental policy that are
explicitly intended to protect public health and ecological processes from adverse e√ects of
human activities. The first element is pollution control, including prevention, safe manage-
ment, and cleanup of waste discharges, accidental spills, and deliberate environmental
dispersion of toxic materials such as pesticides. The second is sustainable natural resource
management, including maintenance of naturally renewable resources (groundwater, for-
ests, fish and wildlife, arable soils), regulation of rates of extraction and use of other
resources (water, fuels, strategic minerals), and management of conflicting uses of land-
scapes for commodity production and recreation. The third is preservation of natural and
cultural heritage, including areas of special beauty, historical and cultural significance,
ecological functions, and landscape character.
Environmental policy as a whole, however, includes all government actions that alter
natural environmental conditions and processes, for whatever purpose and under what-
ever label. Policies promoting transformation of the environment for mineral extraction,
for agriculture or forestry or outdoor recreation, for urban or industrial development, or
for transportation infrastructure are in their e√ects just as much elements of environmen-
tal policy as are pollution control regulations or habitat protection programs—whether or
not they are called by that name. So are military operations, international trade agree-
ments, and other policies with environmental impacts.
This broad definition of environmental policy has important practical implications.
First, the ‘‘real’’ environmental policy of a government is not necessarily what its o≈cials
say their policy is, nor what the statutes and regulations say, but the cumulative e√ect of
what government actions actually do to the natural environment. Many o≈cial statements
of environmental policy, and even statutory mandates, are undercut by conflicting man-
dates or underfunded budgets, and others are ine√ective in achieving their stated purposes.
Second, many of the most powerful instruments of environmental policy are lodged
 Environment and Governance 5

not in environmental protection agencies but in agencies that transform environmental

conditions for other purposes. The policies of the Agriculture, Energy, and Transportation
Departments, for instance, may a√ect the environment at least as much as those of the
Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), and their budgets are far larger. Some of the
most e√ective policy strategies for reducing pollution, therefore, might involve not adding
new EPA regulatory programs, but changing or eliminating environmentally damaging
programs administered by other departments.∞ More generally, the best way to achieve an
environmental policy goal, such as reducing pollution or preserving ecosystems or land-
scapes, might often be to improve coordination of conflicting policies across multiple
sectors, rather than merely to add a single new law involving one agency.

Environmental Problems as Public Policy Issues

Environmental problems share with other public policy issues a set of questions about
what governments should and should not do, and how such decisions should be made.
These questions are just as much a part of the debates about environmental problems as
are the questions of environmental science, technology, and economics that often domi-
nate such debates. They include the following:
Individual versus collective purposes. Which purposes should be pursued through collec-
tive decisions, and which should be left to individual choices? Some functions are intrin-
sically governmental and cannot be accomplished in any meaningful way by individuals or
economic markets alone. Protecting public health has long been recognized as a govern-
ment function, and sustaining the ‘‘commons’’ of environmental conditions necessary for
the society’s continuation and economic welfare is also such a purpose. Other functions,
such as transportation, water and energy supply, waste management infrastructure, and
other services, can be provided either collectively or individually.
Tradeo√s among public purposes. How should conflicting public values for uses of the
environment be balanced? Even among legitimate public purposes, conflicts and tradeo√s
are inevitable: among competing uses of environmental resources themselves, among
competing allocations of limited budgets and sta√ expertise, and among di√erent benefi-
ciaries and victims. Which should be considered most important, by what criteria, and
who should decide?
Proof versus prudence. How much evidence should be required to justify government
actions? Government policies are collective actions, in which the good of society is as-
serted to override the rights or preferences of individuals. They must therefore be justifi-
able rather than arbitrary or capricious. In the United States in particular, this principle has
led to elaborate requirements for scientific and economic justification of policy proposals.
Uncertainty and conflicting judgments remain inescapable, however, so prudence must
always substitute to some extent for proof.
As a result, policy decisions are not only decisions about substantive environmental
problems but also about how much proof is necessary to justify a government action to
correct them. This issue is important in itself, especially when costly or intrusive remedies
6 Environment and Governance

are proposed for problems whose solutions are highly uncertain. It is also used by some
advocates, however, as a tactic to slow or derail prudent policy proposals that they oppose
for self-interested reasons: ‘‘paralysis by analysis.’’
Central versus local governance. At what level of governance—local, regional, state, fed-
eral, international—should environmental policy decisions be made? The principle of
‘‘subsidiarity’’ holds that policy decisions should be made at the lowest possible level: local
decision-making provides the best venue for developing solutions tailored to specific
conditions and communities. It is most accountable to those most directly a√ected, and
most appropriate for maintaining the diversity of human cultures and communities.
By the same token, local governments also have more limited revenues and resources
than those with broader jurisdictions, leaving poor communities unable to benefit from a
broader base of economic support. Local decisions are also most likely to run counter to
more general public values, whether pertaining to trade, environmental protection, or
human rights. Granting autonomy to local governments also creates the risk that they will
displace adverse e√ects onto other jurisdictions, and may pit local or even national govern-
ments against one another in using tax breaks, lower wages, and weaker environmental
protection policies to attract or retain businesses.
More centralized governance, conversely, provides greater opportunities for setting
general standards of acceptable behavior and competition, and can amass greater revenues
with which to realize public purposes. Its risks, however, include greater bureaucratiza-
tion, lessened accountability, dominance by powerful centralized interests, and standard-
ization at the expense of local diversity. Policies must be designed to use the most appro-
priate combination of tools and levels of government to solve each problem.
Organization of government institutions. What sorts of government agencies, at any level,
should be responsible for environmental protection? Should they be specialized indepen-
dent agencies (for environmental regulation, for instance), or multipurpose departments
encompassing both regulation and natural resource management? How can such agencies
be coordinated with other agencies whose actions a√ect environmental conditions? There
is no simple way of organizing all government purposes under one super-agency, but
separate agencies have inherent tendencies to pursue their own missions at the expense
of others.
Even individual units such as the EPA must be broken down into subunits that tend to
focus narrowly on their own missions. Organizing by problem types such as air or water
pollution, toxic chemicals, and waste management will lead to di√erent results than
organizing by problem sources such as industry, agriculture, and households or by admin-
istrative functions such as standard-setting, enforcement, and research. Conflicting per-
spectives and priorities must constantly be resolved.
Collective choice procedures. Who is to decide, and by what process, what environmental
policies and priorities should be? Representative legislatures or appointed administrators?
Experts or ‘‘the people’’? Experts may be wise protectors of the society’s future, or self-
interested and arrogant elites. Members of Congress may be statesmen seeking the long-
term good of the society, decent but parochial representatives of their constituents’ wants,
 Environment and Governance 7

or merely self-interested incumbents selling themselves to interest groups to finance their

own reelections. Ordinary people may be ideal citizens seeking the good of their society, or
they may be just as self-serving or short-sighted as anyone else.
Each procedure for collective decision-making has strengths and weaknesses, both in
principle and as a mechanism for determining what government should do.
Policy tools. What kinds of government actions are the best tools for achieving public
policy goals? Regulations with civil or criminal penalties? Public expenditures, subsidies,
and investments? Taxes and other economic incentives? Information disclosure require-
ments? Providing public services, or contracting for them? Some policy tools may be far
more e√ective than others, either in general or for particular purposes. All have impacts on
other goals as well, such as fairness, economic e≈ciency, and equitable distribution of the
benefits and costs of the policy to particular communities. Policy choices must therefore be
based on careful evaluation of their full consequences, and on experimentation and correc-
tion over time.
Intrinsic hazards of governance processes (‘‘government failures’’). Finally, governmental
actions always involve complications intrinsic to collective decision-making (Wolf 1979).
‘‘Free-riding’’ describes each participant’s temptation to try to avoid paying a fair share of
the cost of collective services. ‘‘Rent-seeking’’ reflects the equally human tendency to seek
excessive compensation for one’s own property or services, or even one’s vote. ‘‘Pork-
barreling’’ describes the tendency of elected representatives to collude in allocating general
public revenues to benefit their own constituencies.
