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The Makings of Indonesian Islam Orientalism and the
Narration of a Sufi Past Michael Laffan Digital Instant
Download
Author(s): Michael Laffan
ISBN(s): 9781400839995, 1400839998
Edition: Core Textbook
File Details: PDF, 4.99 MB
Year: 2011
Language: english
The Makings of Indonesian Islam
Princeton Studies in Muslim Politics
Dale F. Eickelman and Augustus Richard Norton, editors
A list of titles in this series can be found at the back of the book.
The Makings of Indonesian Islam
Orientalism and the
Narration of a Sufi Past
Michael Laffan
List of Illustrations ix
Preface xi
Acknowledgments xv
Abbreviations and Archival Referents xvii
Chapter Eleven
Advisors to Indonesië, 1906–1919 190
Chapter Twelve
Hardenings and Partings, 1919–1942 209
Conclusion 233
Glossary 237
Notes 243
Index 287
Illustrations
It was with genuine sadness that Indonesianists and Indonesians alike reflected
on the passing of the anthropologist and humanist Clifford Geertz in late Oc-
tober of 2006. Even though he had long since moved beyond Java and Bali and
embraced far broader horizons, there was a sense among Indonesianists that,
whether we agreed with his ideas or not, he was one of us. Certainly he had
given the field a lot to think about. In such contributions as his Agricultural
Involution of 1963, Islam Observed of 1968, and Negara of 1980, which all built
on the reputation formed by his highly influential Religion of Java of 1960, his
ideas were unfailingly stimulating.
In life and in death, though, his legacy has often been contrasted with that
of another scholar whose contributions I will argue have been crucial to the
ways in which Indonesia continues to be seen. One major Indonesian maga-
zine even named them as two of but eight foreigners in a list of one hundred
people to be adjudged “Indonesian figures of the twentieth century.” This sec-
ond (or rather, first) figure is Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje (1857–1936);
Dutch Orientalist, outward Muslim, colonizer. And while Geertz was warmly
embraced by his Indonesian biographers in the edition in question, Munawar
Khalil declared the Dutchman to have been “the muskrat who slipped among
the Muslim community to steal the ‘secrets’ of the people’s resistance towards
the colonial government.”1
While this book is neither a critique of Geertz nor a defense of Snouck, the
Dutchman’s key contributions to the making of Indonesian studies will be ad-
dressed as it explores its major theme, namely: What are the supposed ingredi-
ents of Indonesian Islam? And who can we say has made it? As I shall argue,
the process, or rather processes, that laid the foundations for a consensus on
these questions have been driven by the long-standing engagement of South-
east Asian Muslims with coreligionists at home and abroad, both prior to and
under the Dutch colonialism that made them Indonesians. And far beyond a
mere fact of background hegemony, the direct engagement of Orientalist advi-
sors like Snouck, acting on behalf of the colonial state and, ostensibly, for the
benefit of Muslims, is a major strand complicating that story.
With the benefit of hindsight one can easily say that Geertz’s amused scepti-
cism about the long-term vitality of the process of Islamization, expressed in
xii Preface
his Islam Observed, may now be seen to have been misplaced. But we might
also challenge his characterization of the history of Indonesian Islam as having
been “until recently, remarkably malleable, tentative, syncretistic, and, most sig-
nificantly of all, multivoiced.”2 If, for Geertz, it was the multivocal nature of
Indonesian Islam that was most significant, looking back some four decades
later, one might argue that it was his conditional “until recently” that was actu-
ally his most relevant observation on the subject. Geertz was arguably reading
his fields in light of the modernist scholarship and explications given by infor-
mants who were apparently detractors of many of the local practices he docu-
mented. As we shall see, such informants and their Western spokesmen had
entwined histories.
In a recent critique of the field of colonial studies, Frederick Cooper has
questioned the usefulness of the holy trinity of “identity,” “globalization,” and
“modernity,” arguing for greater specificity in academic discourse and for stud-
ies that read colonialism less as a story set against the backdrop of rising mo-
dernity than as encounters in which concepts like “nation,” “the modern,” and
“religion” are given meaning.3 This book is intended in part to rise to this chal-
lenge. Whereas I have previously aimed to demonstrate the Islamic contribu-
tion to the creation of Indonesia, I want to turn now to examine how Islam was
interpreted and fashioned by the region’s diverse actors; Dutch Christians in-
cluded. Central to my inquiry will be disputes about the place of tariqa praxis—
the rituals of mystical reflection organized under the guidance of a preceptor
known as a shaykh—which represents but one aspect of Sufism as a field of
Islamic knowledge. On the way a much larger and often political story has to
be told that implicitly questions the current notion that Sufism is the form of
Islam most amenable to Western contact. That said, I am not offering a narra-
tive about how Sufism and anti-Sufism played out in the twentieth century as
a whole, nor yet how Islam and politics intersect in Indonesia today. Rather,
this will remain a colonial story, though one that will seem at times not so dif-
ferent from the one being played out for very high stakes today.
