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 Another Random Document on
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[383] Chronicle of Queen Jane, etc., p. 34.
[384] Machyn, p. 50.
[385] De Noailles, Ambassades, vol. ii., p. 234, etc. Lingard, vol.
vii., p. 147.
[386] Charles himself proposed that Philip should have no share in
the government.
[387] So highly was this treaty esteemed by the statesmen of the
following reign, that in the negotiations for a marriage between
Elizabeth and the Duke of Anjou, the marriage articles of Philip and
Mary were repeatedly quoted in a memorial endorsed by Lord
Burghley, and still preserved at Hatfield, in answer to objections
brought forward against the Queen’s marriage with a foreign
prince. “It behoves her Majesty” said Elizabeth’s ministers, “to have
the like proceedings herein as was for Queen Mary’s marriage.” The
country should not be governed by a foreigner, but by the Queen
herself and her Council, by the laws of the realm “as it was in the
time of King Philip and Queen Mary” (Historical MSS. Commission,
Hatfield MSS., vol. ii., pp. 241, 243, 288, 291-93, 544, 556).
[388] Chronicle of Queen Jane, etc., p. 34.
[389] Friedmann, Dépêches de Giovanni Michiel, introd., p. xxi.
[390] Mary had only promised to make no changes other than
those approved by Parliament. With regard to her marriage, she
had given no promise at all.
[391] Griffet, p. xxv.
[392] Renard to Charles V., Feb. 1554, Papiers d’Etat du Cardinal
de Granvelle, vol. iv., p. 405.
[393] Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. iii., part i., p. 126.
[394] Record Office Transcripts, vol. ii., p. 287.
[395] Rosso, I Successi d’Inghilterra, p. 44.
[396] Chronicle of Queen Jane, etc., p. 37.
[397] Heylin, pp. 165-263.
[398] Diary, p. 52.
[399] Chronicle of Queen Jane, etc., p. 38 et seq.
[400] “The saying of William Cotman in the County of Kent, Smith,
this present Tuesday, January 1553” (1554). Printed in Tytler’s
England under the Reigns of Edward VI. and Mary, vol. ii., p. 277.
The people were fed with falsehoods; the Devonshire and Cornish
men refused to stir, and Hampshire was quiet.
[401] Record Office Transcripts, vol. i., pp. 1175-76.
[402] A Chronicle of England, vol. ii., p. 108.
[403] Foxe, Acts and Monuments, vol. vi., p. 414.
[404] Chronicle of Queen Jane, etc., p. 41.
[405] Stowe, p. 619.
[406] Edward Underhill’s Journal, Strype, vol. iii., pt. i., p. 137.
[407] Holinshed, p. 1098.
[408] “Exhortation against Rebellion,” printed in the Chronicle of
Queen Jane, etc. (Additions and Corrections), p. 188.
[409] Chronicle of Queen Jane, etc., p. 50.
[410] Wriothesley, p. 110.
[411] Machyn, p. 55.
[412] Strype, Memorials, vol. iii., pt. i., p. 141.
[413] Ibid., p. 146.
[414] Burnet, vol. ii., p. 437.
[415] Chronicle of Queen Jane, etc., p. 54.
[416] Chronicle of Queen Jane, etc., p. 61.
[417] Record Office, Belgian Transcripts.
[418] Record Office, Belgian Transcripts, vol. i., pp. 1200-9, and
vol. ii., p. 1.
[419] Ibid.
[420] Record Office, Belgian Transcripts, vol. i., pp. 1200-9, and
vol. ii., p. 1.
[421] Record Office, State Papers, Domestic, 1554, vol. iii., 21:
Ashridge, 11th Feb.
[422] Record Office, Transcripts, vol. i., p. 1223. De Noailles, vol.
iii., p. 78. It was of course the French ambassador who suggested
poison as the possible cause of her illness.
[423] Record Office Transcripts, Belgian Archives, vol. ii., p. 4;
printed by Tytler, England under the Reigns of Edward VI. and
Mary, vol. ii., p. 310.
[424] Ibid. Griffet, p. 39.
[425] Lingard, vol. v., p. 441 et seq.
[426] The Emperor was evidently unaware that Courtenay was
already in the Tower.
[427] Record Office Transcripts, vol. ii., Instructions of Charles V.
to Count Egmont.