Other complications stem from the transaction costs of reaching agreements. Collective
decision-making is costly and time consuming. Collective decisions require vote-trading
across issues important to individual participants but far removed from the merits of the
matter at hand, and compromises—‘‘splitting the di√erences’’—that may distort or per-
vert the decision’s outcome. Di√erent voting rules have di√erent consequences: the ‘‘tyr-
anny of the majority’’ can marginalize minority viewpoints, but the tyranny of organized
minorities can frustrate majority values. It is far easier to organize small but identifiable
groups with personal economic interests to influence policy decisions than to mobilize
larger and less identifiable constituencies that share a more general public interest in the
outcome (Olson 1965). To many people, consensus seems intuitively the most desirable
form of political decision-making. In practice, however, it rewards the most extreme form
of minority tyranny by allowing holdouts to demand extra individual benefits (‘‘rent-
seeking’’) as the price of their approval.
Governments also tend to externalize the social and environmental costs of their deci-
sions, just as businesses and individuals do. Government decisions are routinely designed
to promote the short-term self-interests of public o≈cials and powerful organized inter-
ests by providing concentrated and visible benefits while making costs and harms as widely
dispersed and invisible as possible. The result is often that social and environmental
impacts are displaced onto other agencies, onto other communities or countries, onto
other levels of government, onto less-organized constituencies, or onto later legislatures
and administrations and future generations. Examples include locating incinerators on
8 Environment and Governance

downwind borders, imposing unfunded federal mandates on state and local governments,
and subsidizing the extraction and use of natural resources at rates faster than can be
sustained for future users.
Such jurisdictional externalities are in principle no di√erent from the externalities
sometimes produced by economic behavior, except that they represent government failure
rather than market failure. Such problems arise whenever a government’s jurisdiction and
process do not include representation of all a√ected constituencies and responsibility for
the full range of causes, consequences, and potential solutions. They are particularly com-
mon in environmental policy issues, for reasons discussed below.
In environmental policy no less than in other public policy debates, therefore, the
fundamental issues include questions not only about technical and economic matters but
also about the role of government, the costs and risks of its actions, and measures to
minimize and correct harmful e√ects.

Special Characteristics of Environmental Issues

Environmental issues, however, also have characteristics that di√erentiate them from
other policy issues. For example:
Environmental values, preferences, and power relationships. Environmental issues involve
particular places with distinctive natural features and histories. People identify with such
places and develop strong opinions about how they should look and be used: whether
they should be kept as they are, used for established economic purposes, or altered to
achieve some new vision. Moreover, the uses of particular places are interdependent.
Unlike budget allocations, entitlement programs, and many other policy issues in which
each constituency can lobby for a share of the outcome, each participant’s use of the
environment a√ects those of the other participants: hunters and hikers and loggers, fisher-
men and farmers and users of municipal wastewater treatment plants. Proposed changes,
therefore, are often simultaneously good to some groups and bad to others.
Creating environmental policy, therefore, often involves negotiating conflicts among
mutually exclusive preferences for the use of indivisible resources. Such conflicts are far
less amenable to political compromise or compensation than other policy issues. Examples
include conflicts over proposals for construction of mines, landfills, and other major
facilities, logging of old-growth forests, damming of free-flowing streams, and develop-
ment of beaches and lakeshores.
The physical and biological realities of environmental conditions also create one-sided
relationships of economic and political power. Rights to use natural resources, such as for-
ests and minerals, confer windfall economic benefits but also create resource-dependent
interests and constituencies. Upwind or upstream users can always impose externalities on
their downwind or downstream neighbors, but the latter have no inherent countervailing
power to negotiate fair outcomes with the former. Hunters and fishermen benefit from
capturing migratory animal species, but the reproduction and growth of those species
depend on restraining people who use the ecosystems where the animals spend earlier
stages of their life cycles.
 Environment and Governance 9

All these conditions shape environmental policy debates in ways that make them dis-
tinct from political controversies based only on ideology, political party, social class, or
other factors.
Public attitudes toward environmental risks. Environmental risks evoke strong public
attitudes and preferences. Many people demand government action to prevent environ-
mental risks that are far more remote than risks they voluntarily incur in their daily lives.
Examples include risks of exposure to trace residues of man-made chemicals in com-
parison to such risks as driving a car, crossing a street, smoking, or even eating foods
whose natural properties pose greater health risks than do their man-made additives (high
fat, cholesterol, or natural toxins, for instance). This pattern appears to reflect greater
aversion to risks that are perceived as more uncontrollable and more dreadful in their
consequences than others. It may also reflect other values, such as a willingness to impose
greater costs of risk prevention on other parties than on themselves (on ‘‘big business’’
or ‘‘big government,’’ for instance). Whatever the reasons, fear of environmental risks
represents a powerful and distinct force that is di√erent from those motivating other
policy advocates.
Tragedies of the commons. Many environmental conditions are by their nature open-
access resources: available to everyone, and therefore di≈cult to protect from the cumula-
tive e√ects of overuse. Examples include the atmosphere, water bodies (lakes, rivers,
estuaries, and seas), underground aquifers and oil deposits, fisheries, and unmanaged
public forests and grazing lands. Garrett Hardin’s classic article ‘‘The Tragedy of the
Commons’’ described as a model of such problems the case of self-interested sheepherders,
each of whom adds animals to a common pasture until the cumulative e√ects of their
individual decisions destroy it (Hardin 1968). Some open-access resources can be privat-
ized, to be managed (though not necessarily protected) by a single owner. Some can be
converted to government property or ‘‘common property’’ resources, in which either
government or an association of the users manages and protects it.≤ But others are more
di≈cult to protect. The users may be too numerous, too diverse, or too separated in space
or time to create a viable regime, or the values to be protected may be too divorced from
the interests of those causing the damage: as, for instance, when fisheries are destroyed not
by other fishermen but by land developers or farmers.
Tragedies of the commons are not unique to environmental policy issues. Other exam-
ples include overpopulation (the cumulative e√ects of human childbirth decisions) and
the politics of some other collective goods (for instance, the cumulative e√ects of individ-
ual legislators seeking ‘‘pork barrel’’ budget allocations). Environmental policy issues pose
such dilemmas constantly, however, pitting long-term common interests against more
immediate individual interests.
Scientific and technical premises. Environmental policy decisions are often framed by
scientific and technical claims, including assertions about what is known and what options
are technically possible, as well as assumptions, predictions, and uncertainties. This raises
several problematic issues. First, it creates barriers to meaningful participation by people
who do not understand the scientific and technical claims being made. Second, it makes
the burden of proof a key issue in its own right: should governments be required to show
10 Environment and Governance

strong scientific proof before acting to correct environmental problems, or should they act
based on reasonable judgments about the risks or opportunities at stake even when signifi-
cant uncertainties remain? Third, it raises questions about how much deference should be
given to scientists in the policy process. Each discipline addresses only pieces of any issue,
and individual scientists reach di√erent conclusions based on the di√erent bodies of evi-
dence and criteria they use. Scientists are often overconfident of their judgments, and
sometimes as self-interested as other policy advocates. Many scientific claims in policy
debates—though by no means all—may therefore be just as political among conflicting
groups of scientists as the policy decisions themselves are among conflicting public
constituencies.
Irreversible damage to public interests. Finally, some environmental issues involve conse-
quences far broader than the self-interests of particular advocates, some of which are
potentially irreversible on any meaningful time scale. Examples include species extinc-
tions, the exhaustion of nonrenewable resources and arable soils, and particularly the
destruction of whole ecological systems that support living communities, such as forests,
fisheries, wetlands, and estuaries. The potential for irreversible damage to irreplaceable na-
tural conditions and processes—and more generally, to a healthful, productive, and attrac-
tive natural environment—is an important consideration in environmental policy. To the
extent that claims of such damage are well founded, they deserve serious consideration.≥
For all these reasons, environmental policy is worth studying not only as an example of
public policy generally, but as an important and distinctive topic in its own right.