Narrative Outline
To say that someone or something has “the makings” of something else already
implies an ongoing process of formation, and I would argue that Indonesian
Islam remains just such a national project that is constantly redefined by its
citizen adherents. At a more obvious level, however, the title of this book indi-
cates that there were multiple processes at work on the way to the declaration
of independence of August 17, 1945, of which the reformist and colonial proj-
ects were perhaps the most explicitly stated. But while the colonial looms large
in this book, I felt it important not to commence by privileging the Western
experience. Hence the first three chapters (Part One) describe major trends in
Preface xiii
the formation of Southeast Asian Islamic discourse, beginning with the first
steps toward the Islamization of the region in the 1200s, and continuing into
the 1880s, when the Dutch would make more explicit de jure interventions in
Muslim Law. This background is necessary to throw elements of the later colo-
nial story into proper relief.
Chapter 1 documents what we know of the process of Islamization across
the archipelago and argues that our present knowledge is informed in large
part by our acceptance of the retrospective framings and validations of seven-
teenth-century Sufi teachings that emphasized a mystical connection between
the Prophet and a learned elite patronized by regal authorities. Chapter 2 con-
siders how, in the eighteenth century, more formalized structures of learning
were established in the archipelago as Southeast Asian scholars began to par-
ticipate increasingly in Middle Eastern networks. I will argue that there was
now an even more explicit regal attempt to move the Islamizing public away
from the attractions of speculative Sufism and towards a stronger commitment
to Islamic law (and thus governance). Chapter 3 then considers the rise, largely
in the nineteenth century, of a new form of populist authority that expanded
the scope of Islamic activity beyond the reach of ever more marginalized courts.
In particular it examines the practical import of the use that some of the mysti-
cal fraternities with newer Meccan connections were making of the litho-
graphic press.
The second quarter of the book, by contrast, deals with the parallel longue
durée of Dutch (and, to some extent, English) experience with Islam in South-
east Asia, placing equal stress on the interactions in the Indies and the way in
which these interactions were viewed in the metropole. Chapter 4 focuses on
the very hazy notions of Islam that were formed in the course of the first voy-
ages of the 1590s, emphasizing the place of Protestantism in the evolving un-
derstanding of Islam and its problematic relationship with the East India
Companies. With the decline of the trading empires at the end of the eigh-
teenth century, chapter 5 considers changes wrought in the nineteenth under
the impact of new cultures of science and new concepts of empire fostered by
the governments of The Hague and Batavia. These intellectual developments
resulted in a more active attempt by the Westerners to measure and understand
how Islam was organized in the archipelago and to educate their officials in
Islamic Law in preparation for their deployment in the field. Chapter 6 is then
at pains to show that a parallel framing of the Indies as a missionary field was
crucial in informing, and sometimes challenging these colonial enterprises.
Having accounted for the two major strands of Indonesian history—the Is-
lamic and the Colonial—the book turns in its the third, pivotal quarter to
consider the implications of the entwining of indigenous and Dutch scholar-
ship on the question of religion. Here our focus is on Snouck Hurgronje and
his network of allies and informants, and we will examine their activities in
detail and over a rather brief period of years, for we are now indeed in the
xiv Preface
The seeds of this project were sown during a three-year fellowship in Leiden
and have finally germinated not so far from Nassau Street, Princeton. Some of
the ideas, since altered or elaborated, have come out in various venues over the
past seven years, notably at seminars held at Oxford and Bogor in 2005, UCLA
in 2006, Tokyo and Kyoto in 2007, and Amsterdam in 2008. The project as a
whole nonetheless remained obscured from view, including my own view, for
some time. I am grateful to many for their support, questions and encourage-
ment. I first wish to thank the former director of the International Institute of
Asian Studies, Wim Stokhof, and his vibrant staff for an excellent start. In
particular I acknowledge my colleagues in the “Islam in Indonesia” project,
which the Institute facilitated with funding from the Royal Netherlands Acad-
emy of Social Sciences (KNAW): Nico Kaptein, Kees van Dijk, Martin van
Bruinessen, Moch. Nur Ichwan, and Noorhaidi Hasan. Similarly helpful were