[428] Chronicle of Queen Jane, etc., p. 64.
[429] Foxe, vol. viii., p. 607. Heywood, England’s Elizabeth, p. 89.
[430] Lingard and Miss Strickland have supposed with Griffet, that
Mary herself questioned the Lords of the Privy Council on this
subject. But Wiesener points out (La Jeunesse d’Elisabeth, p. 224
note) that in the document on which P. Griffet supports the
statement, namely, Renard’s letter of the 22nd March, no mention
is made of the Queen’s presence at that sitting; and he agrees with
Froude that the question was probably put by the Chancellor.
[431] Vol. viii., p. 608.
[432] Chronicle of Queen Jane, etc., p. 70.
[433] Foxe, vol. viii., p. 610.
[434] Elizabeth herself had no such scruple at the trial of Mary
Queen of Scots, who was convicted on evidence obtained from
letters written in cypher, and which she persistently declared to be
forgeries.
[435] Thomas Heywood.
[436] Griffet, p. 39.
[437] Renard, Ses Ambassades et ses Négociations, par M. Tridon,
p. 198 note.
[438] Grey Friars’ Chronicle, p. 88. “A dead cat having a cloth like
a vestment of the priest at Mass with a cross on it afore, and
another behind put on it; the crown of the cat shorn, a piece of
paper like a singing-cake put between the forefeet of the said cat,
bound together, which cat was hanged on the post of the gallows in
Cheap, beyond the Cross, in the parish of St. Matthew, and a bottle
hanged by it; which cat was taken down at 6 of the clock in the
morning, and carried to the Bishop of London, and he caused it to
be showed openly in the sermon time at Paul’s Cross, in the sight of
all the audience there present. The Lord Mayor with his brethren,
the aldermen of the city of London, caused a proclamation to be
made that afternoon, that whosoever could utter, or show the
author of the said fact, should have £6 13s. 4d. for his pains, and a
better reward with hearty thanks. But at that time after much
enquiry and search made, it could not be known, but divers
persons were had to prison for suspicions of it” (Wriothesley,
Chronicle, vol. ii., p. 114).
[439] Machyn, Diary, p. 64.
[440] Record Office, Belgian Transcripts, vol. ii.
[441] Machyn, Diary, p. 64.
[442] “The xii day of April was Sir Thomas Wyatt set upon the
gallows on Hay Hill, beside Hyde Park, where did hang three men in
chains, where the Queen’s men and Wyatt’s men did skirmish,
where he and his captains were overcome, thank be to God”
(Machyn, Diary, p. 60). According to Wriothesley, Wyatt was
beheaded on Tower Hill “at 6 o’clock in the forenoon, and his body
after quartered on the scaffold” (Chronicle, vol. ii., p. 115).
Wriothesley gives the date of his execution as the 11th April. It is
probable that one of his quarters was set on the gallows on Hay
Hill.
[443] Lingard remarks, that as for Elizabeth and Courtenay not
being “privy” to Wyatt’s rising, “it may certainly be true, for he rose
unexpectedly six weeks before the time originally fixed upon”
(History of England, vol. v., p. 434 note). Holinshed says that Wyatt
protested against being pressed to say anything more in his
wretched condition; that he declared it went against him to accuse
any one by name, but that having confessed everything to her
Grace, he begged that he might be tormented with no more
questions (Chronicle, 1103, 1104, 1111).
[444] Mgr. Namèche, Le Règne de Philippe II, etc., vol. i., p. 43.
Tytler, Edward VI. and Mary, vol. ii., p. 414.
 CHAPTER XII.
PHILIP AND MARY.
July 1554-August 1555.
Philip had married as his first wife the daughter of John III., King
of Portugal, who had died in 1552, having given birth to a son, the
unfortunate and notorious Don Carlos. Charles V. then entered into
negotiations for a union between his son and the King of Portugal’s
sister, whose dowry amounted to more than a million gold ducats.
But unwilling that so large a sum should pass out of the country,
King John was in no hurry to bring matters to a conclusion, and
while he haggled over the terms of the marriage treaty, the death of
Edward VI. opened out a new political vista. The Emperor seeing the
possibility of a geographical combination, that would materially help
him to overthrow his old enemy France, wrote to Philip, telling him
to suspend the negotiations with Portugal if they were not already
concluded. A matrimonial alliance with England would, he conceived,
equal in importance that of the Dauphin with the young Scottish
Queen, Mary Stuart. Philip, perfectly docile, agreed to his father’s
scheme,[445] and thus the fuse was set to the train laid by de
Noailles, resulting in the conflagration described in the last chapter.