American Environmental Policy

Today’s American environmental policies are the legacy of a long history. The label ‘‘en-
vironmental policy’’ was coined only in the 1960s (Caldwell 1963), and with it have come
important changes in both understanding and policies. The existence of environmental
policies, however, dates back not just the thirty years since the first Earth Day, but the two
hundred-plus years since the establishment of the current constitutional regime, and the
nearly four hundred years since European empires colonized North America. Today’s
environmental problems are shaped by the policies that previous generations created to
address earlier environmental problems and opportunities. Environmental policy choices
today, in turn, will shape the problems and opportunities of the future.
American environmental policy reflects distinctive American attitudes toward the en-
vironment. Examples include the nineteenth-century ‘‘cornucopian’’ perception of vir-
tually infinite natural resources, and the more recent perception of industrial chemicals as
insidious and ubiquitous cancer risks. It also reflects distinctive American attitudes toward
governance, such as distrust of centralized power and authority, a preference for adver-
sarial over authoritative decision-making, and shifting preferences for legislative, admin-
istrative, or direct popular decision-making. Both the goals and tools of environmental
policy have changed greatly over the course of American history, as have the political
processes by which it is made and implemented.
To the extent that the United States has a national environmental policy today, it
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
 264： : KOM KompeitS， コンペ イタ々， 金平糖， n. A
kind of candy. KOM-PON， コンポ ン ，ネ艮 本， 礼 The origin,
beginning; the place or cause from which anything ongmates. Syn.
MOTO, HAJIMARI, SHO-HOTSU, KON-GEN. K6-MU， コウ ム ，公
務， （otem.Tw タ ¢7- 約. Public service, service of the state or
government. K〇MUGI， コム ギ ，小 麥， Ti. TVlieat. — no ko,
wheat flour. KoMURA， コム ラ， 腺， w. The calf of the leg.
Komura -GAYER I, コム ラガ ヘリ， 7i. Cramp in the calf of the leg.
K5MURI，-rw，— 傲， 力々 ムル ，蒙，？ •• i’. To receive from a
superior. Go-men wo 一 , to receive permission from government.
On wo — ? to receive kindness from superiors. Syn. UKETAMAWARU,
MORAU, UKERU. K5muri, 力々 グリ， 冠， n. A crown. — ffcisa, an
European style of umbrella. K〇N， コン， 獻， Numeral for glasses
of wine ; as, Sa/ce iJckm, one ^*me-glass full of sake ； nukon;
san-gon. K〇N， コン， 金， (Jcin.) n. Gold, golden. K〇N， コン，
今, (か 肌) Now， this ; — used only in comp, words. K〇N, コン,
雜, w. A dark blue color. Ron no iro. Koka， コ 十,；^， Ti. Flour,
meal, fine powder of any thing. 一 ni sun^ to pulverize. Konaida，
コ十 イダ， 此 間， （cont. of aida.) cidv. Lately, recently, within a
few (lays past. Konakara, コ十 カラ， A quarter, one fourth ; a little.
— nonde Jcita. K5-nan， コウ 十ン ，後難， (woe ん ；• wo naw
が ••) Future calamity, future trouble. KoNAREj-rw ，一之 a， コ 十
し メル， 熟， 厶 认 Eeduced to powder, digested. Shokumotsu aa
一 ， food is digested. Syn. sii5-kuwa suitu. K〇nashi，-^w， 一
切， コ 十ス， ム r. To reduce to powder, or make fine to digest ; to
thresh ; to deride, to treat with ridicule ; to manage or bring into
subjection. Tsuchi wo — ， to break fine the hal'd soil. Shokumotsu
wo 一 ， to digest food. Ine wo 一 , to thresh rice. Ihto wo 一 ， to
ridicule another. Uvia wo nmi-7concisuy to break a horse. JJilo rco
tsu/an-k〇TU(^uy to manage men skilfully. Konata, コ十タ ，此
古， （contr， of 左。 終 adv. Here, this side ; I, you, (to inferiors.)
Kaiva no — , this side of (be river. Konata wa doho ye ittci^ where
have you been ? Anata konata^ here and there, both sides, both
persons. KON K〇na-ya， コ十ャ ，粉屋， 7i- A flour or meal store.
K〇n-ch5， コンテ々， 今朝， arfy. This morning. Syn. kesa.
Kondate， コン ダ テ， 献立， ；?,• A bUl of fare; the different
courses at an entertainment. K〇n-d〇， コンド， 今度， This
time， now， at the present time ; again, another time. Syn.
KONOTABI. Kondzuru， コンズ ル， 混， （//?が，.?ム) ”• To mix,
mingle, to contuse. Kon 迅ー 7 2/， 一なら コ孚 ル， 捏 ，ひ. To
knead, to work or mix together. /Vm マ — ， to knead bread. Tsuchi
ico — , to work mortar. K6-NEN， コゥ 字ン ，後年， ‘no 如か，）
n. Future year, years to come. K〇N-GEN, コン ゲン， 根元， 凡
Beginning, origin. Syn. kompon. K〇N«GETSU ，コン ゲツ ，今月，
〇 •臟 wo 如汉%)ル This month, present month. K〇N«GI， or
KON-TENGI， コン ギ， 渾 儀，队 The brass meridian of a celestial
globe. K〇N»Gl， コン ギ， 婚儀，； Marriage contract, matrimony.
一 tvo tori-musvbu^ to contract a marriage. K〇N~G〇， コン
ガ々， 金 剛， n. The diamond. (Budd). Kon-g5»riki-shi， コンガ々
リ キン， 金剛 力士， n. The diamond heroes or monster idols,
which guard the gates of Buddbist temples. These are images of
Indra, the protector of Buddhism. Also called, Ni-d, the two Kings.
Kon-go-seki, コンカ，’ ❖セキ， 土 岡丨 J 石， n. The diamond,
aaamant. Kon-go-sha, コンガ々 シャ， 金剛 沙， w. Emery. K〇N-
g6*tsuye， コンガ々 ゾ: E， 金剛杖， 抑. The diamond sceptre, 一
a staff witli metal rings on the top, carried by Yama-bushi. Kon-I，
コン イ ，想 意， （new タ on? w ん Friendship, amity ; iDtimale,
familiar, friend】y. — no Jiito^ an intimate friend. Konida^ コ ニダ，
小 荷 味，". A pack-borse. K6-N1N, コ 々ニン， 降 人， w. One who
surrenders, or lays down his arms. K〇N-lN， コン イン，^ I 炎因，
w. A marriage, matrimony, wedlock. — no chtnam^ marriage
alliance. — wo musubu. Kon-JIKI, コン ジキ， 金 色， (k(yganc no
in') Golden color. — no hikari golden brightness. K〇N-jd， コン ゼ
々，洋 粒，；?. Prussian-blue. KON-JO, 3 ンジヤ 今， 今生， (inia
no inochi,) This life. 一 no itomagoi u%o snru^ to t«*ike leave of
life, or of friends, when about to die.
 KOX KON K〇N«j6, コン ジヤ ❖，极 》| •生，". Natural
disposition, temper, ch;iracU*r, spirit, turn of jnind. Yatui-bito 一 ,
the hciul or mind of a day laborer, of one >v!j〇 cares only for his
>v;iges and not for his master s interests. Svn. KOKouon.vi 1:. K〇
N-ka， コンカ， 她 家， h. The house or fiimily into wliicli one is
uiamed. Kon-ki， コン キ ，桃 氣 ， “. Xatur^ vigor, nenous power,
energy, stamina. Kon-KU 了， コン キ 々，困窮，". Poverty, want,
adversity, lmserv. Svn. bimbo. KON-Kl'r)， コン ケウ， 今曉、 い ん
•). Ear】)， this morning, lo-day's dawn. Syn- kksa no asakk. 1 K〇
N-KU， コンク， 困苦，". Distress and luinMnp, tribulation, misery.