Jan Just Witkam, Hans van de Velde, and Arnoud Vrolijk at the library of
Leiden University, and my many good colleagues at the Royal Netherlands
Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies (KITLV)—Henk Schulte
Nordholt, Willem van der Molen, Tom van den Berge, Rini Hogewoning, Jaap
Anten, Lam Ngo, Liesbeth Ouwehand, Peter Boomgard and David Henley—
under whose auspices the final pieces of the book fell into place in 2009. Hol-
land was also a warmer and sunnier place thanks to the fellowship of Rosemary
Robson in Leiden, Jaap Plugge and Karla van Boon in Westzaan, and Luitgard
Mols and Harold Abu Biff in The Hague. Princeton, too, has been a rich field,
and I am indebted to my present and former colleagues, especially James Mc-
Dougall, Helen Tilley, Michael Gordin, Angela Creager, Sheldon Garon, Mi-
chael Cook, John Haldon, Bhavani Raman, and Yaacob Dweck (yes, Yaacob, I
named you). I am furthermore indebted to the University Committee on Re-
search for generously funding the extended field trips that helped bring this
book to completion, and to good friends at the Asia Research Institute in Sin-
gapore, then under the eternally generous Tony Reid. My appreciation also
goes to Michael Feener, Bill Roff, Duncan McCargo, Merle Ricklefs, Annabel
Gallop of the British Library, Aunal Abied Syah in Cairo, Henri Chambert-
Loir in Jakarta, and Bob Elson and Deb Brown in Brisbane. Final thanks go to
Barbara Andaya for some key interventions, Tsering Wangyal Shawa for draw-
ing the maps, the Leiden University Library and the KITLV for permission to
reproduce images from their collections, and, most especially, to Judy, Faridah,
and Daniel for their long-standing patience with me and with New Jersey.
This page intentionally left blank
List of Abbreviations and Archival Referents
*Please note that Hazeu, Jalal al-Din, Kern, and Pijper are set in caps throughout to differen-
tiate the source from the person
xviii Abbreviations
In writing a book that deals with sources in numerous languages and spelling
traditions I have had to make some decisions in the interest of readability. I
realize that in many instances I have done violence to modern Indonesian con-
ventions that are derived from their Dutch predecessors, and most especially
by adding the Arabic letter <ayn here and there where Indonesian resorts to
glottal stops, silence, or the occasional k. I have also inserted the odd “of ” or
made use of Arabic adjectival designations to aid readers unfamiliar with Indo-
nesian geography. Hence someone generally known today as Abdussamad
Palembang will be referred to as <Abd al-Samad of Palembang, or <Abd al-
Samad al-Falimbani (as he is represented in Arabic texts).
In many instances I did so in order to reconnect Indonesia to its Islamicate
past that was communicated through the Arabized jawi script. By the same
token, however, Arabic terms have been stripped of various macrons and sub-
script dots that are only of interest to specialists. Hence names—whether Ara-
bic or Indonesian—have been rendered in this same system, though I have
naturally not applied it when citing or translating original passages in roman
script. Of course this compromise, especially considering the preponderance of
Dutch sources employed, still leaves quite a few names and terms that are
xx Abbreviations
opaque to the Anglophone reader. Few will recognize sjech as shaykh at first
sight, though hopefully the flow of the discussion will ease such transitions.
Also, in the hope of easing the jarring caused by many foreign terms, italics will
usually be employed in the first instance rather than throughout, and in the
hope that I managed to include all the usual suspects in the glossary.
Other documents randomly have
different content
one Nemiroff and 27 others left the Pennsylvania Station for
Chicago, Vancouver, Japan and Siberia. On April 23 Comrades
Bogdanovitch, Bendetsky, Albert Greenfield, John (or Ivan)
Stepanoff, Michael Smirnoff, Henry Shklar and 89 more left on the
Erie Railroad for Seattle, Japan and Siberia. On the 12th day of May,
“Dynamite Louise” Berg, sister of the anarchist who was killed July 4,
1914, by the accidental explosion of a bomb, boarded the steamship
United States of the Scandinavian-American Line in Hoboken for
Christiania and Russia. On that ship sailed nearly a hundred others
of the anarchist and revolutionary element. Ninety more, including
Sokoloff, a prominent I. W. W., left for San Francisco and Japan two
days later. On May 26 Mrs. Bill Shatoff, with Alexander Broide, J.
Wishniefsky, and 18 more members of the Coöperative Anarchist
Organization sailed from Hoboken on the Oskar II. Two days passed
and Meyer Bell, an anarchist who had seen the inside of many an
American jail for revolutionary agitation, and Mrs. Meyer Bell, with
110 others took their departure for San Francisco and the Orient.