But Mary’s firmness and courage, and the enthusiasm with which
she had inspired her army, quickly extinguished the flames of
revolution, and notwithstanding the dissensions in her Council, a far
too numerous and unwieldy body, her government was stronger
than before Wyatt’s rebellion. De Noailles had gained nothing by his
treachery, except the questionable glory of having successfully
worked upon the worst passions of the rabble. Painfully conscious
that he had little cause for self-congratulation, and anxious to know
how far the Queen was informed of his secret practices, and what
were her feelings towards France, he demanded an audience in the
middle of June, when the court was on the eve of removing to
Windsor. Mary received him coldly, and when he complained, that
although his master desired to continue the peace, her ministers
appeared to be otherwise disposed, she told him roundly that
neither the King of France nor his advisers had displayed much
inclination towards peace in the past, and that not for all the
kingdoms in the world would her conscience have permitted her to
play such a part as he, de Noailles, had played. This outspokenness
on the part of the Queen so disconcerted the ambassador, that he
begged Henry to send him a safe-conduct and his recall.[446]
Nevertheless, he was obliged to remain where he was, and he
continued to be the most mischievous person in England. In giving
an account of this audience to his master, de Noailles expressed the
opinion that Philip had “something in hand against France”. But in
this he was mistaken. Philip had no independent policy apart from
the Emperor’s. Whatever his defects of mind and character, he was a
perfect son, and while his father lived, Philip lived but to obey his
behests. The chief of these now was, that he should marry Mary,
and seek to conciliate the English.
Michiel, the Venetian ambassador, who had seen the Prince in
Italy, describes him as the image of the Emperor, even to his
hanging under-lip, the distinguishing feature of the Hapsburgs. He
was not quite so tall (and Charles V. was but of medium height), but
well-proportioned and agile, as had often been proved in
tournaments, on foot and on horseback, armed and unarmed.[447]
He is elsewhere described as short but slender, with a fine broad
brow, large blue eyes, dense, fair eyebrows, very close together, a
nose well formed, a large mouth, with a thick and pendent under-lip,
which rather spoiled his appearance. His skin was white, and his hair
flaxen, like that of a Fleming, but here the resemblance to his
northern ancestors ceased, his tastes and manners being essentially
Spanish. Even in his early manhood, he was inclined to be thoughtful
and laborious. It was observed that he listened attentively to all that
was said to him, but spoke little, and that little cautiously, with his
eyes bent on the ground. If he raised them, it was to allow them to
wander hither and thither. His answers were prompt, short and to
the purpose, but he was careful never to compromise himself in any
way.[448] At the end of his first visit to Flanders, the Emperor, who
idolised him, took him to task for his cold and haughty bearing.
Philip learned the lesson so well, that on his second visit, it was
remarked that his manner was more affable, recalling that of his
father, and retaining no trace of the disdain which had before caused
him to be so much disliked in the Low Countries. He differed from
the Emperor, inasmuch as Charles delighted in warfare, and military
exercises, whereas Philip cared nothing for them, and understood
them but little. He was fond of study, and especially of the study of
history; he knew the exact position of every important place on the
map, was a good mathematician, and had some notions of sculpture
and of painting, which arts he sometimes practised. His own
language he spoke with elegance, knew Latin well enough for a
prince, understood and wrote Italian, and some French, and
possessed an excellent memory. He was slow in his movements,
both naturally and from his having schooled himself in extreme
deliberation, a characteristic often illustrated by remarks which he
was in the habit of writing on the margin of official documents, and
in letters to his friends and servants. One such expression, written to
an Italian diplomat, “bisogna caminare coi piedi di piombo,” is an
epitome of his manner of conducting business. He was careful to
surround even the smallest affair with an atmosphere of dignity, a
custom that may partly account for his dilatoriness. As he was
habitually grave and distant, his courtesy was the more appreciated
when he forced himself to unbend. In his opinion, no nation on earth
equalled the Spanish nation, and he admitted none but Spaniards
into his counsels and intimacy. His piety was considered remarkable,
because he heard Mass daily, and approached the sacraments at
least four times a year. Capable as he was of prolonged and careful
attention to the minutest details of business, he was naturally fond
of repose and solitude, especially in summer, when he made a point
of seldom granting audiences on affairs of state. So great was his
power of self-control, that even in taking vengeance, he would
sometimes wait for years for an opportune moment, when he would
strike without passion and without pity.[449] His morals were neither
better nor worse than those of the majority of his contemporaries.