Kox-Mf)， コンマ々， 怨^ 2, 供で 川 •仙： 〇"似). — suru^ to
desire earnestly. Kokna， コン 十， 此樣， （conti ••分 f タ
(■"的.） Tliis wav. this iniiuner,«o, thus, such. l\J>nna j koto mi mii,
there uever was any thing like j this. Kono ho mi d〇i>ftite komui
koto wo ru rfan;， 、、.liy does tliis child talk ill tbis way ? j Konna
umsuuie^ such a daughter as this. Kok-NAN, j ン 十ン， 困 練， ft-
Suftcring, distress, misery, an〇*uish, affliction. — m au. KON-NEX,
コン 孑ン， 今年， （iina no toshi) This year. ?yn. ko-tosiu, xo-nen.
KohVNiCHi， コン 二手， 今日， Turday， mis day. lie kon-mdu, a
salutatioii,=good day. S}ii. kivo, to-.jitsl*. K〇n*n，iyaku， コン ニ
ャ ク， 褐腐 . A kind of edible root. K〇NO， コノ，] J ヒ， (comp,
of A〇? this, and gen. j)art. no.) pro. This. Kono hilo^ tliis man. j
Kono hon^ this book. Yorohuln Lono tn/e iva j na- 川 f ごへ)
Jtvmdness, friendbhip, benevolence.
 2GG KON KOR I(ON-SEKl， コン セキ， 今夕， This
evening. Syn. KOMBAN. Kon-SETSU， コン セッ， 懇切， w.
Friendship, amity, inendliness. Syn. koni. Kon-SHI, コン ン ，
{nengoro nctru JcoJcorozaslii). Kindness, goodwill, benevolence.
Syn. shin-setsu. K〇N-Tan， コン タン， 魂膽 . A secret plan or
scheme, contriving, devising secretly. 一 hanashi wo suru， to
contrive or secretly scheme. Kontengi， コンテ ンギ ，渾天 儀， w.
A celestial globe. K〇n-t6， コン タウ， 昏倒， Falling from
dizziness or faintness. Kon-TON, コン トン， 渾流， w. Chaos, the
condition of the earth before it was reduced to form and order. K〇
NU, コヌ， 不來， （neg. of iTz •，ゐ wrw). Not come. Mada konu,
not yet come. Ano hito konu mctye ni yuki-nasare， go heioxG hQ
comes. Konuka， コヌ 力，' 糠， Rice-bran. K〇NUKA-AME， コヌ
^; ァメ， n. A fine, drizzling rain. K〇n-ya， コンャ， 今夜， To-
night, this night. K〇N-Ya, コンヤ， n. A dye-liouse, dyer. Kon-zatsUj
コン ザツ ，'混 雜 ，队 Confusion, disorder ; mixed, or jumbled
together. 一 suru. Syn. toiu-koml K5-otsu, カフ オッ ，甲. 乙， (to 7
dari). These I and those persons, good or bad, superior or inferior.
— nastily all alike, no difference. — too tsukeru^ to say which is
best. Koppa， コッ パ， 木库， n. A chip or block of wood or stone.
Koppayaro^ a block-liead. KoppaI， コッ パイ， 項 背， w. Back of
the head, occiput. Koppi， コ ッビ， 骨牌， A playing card, a
domino. Syn. karuta. KOPPISUI， コ ツビ スイ, a. (vul. ceil】.)
same as Kosui. K〇PP5， コツ パフ， 骨法， (Ao 辦ク The frame of
the body. Teno — , the knuckles. KOPPU ，コツブ， 酒鍾， (derived
from the Dutch), n. A wine glass. K5rai, 力々 ライ， 高 破， /i.
Corea. Ko-RAI， a ライ， 古來， （mwto か • von). From ancient
times. K6 - RAI, コウ ライ， 後來， aeft?. Henceforth, in future,
hereafter. R3rai， ク ワウ ライ， 光來， = 0“ ん細卿 ； your
coming， used in letters only ; as, Go 10 rqi Ludamre sorayedomo o
me ni kakanuhu. ! K5-RAN， コウ ラン， 勾 欄，’?. A balustrade
axouna the top of a building. Syn. ran-kan. Korare， 一 rw - to， コ
ラ レ ル, 被來， Poten. mood of 7T?, Kuru, can come. Neg.
Xorarenv, cannot come. Neg. conj. Koi^aredzumba, if he cannot
come. Ashita Jcorareru ka^ can you come to-morrow ? KdilASE， 一
ri/，- 紅3 ホラ セ/レ， 令^^ (caust. of Koru). To cause to freeze.
Midzu wo 一 to freeze water. Korashi,— コラス， 戀， v. To correct,
punish, chastise, or reprove for one^ good ; to chasten， to warn. }
疑.， to give one’s whole mind to， or concentrate one’s powers on
anything. Aku wo — , to punish wickedness. Kokoro wo korashite
gakumon u%o sw u, to concentrate one^ mind on study. Syn.
SEKKAN SURU, SEMEltU. Korashirie, コラン メ ，戀， Reproof,
punishment, chastisement, correction. — no /〇me ni kando wo
suru^ to punish a son by disinherting him. Syn. imasiume.
Kqrashime，一^/, 一如， コラン メル， 懲， 7，. To correct,
reprove, to Dumsh, chastise. Mt uo 一 , to cuscipune or harden
one^ body. K〇R AYE,-rw, -to, コラ エル， 堪， Lr. To bear，
endure, stand, sustain, to resist, saffer patiently, to forbear. Itami wo
— to bear pain. Ikcui wo — , to forbear anger. Syn. KAN-NIN SUKU,
SHINOBU, SIHM-130 SURU, GA-MAN SURU. KORAYE-KANE, — rw, —
故， コ ラエ* - す ル， 堪 兼， t. V, Impossible to bear, or hard to
bear. K〇RAYERARE，-7n/， 一如， コラ ユラ レノ レ， Pass, or
poten. mood of Karaite. Can bear. A orayerarenu^ neg. cannot be
borne or endured. Kore, =i ix, or ^ pro. This ; here. Korekarct, or
Kureyori^ after this, henceforth. Kore (jv'i, this is all. Kore nomi^
this only. Kore hodo, so much. Kore bahm\ this only, liore ni yotte^
on this account. Kore icci naniy what is this '? 一 ye o-ide, come
here. Kore, コレ， Exclam, in vulg. coll, in ordering or commanding
an inferior ; as, Kore sa^ lcuko ye komi ka^ are you not coming
here? KoiiEK ん a レラ，] [も 等， （plural of These， such as this.
Koke-shiki ，コレ シキ， 此 敷， This kind. — used only of trifling
or mean things. 一 no koto. — no hito. Syn. kono-kurai. K6-IU， カ
ウ リ ，高利， High rate of ixitcmit.， usury. 一 tvo torn, K5ri，
力々 リ， す奇， w. A bale, package. 一 generally of 100 c.atties.
Ito hito kon\ one bale of silk.
 KOR Kdiu，一r« 广 故ら コ今 ル， 括 結， A v. To make '
into a bale, or bundle. Wata wo 一 , to bale cotton. K6»IU, コホリ ，
み 尺， w. Ice. — get haru, the ice forms, it freezes. — ni suberu, to
slide on the ice. 一 subeti^ sliding or skating. 一 ga tokei'u^ the ice
thaws. 一 toa midzu yomdete tmhu yoii samushi. (prov). K6m，一ri/,
一 的，， コ ホル， 凍，！ •• v. To freeze, congeal. iSwnusa nite
inuUu ga kotta^ it 18 so cold the water has frozen. K〇RI, コホリ ，
系队 w. The subdivision of a /lwni， a county. K6ri, カウ リ ，行
李， n, A trunk or box made of cane, used in travelnnfir. K6ri， コ ホ
リ， j 倉，；* • The hold of a iunk where goods are stored. K〇-RI,
コリ， 垢離， w. Cleansing by wasliing， or pouring water over the
body: Kori wo tarite kami wo inoru^ having bat bed by pouring
water over one's self to worship the Kami Kori, -’‘“，- 切， コリ ル，
慫， i. !；• W«arned, or admonished by some past occurrence ; to
receive a lesson from a past misconduct, to be pumsheu. Korxte
sake wo vameni^ to feel the baneful effects of wine and to leave it
ofl*. Yake-dcura hi ni koridzu^ (prov.) a burnt face will not shun the
fire. Utsvkushiki mono ni kori yo togarashi^ (prov.) beware oi ]a
beautiful woman, she is like a redpepper. Kori， 一 r“， 一 ，コル，
m， 2.. v. To freeze, congeal, crystalize ; to be wholly given up*to,
addicted to, engrossed in. Midzu ya — ， the water freezes. Chi ga
一 , bJood congeals. Baku-chi ni 一 , addicted to gambling. Gctlumon
ni — , engrossed in study. Syn. KATAMARU. K〇Rl， 一 rw，Wa， コ
ル， 樵， 乙”. To cut timber. Ki wo — • Kori-katamari ，一’* w， 一
故 7， コリタ タマル，} 疑 固， V. To be engrossed in, absorbed,
taken up with, wholly given up to. KO-RIK6， コリ；!々， 小利口，
Adroit smart, clever. — na JiUo. — ni fac7ibnawaru， to manage or
do cleverly、. Kori-KORI, コリ コリ， _ 戀， 《而. The same as ;
Kmru. Tabi-tabi son wo shite mo 一 shitci, have suflered loss so
often I have been taught a good lesson. 1VORI-MAME， 力 今 リマ
メ， 7i. A confectionary made of parehed beans coated with su^ar.