The last consignment but one, a group of 90 more potential
Bolsheviki, followed them on June 24.
Captain John B. Trevor, Military Intelligence
Shatoff and Wolin waited until their flock had been herded out of
the country, and then vanished themselves. No one knew their
route, but they were heard from in Seattle. Altogether some 600
anarchists made the pilgrimage. Some never reached Russia. Others
who did get back found that conditions offered slim picking, and the
Chinese and Manchurian ports are sprinkled with them to-day—men
without a country, who cannot live in Russia, and who may not
return to the United States.
Those who did get through to the capital of Russia straightway
joined the organization. Trotzky had found Lenine there with plans
already well advanced. The Provisional Government superficially was
adequate to handle the situation, and during June it gave some
slight promise of being able to prosecute its share of the war, but a
breach was coming. A Council of Workmen and Soldiers had sprung
up to oppose the Duma and the government when the Duma voted
for an immediate offensive in Galicia, the Council voted for a
separate peace. Kerensky swung himself back into balance for a
month, and led a military offensive. It turned into a retreat, the
retreat into a rout. Korniloff took command of the army on August 2,
and the following day the military governor of Petrograd was
assassinated. The deposed Czar was taken to Siberia. On September
2 Kerensky tried the expedient of arrest against his rising enemies in
Moscow. On September 16 he proclaimed a new republic, but
political structures could not keep out the terrifying German military
advance that already was threatening Petrograd nor the German
propaganda which was already there. Mid-October saw the
government in flight to Moscow. On the 21st of October Leon
Trotzky, at the head of the Bolsheviki in the Council, declared his
party for an immediate democratic peace, and left the hall at their
head, cheering. Municipal elections on November 1 rejected the
Bolsheviki, but they would not be rejected, and on November 7 the
Maximalists deposed Kerensky and took possession of the
Government. Lenine became premier, Trotzky minister of foreign
affairs.
The New York delegation won influential positions under the new
régime. A United States senator has described the current Russian
government as nothing but “Lenine and a gang of anarchists from
New York, Philadelphia and Chicago.” Wolin took charge of a branch
of the press—a sort of commissioner of public misinformation.
Shatoff, in America a humble syndicalist and I. W. W., rose to the
eminence of chairman of the “Extraordinary Commission for the
Struggle Against Speculators and the Counter Revolution” in
Petrograd, a commission whose activities are perhaps better
described by its common title in the capital. It is called the “Blood
and Murder” or the “To the Wall” committee. He has filled in his
spare time as Commissioner of Railroads, and has been commonly
credited in Petrograd with the murder of the Czar and his family.
Ouritzky, Shatoff’s predecessor at the head of the Committee, had
amassed a fortune of some four million roubles during his tenure of
office. He died a violent death. Shatoff, in October of 1918, had not
followed suit. The same John Reed who contributed to the support
of the Blast appeared in Petrograd as a sympathetic correspondent,
and was made consul to New York—a portfolio which he was unable
to use when he returned to New York because of his indictment,
along with Max Eastman and several other editors of a paper known
as The Masses, for attempting to obstruct the draft. The balance of
the New York anarchists who made up the expeditionary force of
1917 found their way, such of them as escaped the rigors of
Petrograd life, into positions of influence in the government of one
hundred or more millions of Russian people. To be sure, their hold is
not too secure, but they are enjoying for the moment a sense of
power which is intoxicating. Nothing seems to please a Bolshevik of
the New York City group more than power—the same thing he tried
to overthrow. I suppose it makes a difference whose power it
happens to be.
Neither Goldman nor Berkman returned to Russia. Their
publishing and bookselling business kept them here, and both were
always in demand as lecturers. Both had pictured themselves for
many years as the champions of anarchy in the United States, and it
is conceivable that they did not wish to pass over their sceptres to
any less well qualified successors. Unlike the ringleaders of the
I. W. W., these anarchists did not dodge real work. Both had active
minds, and were happiest when they were busy. Berkman’s writing
at times shows a certain cheerful tenderness underneath its
bombast, and Emma Goldman had a rather good-natured sarcasm at
times as a speaker.
The two cast their lot in with the pacifists, the anti-
conscriptionists, and the factions whose chief aim was to interfere
with America’s going to war. Emma began to lecture on the subject.
On the night of May 18 she spoke to a meeting in the Harlem River
Casino. After a preamble advising the audience that government
agents were present and that violence would be out of order, she
drew what she probably considered a logical conclusion from this
advice and shouted:
“And so, friends, we don’t care what people will say about us.