Such was Philip in his twenty-seventh year, at the time of his
second marriage.
Sorranzo’s description of Mary, at the age of thirty-eight, is
important, as coming from the pen of a none too friendly critic. In
the Venetian ambassador’s description of England in 1554 occurs the
following paragraph:—
“The most serene Madam Mary is entitled Queen of England and
of France, and Defendress of the Faith. She was born on the 18
February 1515 [1516], so she yesterday completed her thirty-eighth
year, and six months. She is of low stature with a red and white
complexion, and very thin. Her eyes are white [light?] and large, and
her hair reddish; her face is round, with a nose rather low and wide,
and were not her age on the decline, she might be called handsome
rather than the contrary. She is not of a strong constitution, and of
late she suffers from headache, and serious affection of the heart,
so that she is often obliged to take medicine, and also to be
blooded. She is of very spare diet, and never eats till one or two
p.m., although she rises at daybreak, when after saying her prayers,
and hearing Mass in private, she transacts business incessantly until
after midnight, when she retires to rest; for she chooses to give
audience not only to all the members of her Privy Council, and to
hear from them every detail of public business, but also to all other
persons who ask it of her. Her Majesty’s countenance indicates great
benignity and clemency, which are not belied by her conduct, for
although she has had many enemies, and though so many of them
were by law condemned to death, yet had the executions depended
solely on her Majesty’s will, not one of them perhaps would have
been enforced; but deferring to her Council in everything, she in this
matter likewise complied with the wishes of others, rather than with
her own. She is endowed with excellent ability, and more than
moderately read in Latin literature, especially with regard to Holy
Writ; and besides her native tongue, she speaks Latin, French and
Spanish, and understands Italian perfectly, but does not speak it.
She is also very generous, but not to the extent of letting it appear
that she rests her chief claim to commendation on this quality. She is
so confirmed in the Catholic religion, that although the King her
brother, and his Council, prohibited her from having the Mass
celebrated according to the Roman Catholic ritual, she nevertheless
had it performed in secret, nor did she ever choose by any act to
assent to any other form of religion, her belief in that in which she
was born being so strong, that had the opportunity offered, she
would have displayed it at the stake, her hope being in God alone,
so that she constantly exclaims, ‘In te Domine confido, non
confundar in eternam! Si Deus est pro nobis, quis contra nos?’ Her
Majesty takes pleasure in playing on the lute and spinet, and is a
very good performer on both instruments, and indeed before her
accession, she taught many of her maids of honour. But she seems
to delight above all in arraying herself elegantly and magnificently,
and her garments are of two sorts; the one a gown such as men
wear, but fitting very close, with an under petticoat which has a very
long train; and this is her ordinary costume, being also that of the
gentlewomen of England. The other garment is a gown and boddice
with wide hanging sleeves in the French fashion, which she wears on
State occasions, and she also wears much embroidery, and gowns
and mantles of cloth of gold, and cloth of silver of great value, and
changes every day. She also makes great use of jewels, wearing
them both on her chaperon, and round her neck, and as trimming
for her gowns, in which jewels she delights greatly, and although
she has a great plenty of them left her by her predecessors, yet
were she better supplied with money than she is, she would
doubtless buy more.”[450]
 “Philippe II” From the original portrait by Adrian van der Werff.
Marie eut dans mon cœur une part bien legere,
Ma seule ambition m’en fit faire le choix:
Ie n’en fus pas content, elle ne me sut plaire,
Le plus encore moins aux Anglois.