Kori-MEshi ，コリ メン， Boiled rice carried in a section of^bamboo
for lunch. — Jcoshi ni tsuJceru. KOR 2G7 ICoriya， コリ ャ， 《•
Coll, comiption of 切“， used as an exclamation. K6-RIY6, コウ リャ
ク ，公領， Territory belonging to tbe Sh〇(/un ; Government or
public land. SjTl. TEN-RIYO, GO-RIYO. へ . I ぐ 5>raYOKU， カフ リ
ヨ ク ，合力， w. Benefactions, charitable donations, contributions,
help, assistance to the poor. — wo sui-u^ to make charitable
donations. — • ni aclzukan^ to receive aid. Go — wo Umomi-mam^
I ask your assistance. Syn. megumi, tasuke, josei. Koui-zato, コホリ
•ザ タウ， 冰 糖， w. Crystalized sugar, rock-candy. K〇-k6, コラ々,
古老,/ 1. The elders. Syn. kojin. K〇r〇, n T7, n. Time, period of
time. 一 tea ihi nen ato, how many years since? Nandoki-goro^ what
o'clock? Ifsu-ff〇iv, when? Kono 一 , soon, in a few days. SyiL TOKI,
JIBUN, AIDA. K〇RO, 3 p, w. A cylindrical wooden roller used in
moving heavy bodies. K5*R〇, 力々 ロ， 香爐， n. A censer for
burning incense. K6r6， ヵウ ロ々， 高褸， 7i. (taka nikai). The
second or third story of a house. Syn. TAKADONO. K〇r〇bashi，一
5w，一^/， コロ パス， 罕專， v. Tocause to fall down, to tumble
down, to roll. Ishi wo 一 , to roll a stone. Syn. marobasu. K〇r〇
bi，-^w， 一 wefa， コロ グ ，轉 倒， v. To fall down, to tumble
down, to fall and roll over. Mari ga — , the ball rolls. Koronde hiza
wo suiimuitcij fell down and knocked the skin of my knee. Nana
horobi ya old, (prov,) to fall ^ seven times and rise eight. 1^01^ム
11ん-7^，-故7，コロガル，轉，2..认 To roll about, roll over and
over. K〇ROGashi，一5w，一^7， コロ 力’’ ス， coll, for j&T(〇
r0bashi. To cause to roll. IvORO-KORO-TO, コロコロ ト， The
sound, or appearance of anything rolling. — koroiw， to tumble and
roll over. K6-ROKU， 力々 ロク ，高錄 ，队 High salary. 一 ico toru,
to receive nigh wages. Koromo, コロ モ， 衣， n. The outside robe
worn by Buddhist priests ; clothing. K〇ROM)-GAYE， コ 口 モガ
へ， 更衣， w. Changing the cloth es, from the wadded clothes of
winter, to the lighter clothes of summer? on the 2nd day of the 4th
month. — wo suru, to change tbe clothes. 110 PvOMOTONAl， 一ん
Y， 一ん？，， コロ モト 十イ， Doubtful， uncertain.
 268 KOK K6RON， コウ ロン， 口論， V Quarrel, angry
contention, brawl, dispute. — wo suru^ to quarrel， wrangle，
squabble. Syn. ARASOI, ISAKAI. K6-RON， コ クロン, 公論， w. A
public dispute. KORO-OI, コロ ホヒ， l； 頁， Time, period of time.
Itsu no — , at what time ? Mo kayeru 一 da, it is time to return. Syn.
jibun. IVORORI, コロリ, n. Asiatic cholera. This word is the
Japanese pronunciation of cholera. KORORI-TO, コロリ， ad”. In a
rolling manner, or sound ; suddenly. 一 shmuru, to die suddenly, to
fall over and die. K〇ROSHI，-sw，— 鉍 コロス, 殺 •も?;. To kill,
slay, murder ; com. coll. = to die. Tlito wo — , to kill a man. Koroshi-
tciku nai rrwTvda, I should be sorry to^bave him die： Syn. gai-
suku, shi-suru. . Korotsuki， 一ん w, —切， コ 口 ツク ，轉 付， To
roll aboutKosa コサ， 濃， れ. The thickness, consistence. K6-SAI，
コゥ サィ， 後妻， (nochi no tsu/na^, n. Second wife, the first
being dead. K6-SA]， 力 々サイ， 交際 j ル Frieodlyrelations or
intercourse. K6-SAI， コ ❖サイ， 虹彩， 队 （med.) The ii’is. Kosa
ト N1， U サイ ニ， 互 細， a 办. Minutely, particularly. — in, to tell
particularly. Syn. KOMAYAKANX, KUWASAIKU, TSUBUSA-NI. K5-
SAKU， ヵウ サク， 耕作， （叫— 你が 伽ん’ 謂 〇. Cultivation of
the land, farming. — sw^ to farm. . Kosame， コ サメ， 小雨， w.
A drizzling rain. Ko-san， コ サン， 古 _， (A 以 如7^ 以)， Oldest
come, longest come; as, Ko-san no deshi, a pupil who lias been in
the school the longest, a senior. K5"San, ： ■ウサ ン ，降參 ，（ん
'! 油 《 •瓶^ w). Su レ mission, surrender, capitulation. 一 sunij to
sinreruler， capitulate: — wo led, to offer to surrender. K6*satsu,
力々 サク, _ ネ し 仏 The board containinoj the Jmperial edicts,
hung up under a shed for public instruction. KoskbITSU, or
KOSRGASA， コ セビゾ ，れ. An eruption on the skin. K6-SEI, カウ
セイ, 行 星, w: A moving star, a planet. K6-SEI, コウ セイ， 後世，
(似^ 抓 Future generation, future times. Syn. matsu-dai. KOS K6-
SEI， 力々 セイ， 厚情， ( 《 む w/ w 故 y んで •) Great kindness.
Go 一 no clun kattjiJcenalcu zonji soro. K6-SEKI, カウ セキ, 講 席，
ル A hall where stofies are toici， or discourses delivered : an
auditorv. Ivoseki， コ セキ， 古跡， Kuins, or remains of an ancient
place. — yori tsutuyetaru shina, a thing which has come clown 'from
ancient times. Syn. ogo mukashi： K〇-sEKI， コ セキ， 戸籍，
（か^ 加 c/Wmcn ) 7i. A register of the names and number of
bouses. Kose-kose, コセコ セ， acZr. Fond of little or trifling
matters. Yoku — hatarahu hito da. Kd-SEN ，コウ セン， ロ錢， n.
Commission for selling goods, brokerage, percentage. — wo toru, to
cliarge percentage. ]\i ba go nn no — wo hevrau, to pay a
eommission of two and a half per cent. K6»sen， クワ 々セン， 先
線， 7i. The rays of Jlffht. Svn. AKAIII. K5-SEN， 力 ❖をン ，香
煎， w; An infusion of Shiso and parched rice, used instead of tea.