We only care for one thing, and that is to demonstrate to-night, and
to demonstrate as long as we can be able to speak, that when
America went to war ostensibly to fight for democracy, it was a
dastardly lie. It never went to war for democracy!... It is not a war of
economic independence, it is a war for conquest. It is a war for
military power. It is a war for money. It is a war for the purpose of
trampling underfoot every vestige of liberty that you people have
worked for, for the last forty or thirty or twenty-five years, and
therefore we refuse to support such a war....
“We believe in violence and we will use violence.... How many
people are going to refuse to conscript? I say there are enough. I
could count fifty thousand, and there will be more.... They will not
register! What are you going to do if there are 500,000? It will not
be such an easy job, and it will compel the government to sit up and
take notice, and therefore we are going to support, with all the
money and publicity at our hands, all the men who will refuse to
register and who will refuse to fight.
“I hope this meeting is not going to be the last. As a matter of
fact we are planning something else.... We will have a demonstration
of all the people who will not be conscripted, and who will not
register. We are going to have the largest demonstration this city has
ever seen, and no power on earth will stop us.... If there is any man
in this hall that despairs, let him look across at Russia ... and see the
wonderful thing that revolution has done....
“What is your answer? Your answer to war must be a general
strike, and then the governing class will have something on its
hands....”
She wound up her speech with an appeal for funds, and said
that her paper, Mother Earth, was going to support the rebellion
against the draft law which had been signed by the president that
very day. Mother Earth spoke, in her next issue, which appeared
shortly before registration day, June 5, and spoke in fairly
disapproving terms toward conscription. But the sun went down into
New Jersey on registration day without having witnessed the
greatest demonstration New York City ever saw, or any
demonstration whatever save the quiet, cheerful enrollment of what
later became a heroic national army.
On June 15 Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman were
arrested in the office of Mother Earth at 20 East 125th Street. On
June 27 they were arraigned for trial. On July 9 the jury pronounced
them guilty of having attempted to obstruct the draft. Judge Mayer
thereupon sentenced Berkman to two years in the Federal
penitentiary at Atlanta, Goldman to the state penitentiary at
Jefferson City, Missouri for two years, and fined each of them
$10,000. It was a stiff blow to organized anarchy—the maximum
sentence possible, and the judge followed it by directing the District
Attorney, Harold A. Content, to notify the Commissioner of Labor of
the conviction, in order that when the two emerged from prison,
they might be deported as aliens convicted of two or more crimes to
the country from which they came, bringing uplift to down-trodden
America.
Their work has since been carried on in a more or less desultory
way. They, too, have become official martyrs to the cause, whose
names will be inscribed along with those of Brescia, the Haymarket
murderers, and a score of others, on the anarchist service flag. The
undercurrent of opposition appeared spasmodically during the war
and it became necessary for an Alabama Judge, sitting in the District
Court of New York, on October 25, 1918, to impose maximum
sentences under the espionage act upon three more advocates of
unrest, Jacob Abrams, Samuel Lipman and Hyman Lachnowsky, the
ringleaders of a group who circulated leaflets denouncing armed
intervention in Russia and advocating a general strike. They were
sentenced to twenty years apiece; a fourth member got three years
and a $1,000 fine. A woman in the group, Mollie Steiner, was
sentenced to fifteen years.
The efforts at “demonstration” which the imported anarchists in
America have employed are neither as picturesque nor as popularly
received as those of their comrades in the old world. Anarchy is out
of tune in America. Prussianism has already had its answer from the
United States. Bolshevism is not for a well-educated, deep-breathing
nation like ours. And anarchy, the poorest wretch of the three, must
make terrifying faces through some other window than that of a
country full of people who are going to continue to make this
democracy safe for itself.
THE END
Transcriber’s Notes
Punctuation and spelling were made consistent when
a predominant preference was found in the original
book; otherwise they were not changed. Inconsistent
hyphenation was not changed.
Simple typographical errors were corrected;
unbalanced quotation marks were remedied when the
change was obvious, and otherwise left unbalanced.
Illustrations in this eBook have been positioned
between paragraphs and outside quotations. In versions
of this eBook that support hyperlinks, the page
references in the List of Illustrations lead to the
corresponding illustrations.
Transcribers improved readability of some numbers
in some illustrations, and switched the transcribed
sequence of the text of one pair of “random pages”
(following page 26) to make it easier to follow.
Transcriber corrected the Title page misspelling of
“SMALLL, MAYNARD & COMPANY” to “SMALL, MAYNARD
& COMPANY”, which is how it appears on the Copyright
page. Transcriber removed redundant book title just
above the title of the first chapter.
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THROTTLED! THE
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