Philip’s departure for England had been delayed at the last, on

account of the large quantity of bullion he was taking with him,
amounting to 3,000,000 ducats, 300,000 of which were for his bride,
100,000 for the merchants, and the rest for the Emperor. In charge
of this money was Sir Thomas Gresham, the celebrated founder of
the Royal Exchange, who had gone to Spain for the purpose of
raising a loan. When that part of the treasure which was destined for
England was taken to the Tower, it filled twenty carts containing
fourscore and seventeen chests, a yard and four inches long, and it
was estimated that when coined it would produce about £50,000
sterling.[451]
Both the Emperor and Renard had taken care to give the Prince
good advice as to his behaviour in England. They dreaded, lest by a
repetition of the contempt he had displayed in Flanders, he should
render the marriage still more unpopular than it already was. They
implored him to make at least a show of cordiality towards the
nobles, and to be affable and condescending to the people. He
should force himself to learn a few words of English, to salute them
with, but at the same time, it would not be amiss, said his mentors,
if he wore a coat of mail under his dress.[452]
On the 19th July, the Spanish fleet being anchored in
Southampton Bay, Philip sent the Prince of Gonzaga and Count
Egmont to inform Mary of his arrival and good health. The next
morning, he was landed at Southampton in the Queen’s yacht. As he
stepped on shore, a royal salute was fired, and the Earl of Arundel
invested him with the Order of the Garter,[453] which was at once
put on and fastened by a herald. A brilliant company had assembled
at the landing-place, to receive and do him honour. “God save your
Grace,” was heard on all sides.
Philip presented a gallant enough appearance in his usual costume
of black, with the short Spanish cape worn over one shoulder, and
on his head a berretta with gold chains and a waving plume. Mary
had sent him an Andalusian genet richly caparisoned, and as the
reins were handed to him, Sir Anthony Browne[454] advanced, and
made a speech in Latin, to the effect that he had been appointed
equerry to the Prince, and had taken the oath to the imperial
ambassador, and begged to be received as his Highness’s most
humble, faithful and loyal servant. Having kissed the stirrup, he
helped the Prince to mount.[455] As Philip rode through the town,
the spectators remarked with admiration, his graceful horsemanship
and smiling countenance, an indication that he had taken Renard’s
counsels to heart. His first visit was to the Church of the Holy Rood,
where he heard Mass, and returned thanks for his prosperous
voyage and safe arrival.
He was then conducted to the house that had been prepared for
his reception, during his stay at Southampton. Here his apartments
were hung with some famous Flemish arras of immense value, that
had belonged to Henry VIII. A chair of state in crimson velvet,
embroidered with gold and pearls, stood on a daïs, under a canopy
in the principal room. Before dismissing his escort, composed of
nearly every member of the Privy Council, he addressed them in a
Latin speech, in which he said he had come to live among them, not
as a foreigner, but as a native Englishman, and not from want of
men or money, but God had called him to marry their virtuous
sovereign; and in thanking them for their expressions of faith and
loyalty, he promised that they should ever find him a grateful, affable
and loving Prince.
To the Spanish nobles in his suite, he said that he hoped, so long
as they remained in England, they would conform to the customs of
the country, and in this he would give them an example. As he
finished speaking, he raised to his lips a flagon of English ale, which
he then tasted for the first time, and drank farewell to the company.
[456] Perhaps he disliked it less than some of his followers; at all
events it was observed that he drank bravely, and without wincing.
As soon as the news of Philip’s arrival reached London,
demonstrations of joy were set on foot, forced upon the people, said
de Noailles maliciously, under pain of death.[457] But it did not
appear that they evinced any serious objection to being feasted and
amused. Bells were rung, salvos of artillery fired, and processions
formed to all the principal churches. Fireworks were displayed, and
tables groaning with viands were laid out in the streets, for every
one to eat as much as he pleased. Wine and ale flowed in
abundance.
On the 21st, Mary with her whole court made her entry into
Winchester, where she was to receive the Prince and to be married
to him.[458] She took up her residence at the Bishop’s palace.
Philip, meanwhile, by his condescension had been making a
favourable impression. So anxious was he to ingratiate himself with
the English, that he gave offence to his own suite. Every time he
went out, he was escorted by Englishmen; Englishmen served him at
table; he breakfasted and dined in public, according to English
custom, although he disliked it extremely, and drank toasts valiantly
in tankards of strong ale, in the English fashion, encouraging the
Spaniards to do the same.