Ko SETS UK l,-/cu-ita, コセック， r. To be fond of little, petty or
trifling mattei*s. K〇-SHA， コンヤ, 瞽者，/ 1. A blind person. Syn.
mekuiia. K6-SHA， 力々 ンャ ，巧者， n. An ingenious, clever,
expert or skilful person. Koshaku ズ NA， コンヤ ク 十， a. Having
a smattering of knowledge, pedantic, c^ifiecting a knowledge of
anything. Syn. CIIOKOSAI-NA, NAMAIKI. K5-shaku， d ウシャク ，
講譯 ，”• Exposition， discourse, lecture, disquisition, sermon. 一
^w7，w， to lecture， discourse, explain. K6shaku-shi， コ 々シャ
クン， 講 譯師， n. A public story-teller, or lecturer on ancient
history. K6-SHI， コ 々ン， 公使， w. An ambassador, envoy,
foreign minister. Ko-SHI, コ ウン， 公私， （ ん ’!• 7zm..s’ ん；）.
Public and private. 一 no oime^ public and private debts. K6-SHI，
力々 ン ，講 飾， Ti. One who lectures, or delivers an exposition on
the Buddhist sacred books. K6-SIII， コ ウン， 孔子， rii Confucius.
K6-SIII， カウン， 格子， n. Lattice work. — marfo, a latticed
window. — do, a door made of latticed bars. Ko-ffoshi^ fine lattice
work. Ara-goshi^ co.arse lattice work. Koshi， コン, 柩，？ i. A bier
in wliicb a coffin is earned at a funeral. Kin van tco 一 m 7ioscruy to
place a coffin in a bier.
 2G9 K〇S KOS Kosni， コン， 興，， し A sedan cluiir，
only used by the Mik^ulo, or Ivuge ; also, the chair, or slirinc in
which the Acwn are caiTicd at festivals. Koshi， コン， 濃， 《•
Tliidc m consistence, see Koi. Kosni， コン， 腰，”. The loins. —
kalcanda baba, an old woman bent with age. — wo nww, to
straighten one^s self, stand erect. _ wo ovUj to bcncl the body. か，
コス， 越， r. To cross over. Yatna, kawa^ hashi mtdo wo kosu, to
cross a mountain， river, or bridge! Syn. koyeru, watari\ K〇SHI，-
^，一/a， コス， J 鹿，,‘ n To strain, to filter. Sana koshi water
filtered through sand. MiJzu wo — , to filter water. Momen de — , to
strain through muslin. Kosm-ATE, コン ァ テ， 腰 當， n. A kind of
shield over the loins, to protect it from the quiver. K〇SHI-bari， コ
ン パリ， 腰 張， w. Wall paper， spread on a wall some two feet
high from the floor, to protect the clothes from the plaster. Koshi-
biyObu ス コン ビャ ウダ， 腰屛 風， 《• A 】ow kind of screen.
Koshi-bone, コンボ 孚 ，腰骨， w. The os sacrum. KOSHI-BOSO, コ
ンボ ゾ ，細腰 蜂， w. A kind of wasp. Koshi-ITA, コン イタ， 腰
板， W. The paste board worn in the back of the ITakcmia^ to make
them set well. K〇SHI-mE， コン イ レ， 座^ j ル The putting the
briae into the nonmon to convey her to the house of her husband.
Koshi-KAKI， コンカ キ ，喪 异， u. The bearers ot the Koshi.
iVOSHI-KAKE, コンカ ケ， 艘掛， w. A raised seat, a chair; anything
raised to sit on. Koshpkata， コン カタ， 來 方，/？ •• The past,
the time past of one5s me, old times. 一 yukuswje no kotoclomo
mono-gatan tsiitsu, while talking over tbe past and the future. Syn.
IZEN, KUWA-KO. KoshikEj コン ケ， 帶下， w,. Fluor -albns. Koshiki,
3 ンキ ，會 瓦, 7i. A vessel for steaming food in ; (穀， ） the hub
of a wheel. ; Ko-shi-kuwan, コウ ンク V ン ，公使館， n The
residence or office of a foreign envoy or minister ; a legation. Koshi-
maki， コン マキ, 腰 纏, w. A kind of petticoat, or shirt worn dy
women. Koshi-mino, コン ミノ， 腰雙， w. A kind of covering made
of grass, tied around the waist, to protect the hips and tbigli*? frOfm
rain, worn by fishermen. Ivosm-Maro, コン モト， f^々，
w.Amaidservant, a chamber-maid. KOSHI-NCHMONO， コン ノ モ
ノ， 腰 物， n. The thmcfs earned in the waist, side arms, the
swortl. Kosiii-nuke, コシ ヌケ， )J 要拔， w. One weak in the loins,
a cripple ; a coward. — biashi, a cowardly soldier. Kosiiioke， コン
オレ ，蛛 月 ^，w.r〇etry(lcfectivc in metrical structure, or ryllim.
一 uta. Koshiraye， 一 コン ラへ， レ， 冬 存， 6 v. To to form,
fashion, prepare, make ready. Itje ico 一一 , to build a house. Fude
ivo 一 , to make a pen. Kane u%o — , to raise money. Go-c/t^O wo
— , to make a feast. Uma wo — =»， to make ready a liorse, to
saddle or harness. Kimono ivo , to make clothes. Nai koto wo hosMr
(丨 ycte hunasu, to tell a story which one has made up of himself.
Syn. tsukuru, seisi ru. K〇SHmAYE-GO 丁 0, コン ラへ ゴト ，ネ存
事， 71. A notion, a maae-up storv. Koshi-sage, コン サゲ， flg 提，
w. Articles worn suspended from the belt, such as the tobacco pipe
and pouch, inkstand and seal. Koshitsu, コンツ， 瘤疾， w. An
inveterate or chronic disease. Ko-siiitsu, コウ ンッ， 後室，； ?• A
widow, 一 only used of nobles. Syn. goke. K5-SU0， コウ ンヨ ，公
書，/ z. A witten judgment or condemnation of a criminal, the
ebarge of a judge. 一 ni Uum e-ban wo osu, to seal one’s
condemnation with the mark of the nail. K〇sh5， コ セ々， 胡椒，
w. Black pepper. KoseG， コンヤ 亡，]^ 1 丨 章， w. Objection;
adverse reason or circumstances ; hindrance, impediment. — ivo iu,
to object. — ga uru, there are objections. Syn. SAFARI, JAMA. K〇-
sh6， コンヤ 今， 》j、 生， A boy servant who wails upon a noble,
or the bead priest of a Buddhist temple ; a page. K6*SH0， コウ ン
ョ ，ロ 書， （ん “c か: タ aH) n. A written confession， a
deposition, written declaration. 一 ni tsume-in wo sum, to seal a
deposition with the mark of the nail. 一 wo toruy to late clown a
confession. Ko-SHO, 3 々ンヤ 々, エ 匠， {daiku.) n. A carpenterk
K6sh〇， コ 々ンャ 今， エ 商， Mechanic and merchant.
 270 KOS K〇sh6-IRE， コンヤ々 イン， w. A pepper-box.
K5-SHOKU， 力々 ンョク ，好色， （2V0 妳如nomu.) Lewd,
lecherous, lascivious. — na hit〇j a lewd person. K5~S0， コ 々ゾ
， 公!^， w. An action, orsuifc at law, complaint or appeal made to
an ofbcial. Syn. L'TTAYERU. K6-SO， カウ ゾ， 高祖， n. The
founder of a dynasty or sect. K〇s〇? コ 、ノ， A particle wbich
serves to particularize or give emphasis to the word or phrase
preceeding ; as, Watakoshi 1107 i mo anata koso jodzu da^ you 一
especially — are more skilful than me. Kono yuye ni koso kunshi wa
moto wa tsutomuru mono nare^ it is far this reason that the good
man attends to the fundamental duties. KosobaGari，一 抑， コゾ
パガ/レ， 酸 f 选， z ••れ To be ticklish. Te wo saye daseba
kosobaffaru, he feels ticklish if even a finger is pointed ta him.