On the 23rd, the Earl of Pembroke with 200 mounted gentlemen
arrived to conduct him to Winchester. With them were a company of
English archers, wearing the colours of Arragon, with tunics of
yellow cloth striped with crimson velvet, and with cordons of white
and crimson silk. Before Philip left Southampton the Spanish fleet
that had accompanied him was ordered to sail to Flanders
immediately after the marriage ceremony, not a man belonging to it
being allowed to set foot on English soil.[459]
The day of his departure was stormy, and it rained in torrents. He
mounted his horse early in the afternoon, but had not left
Southampton far behind, when a horseman came galloping to meet
him, bringing a ring from Mary, with the entreaty that he would not
expose himself to the inclemency of the weather, but would defer his
arrival at Winchester till the following day. Not at first understanding
the message, Philip thought that he was being warned of some
danger, and stopped to consult with Alva and Egmont; but when
Mary’s solicitude had been explained to him by an interpreter, he
only wrapped his scarlet cloak more closely round him, pulled down
his broad beaver over his eyes, and pressed gallantly forward, in
spite of the elements. His company was increased at every bend of
the road, by the country gentlemen of Hampshire, who turned out to
form an escort; and by the time he arrived at his destination, his
suite numbered several thousands. Drenched with rain, they were
received at the gates of Winchester by the Mayor and Aldermen, in
their civic robes, who after presenting Philip with the keys of the city,
conducted him to the residence prepared for him in the Dean’s
house.[460]
John Elder’s letter, describing Philip’s reception at Winchester and
his marriage, takes up the story probably about an hour after his
entry.
“Then the next Monday, which was the 24th July, his Highness
came to the city of Winchester, at 6 of the clock at night, the
noblemen of England, and his nobles riding, one with another before
him, in good order, through the city, every one placed according to
his vocation and office, he riding on a fair white horse, in a rich coat,
embroidered with gold, his doublet, hosen and hat suite-like, with a
white feather in his hat, very fair. And after he lighted, he came the
highway towards the west door of the cathedral church, where he
was most reverently received with procession, by my lord the Bishop
of Winchester, now lord chancellor of England, and five other
bishops, mitred, coped and staved, where also, after he had
kneeled, kissed the crucifix, and done his prayer, he ascended from
thence five steps upon a scaffold, which was made for the
solemnization of his marriage; and until he came to the choir door,
the procession sang Laus honor et virtus. And after he had entered
the choir, and perceived the most holy sacrament, he put off his cap,
and went bare-headed, with great humility, until he entered his seat
or traverse as they call it, where after he had kneeled, my lord
Chancellor began Te Deum laudamus, and the choir together with
the organs sang and played the rest. Which being done, he was
brought with torch-light to the Dean’s house, the lords going before
him, and the Queen’s guard in their rich coats standing all the way.
Which house was very gorgeously prepared for him, adjoining to my
lord the Bishop of Winchester’s palace, where the Queen’s Highness
then lay, not passing a pair of but-length’s between. This night, after
he had supped, at 10 of the clock (as I am credibly informed) he
was brought by the counsel a privy way to the Queen, where her
grace very lovingly, yea and most joyfully received him. And after
they had talked together half an hour,[461] they kissed and departed.
I am credibly informed also that at his departing, he desired the
Queen’s Highness to teach him what he should say to the lords in
English at his departing; and she told him he should say ‘Good night,
my lords all’. And as he came by the lords, he said as the Queen had
taught him.”[462]
The writer goes on to say, that the next day, being Tuesday, the
Prince made his first public and official visit to the Queen, at three
o’clock in the afternoon, conducted by the Earl of Derby, the Earl of
Pembroke and others, he walking alone behind them all, “in a cloak
of black cloth embroidered with silver, and a pair of white hose”. He
entered the courtyard of the bishop’s palace, to the sound of music
played by every kind of instrument, and passed into the great hall.
Here Mary received him, and kissed him in presence of all the
people. Taking him by the hand, she led him into the presence
chamber, where after conversing with her for a quarter of an hour,
under the cloth of estate, “to the great comfort and rejoicing of the
beholders,” Philip took his leave and went to Evensong at the
Cathedral, returning afterwards by torch-light to his lodging.