Kosobai， コ y パイ， （acontr. of 7ぐ_bayui.) The sensation of
tickling. Karada ga 一 , the body tickles. KOSOBASA， コゾ パサ ，
れ. Ticklish ness. Kosobayui，- 紅，- to，— ふ. コソパ ュイ， 酸
溫， Having the sensation of tickling. Syn. kusuguttai. KOSODE， 2
ソデ， 小袖， 凡 The wadded silk coat usually worn by Samurai or
people of the higher class. Kosoge，— rw， 一 叫コ 、ノ ゲル， 刮
去， t.v. To scrape. Kutsu no doro wo /cosoae-otosu, to scrape the
mud off the shoes. Urushi wo Jcosoger^ to scrape the lacquer off of
anything. Kosoguri， 一/^， 一 to， コ y グル， 格 ま旨バ • 仏 To
tickle. Ilito wo — , KOSO-KOSO， コ y コゾ, 故か Secretly,
clandestinely， stealthily. 一 to hancisUy to talk secretly* — to
nigeriij to ran away clandestinely. Syn. NAI-NAI, HISOKA-NI.
KosOKU, コゾク ，姑息, Temporizing, procrastinating， easy and
complying. — no Jia/carigoto, a temporary scheme. Syn. YEN-NIN,
GUDZIU-GUDZU. Kossa-NI， コ ツサ ニ， ojy. Artfully, cunningly,
craftily, knavishly, insidiously. Kosscmi-to, コツ 、ノリ, Secretly,
clandestinely, stealthily* K〇SU， コス， 小 簾 n. A hanging shade
or screen made of bamboo. Kosui， コ スイ， 湖水, 爪 A lake. Syn.
midzu-umi KOT Kosui -ん < 一足’“， コ スイ， a. Stingy, mean,
niggardly, close, iiiiserly, avaricious. Kosux ??iono9 a niggardly fellow.
Kosuku toGhi-mawam, to deal in a niggardly manner. Kosuri， 一 ，
コス/レ， 擦， Li;. To rub， to use inction to anything. Me zvo 一 ,
to mb the eyes. Syn. suru、 • Kosuri-komi， 一 WW, —れ コス リ 3
ム ，擦 入 パ.？; • To rub into. Kusuri wo Tcawa ni, — , to rub
medicine into tbe skin. Kosuiu-otoshi，一 抓， •一 故，: コス リオ
トス， 擦 落， t.v. To rub out, erase. Ji wo — , rub out a word.
Kosuri-tsukEj — ?w， 一 叫 コス リツ ケル ， 擦 付， • t.v. To ruo
on. Kotachi， コタ チ , 兒 等， w. Children. Same as. Kodomo-ra.
Kodomotacfa. K6-TAI, 力々 タイ， 交代， Alternation， to do by
turns. 一 suru^ to do by turns, alternate. Daimiyo ga Yedo ge —
sum, the Daimios reside in Yedo alternately. Syn. KAWARI-GAWAlil.
K5ta ト YORI-AI， カウ タィ ョリ アィ， 交代 寄 合， n. The title
of a certain class of Hutamoto^ who formerly, in the manner of the
Daimiyo, lived alternately in Yedo and on their estates. K6-TAKE， カ
ウ タケ， 香菌， n. A kind of fragrant mushroom. K〇-taku， コ タ
ク， 古 宅， （ノ* wm •か e). Old house, former residence. JKS-
TANj コウ タン， 降誕， （/ 以 cfo 故 wmomw)， n. Born, birth.
Shalax Niyorai ski gatsu, yokci ni — arasetamo^ Shaka was born on
the 8th day of the 4th month. — no hi, birth day. Kotatsu， コ タ
ツ， 火 間， A hearth or fireplace covered with a quilt, under which
people warm themselves. K〇TAYE,-n4,-to, コタへ ル， 答， た z;.
To answer, to reply, to resDond ; 撒， to fee], to penetrate, or reach
to, as pain. 耐， to suffer, endure, bear. Kotayete twaJcu^ replying
said Toi ni kotayei'U^ reply to a question. Hone mi ni — , to feel in
the flesh and bones, as pain, shame, cold. Itami ga kotayerarenu，
the pain cannot be endured. Syn. Menji suiiu, tessuru, korayeru. K〇
tcii5， コ ツ子 ヤ 今， The utmost or highest degree, — used
generally in low convcrsauon. Dzurai no — , the cliief of knaves,
Omoshiro% no 一 , the most agi'eeable. Kote, 3 テ， >J 、手, 7?..
Defensive armor for the arm and hand ; a bracelet. Kote， コ テ，
ま曼， 7j. A tro、vel， a smoothing iron.
 KOT K5*tei， カウ チイ， 行程， （，川 仞 *〇 •ル The
road； way, length of the way. K6-TEI, 力々 テイ， 孝弟， w. Filial
piety and brotherly love, respect for elders. K0TE*ITA， コテ イタ，
段 板， w. A paddle used by masons ami phisterers. K〇TE*KOTEj
コ テコ テ， flrfr. Much, abundantly, a good deal. Meshi zro — montj
to beap up the rice in the bo'vl. Syn. TAPPURI, TANTO, DONTO. K6-
TO, コウト々， Dignified. — no w 丨 taret 汾 /ki, a person naturally
dignified. K5-t6, コ ウタ ❖，匈 當， Anciently an official title, now
the name of the second rank of the blind. K6»t6^ コ 々ト ❖，喉
頭， n. (med.). Tbe larynx. Koto, コト， 琴， n. A harp, or lyre. —
no o, the strings of a barp. — no laume^ the ivory finger shield used
in playing the harp. — no ji^ the bridge over >vbicli the strings
pa^s. 一 wo hiJcu^ to play a haip. KOTO, コト, 葛が， 言， Affair,
event, transaction, occurrence, fact, business, concern,
circumstance, thing, matter, word. Koto to mo sedcu, made nothing
of it, did not mind. — ya okoi'ii^ trouble will come of it. Koto mo
naiyosu, unconcerned manner, making light of it. Koto mo nage nai'U
tei, id. Koto va /ia, word, language. Koto (ja kakcru^ lacking in
something necessary. Koto vi tjorti, according to circumstances. 一
to sube ni yotie, id. Koto, コト， 異 ， Different， strange. 从 no
idokat'o tco koto ni &un^ to change bis usual place of sitting. Koto-
gokoro iro idaht, to have a treacherous heart. Kotoba, コト パ.，
言， w. A word, language, speech. — ivo kawasv^ to make a verbal
promise, to speak to each other, to salute. Nippon no 一 the
Japanese language. 一 okereba shina sukunaslii (prov.) Kotoba-
dzukai, コト パ ツカ ヒ， 言 遣， n. Use of words, way oi talKing,
manner of pronouncing, diction. 一 ya yoi hito^ one who uses good
language. Kotoba- jichi， コト パジ 千， 言質， A promise, the
pledge of one^ word or veracitv. — /or び， to take a promise.
Kotoba-utsushi NI, コト パ々 ツン ，言 寫， f/f か. Word for word，
verbatim. — sui'u, to tell, of report word for word. Kotobuki， コト r
キ ，祝 壽， n， Complimentary language, a toast in honor or in
praise. age, length of life. 一 ico ?iastt, to wish well to any one. KOT
271 Kotodzukaiu, — 7 マ/， 一/ 吟 コトブ 力， レ， 傳 言， ム t，.
To be entrusted with a message or commission to another.
KOTODZUKE， コト ゾヶ， or, KOTOI>ZUrJE， コト ゾテ 言， w. A
verbal message. 一 wo i/anj, to (Icliyqr a message. 一 u o tanomu^
to request one to talk a message. KOTODZUKE， 一 rw， 一れ/， コ
ト ゾ ケル， 嘱托，^?，. To avail one's self of an opportunity or aid
of another to do anything. Teycnni u〇 kotody anotlier. K〇to-dzi)ii，
コト ズ ミ， 事濟， w. End or comi)let]〇n of one s work. Koto-
fuhe， コトフ レ， 託 者， 7i. A strdlinff fortuneteller of the
weather, crops, or sickncsg. Koto-gar a， コトカ’ ラ， 專 柄， w.
Kind, or nature of a hair ; as, 一 mo tva/nimi/cdzu, does not
discriminate different cases. 一 ni yotie, according to the merits of
ibe ca8e. Koto-gotoku， コト ゴ トク， 盡 ，"ふ •• All, every one.
Svn. mina, nokoradzu, svbete. Koto-goto-is’i， コト ゴト ニ, 每專
Everything, everv matter or circumstance, hosla tcn-oiyo m wile 一
t(\ when Confucius entered the great temple be inquired about even
thing. Koto-gotosh I コト ゴ トレイ， 事’ 事， Making much of an
affair, exaggerating. — moshitalmi^ to give an exaggerated report of
a matter. , , K〇TOH OGI, -ffu-s/ii, コト ホグ， ）ji 兄， t r. To
celebrate, commemorate ; to felicitate. G nnbuku wo — • Sldchi ju
shidii no ga wo — • Syn. iwau. K〇T〇l， コ トィ， if 賣， A bull.
Koto-kagi，-，，- 切， コトカ グ ，事 缺， t r. To be denciont in, in
want oi, to be short of, or lacking in someth inff. Kodzvlm ambai
teaI'ulaite koto-lagu^ owing to the sickness of my servant, I am
short handed. J\OTO-KAAVARI， 一 7W， 一“ 《， コトカ ハル, 事
換，？ ••?，• To be different, to be difcsimilar, distinct, unlike. Ima
icci mulcctshi ni 一 ， the present is unlike former times. Koto-
KIRE， 一 n/ 广切 ，コ トキ レ ル •專 切, To end, conclude, finish,
to die. Koto-komayaka-ni， コト コマ ャカ ニ， 仔細， adi\
Minutely, particularly. J\OTONARl， 一 7.M, コト 十 ル, 写 I, f.v. To
be different, unlike, unusual, strange. 1 svne m — , extraordinary,
unlike what is common. Syn. CHIGAU, TAGAU. KOTOKERI， コト 手
リ， >J、 舍 人， a. Inferior .servants attached to the palace of the
Mikado.
 272 KOT KOW Koto-NI， コトニ， 殊， • "ffc. Especially,
particularly. Syn. BESSIIITK, KAKUBKTSU-NI. Koto-no-hoka, コト ノ
ホ 力， 殊 タ 卜， cidv. Unusually, extraordinarily, uncoiumonlv,
exceedingly, beyond measure. • — samuku nuttcL 一 mutsuhisnn
koto. Syn. NAKA-NAKA. KOTO-OSOI, コト ォゾィ ，納， Slow of
speech, stammering. K〇~TOIU， コト 1) ， 小鳥，？ A small bird.
Koto-sara-NI， コト サラ， 殊更， rt ふ.. rarticularly, in an especial
manner. Syn. BESSiiiTE. Koto- SBI， コトン， 琴 エ， n. Harp or
lyre maker. Ko-TOSHI， コトン， 今年， （ん 的伙.) ル This year.
Syn. to-nen. K〇TO-SHIGEKI，-/a/， コトン ゲタ， 事蘩， a.
Busy， hurried or over-rim with business, thronged. Syn. isogashii,
sewasiiii. Koto-sukuna, コト スク 十， 簡 易， （ん cm-!.). Easy,
short, not diflicult. K〇T〇-TARi，-n ら コト タル， 禀 足， To
answei， the purpose, will do, to be content, satisnecl ; sufficient,
enough. Sofnku nareaomo kototanc beshi, although the clothes are
coarse I am content. Ilin-kiu nareaomo lcoto-taru 9iari, I am poor,
but contented -with my lot. K〇TOWAiU,-n^-to? コト フル, 断，？
•• To refuse, decline ； forbid ; to state, mention. Kane wo Jcasu
koto wo kotowaru, refused to lend money. Mayewotte kotowatte
oku, to mention before hand. Kotoicari ncishi ni uchi ye hairu koto
wa naranu, entering the house without asking (or \vithout
permission) is forbidden. 0 leutowari mosu^ I decline, or i>lease
excuse me. Koto waiii, コト ワリ •理, Reason， principle, cause,
nature ; excuse, plea, meaning. 一一 ico in, to plead an excuse.
Kotoivaza no — ， the meaning t)f a proverb. Syn. do-ri. Kotowaza，
コト ワザ ，也 諺， 队 An adage， common saying, proverb. — ni
in tori, according to the proverb. Kotoyose 广 rw 厂か ，コトヨ セ
ル， 事寄，，.” • To make a pretext of, to pretend, to do as an
excase； to allude, or hint at. Shu-ycn in kotoyosete Idto wo
/coivsu, under the })retext of making a wine party to plan tlie
murder of a man. Syn. KAKOTSUKEJIU, DASIII NI TSUKAU. K〇
TSU， コツ ，骨， (/奶似，) Bone ; a knack， tact or dexterity in
doing. Kothu， コツ ，忽 f、， A weight — the lentil part i of a mo.
Ko-TSUBO， コッボ ，子宮，？?. The womb. Syn. shi-kiu. K0T5U-
DZUI， コッズ 共， 骨騷 ，队 The marrow. — ni tcsmriij to pierce
to Ine very marrow. Kotsijdztoii， コッヴ ミ， 小 鼓，、. A small
kind oi drum. Kotsugai， コッヵ M ， 乞丐， 队 A beggar. S)T1.
KOJIKI. Kotsu-gara， コップ/ラ， 骨柄， 亿 The bony condition or
frame ; figure, or make of body. — no yoi hito^ a finely formed
person, a person of fine figure. Syn. hone-gumi. KoTsuJiKl， コ ッジ
キ ，を 食，“. A beggar, pronounced m com. coll. Kotsu-maku， コ
ッマ ク ，骨膜， w. (mcd.). Pen ostium. Kotsu-NIKU， コッ ニク，
骨肉， Flesh and bones, used only fig. for bluod relations, kindred. .
— no aia〇(/ara^ id. — yori mo shitashii, to love another more than
one's relations. Kotsu-riu ，コッリ々， 骨^!， 队 A bony tumor,
exostosis. Kotsu-zen-to， コッ ゼン ト ，忽然， a み’. Suddenly,
unexpectedly. Svn. TAGiu-MAciu, rui. Kotta ，コッタ, pret. ot /iTo?’/.
Kotteui， コッ テリ， wft.. Gross in taste, thick in consistence. — to
rntci mono. K〇-URl， コ亡リ ，パ、 眘， a. A retail- merchant ;
selling at retail. ICo-ushi， コ ウン，》]、 _， A calf. Ko-uta, コ ウ
タ， 小歌， A sonnet, ditty. K〇wa, コノ v フ 公， (contr. of 入 ?m.)
This ; also an exclamc^ition of surpiise. as, Koiva\ ilccini bhite
yohiran^ 0 ! what shall we do. Kowabari，一?."，- 故 7, コハ パル，
直，？： n To be hard a,nd stiff. Kimono (ja non rk koicabarii^ the
clothes are stiffened ^ith starcli. Shiyai (ja 一 , tbe corpse is stiff.
Syn. KATAKL* NAUU. Kg'vadaka， コワ ダヵ， 高聲， Loud voice.
一 ni mono wo iu, to speak witb a loud voice. Kowadzukuhi, -or
kowadzukviioi, コソ ブク リ 5 飲，72. Clearing the throat, to hem in
preparin.o' to speak. — wo suru， to lu*ni, to clear tbe throat. Syn.
SEKI-IUKAI. SiriWAIH*KI. Kowagari， - r".， 一"“， コハ ガル， 怖
畏 ，パ To be timid, afraid, -to be frightened. Kowaf/twu na, don't
be afraid. Syn. os〇iM：nr. K〇WA_GO'VA， 3 ハ； av、， f 粟 1
栗，“ (，仏 Fearful, afraid, dreadful. — trafarn ircrukibashi^ crossing
uitli fear a bridge of or.c round log. Syn. BIKf-BIKU SlTtl*.
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