The following day, 25th July, Feast of St. James, the patron saint
of Spain, was fixed for the marriage. The Cathedral was entirely
hung with arras and cloth of gold. From the west entrance to the
rood-screen, separating the nave from the chancel, a platform had
been erected for the first part of the service. Under the rood-loft, on
either side, a canopied seat called a traverse, draped with cloth of
gold, was placed for the royal bride and bridegroom. Similar seats
were also placed for them within the choir, in front of the altar. At
about eleven o’clock, Philip, accompanied by his suite, and wearing a
white doublet and trunk hose, a mantle of cloth of gold, ornamented
with pearls and precious stones, which Mary had sent him, the collar
of the Golden Fleece, and the brilliant blue ribbon of the Garter,
entered by the western door, to the sound of trumpets, and
proceeded to his place under the rood-loft. After waiting for half an
hour, he was joined by the Queen, who wore a dress of white satin,
scarlet shoes, and a mantle of cloth of gold, studded and fringed
with diamonds of great price. Before her walked the Earl of Derby,
bearing the sword of state.
Hundreds of spectators, from all parts of Christendom, attired with
great magnificence, crowded the church, and made the sight one of
dazzling splendour. When the bride and bridegroom reached their
respective traverses, says the chronicler, they were shriven,[463] and
afterwards stood up together by the rood, the Bishops of
Winchester, London, Durham, Chichester, Lincoln and Ely, preceded
by their croziers, having come from the choir to that place. But
before the ceremony began, Don Juan Figueroa, Regent of Naples,
and a member of the Emperor’s Council, handed to the English
Chancellor two instruments, by which Charles V. made over to his
son his sovereignty over the kingdom of Naples, and the Duchy of
Milan, so that, as Gardiner at once declared to the assembly, “it was
thought the Queen’s Majesty should marry but with a prince; now it
was manifested that she should marry with a king”.[464]
Then the banns were bidden, in Latin and in English, and the
marriage was solemnised, the Queen standing on the right side, the
King on the left, while the Marquis of Winchester, the Earls of Derby,
Bedford and Pembroke gave her to her husband, in the name of the
whole realm. The nuptial blessing was pronounced by Gardiner, who
was the officiating prelate in default of the Archbishop of Canterbury.
“Then all the people gave a great shout, praying God to send
them joy, and the ring being laid upon the book to be hallowed, the
Prince laid also upon the said book, three handfuls of fine gold,
which the lady Margaret[465] seeing, opened the Queen’s purse, and
the Queen smilingly put up in the same purse. And when they had
enclosed their hands, immediately the sword was advanced before
the King, by the Earl of Pembroke.”[466] The marriage ring was a
plain hoop of gold without any stone, for the Queen had said: “she
would be married as maidens were in the old time, and so she was”.
[467]

“After the marriage knot thus knit, the King and Queen came hand
in hand, under a rich canopy, being borne over them with six
knights, and two swords before them, all the lords both English and
strangers, richly apparelled going afore them, the trumpets then
blowing, till they came into the choir, where all the priests and
singing men, all in rich copes, began to sing a psalm used in
marriages, the King and Queen kneeling a while before the altar,
each of them having a taper afore them. Then after, her Majesty
went into her traverse on the right side, and the King into another
on the left side; after the Gospel, they came out, and kneeled before
the altar openly all the Mass time, and the care-cloth was holden
over them; and he kissed the bishop at the Agnus and then her
Majesty. The Mass done, the King of Heralds openly in the church,
and in presence of the King, the Queen, the lords and ladies, and all
the people, solemnly proclaimed their Majesties King and Queen,
with their title and style in manner as followeth: Philip and Mary by
the grace of God, King and Queen of England, France, Naples,
Jerusalem, Ireland, Defenders of the Faith, Princes of Spain and
Sicily, Archdukes of Austria, Dukes of Milan, Burgundy and Brabant,
Counts of Hapsburg, Flanders and Tyrol.”[468]
At three o’clock, the royal procession left the Cathedral, and the
King and Queen walked hand in hand to the banqueting hall.
According to the Spanish accounts of the banquet, none were seated
at the royal table but the King and Queen. Some of the English
chronicles state that a third place was assigned to Gardiner, the only
dignitary admitted to their table. Farther off, tables occupying the
whole length of the room were placed for the members of the court,
the foreign ambassadors, Philip’s suite and the other guests. De
Noailles had absented himself from the whole of the marriage
ceremonies, judging that it was beneath his master’s dignity for the
imperial ambassador to take precedence of him. Edward Underhill
thus describes the banquet:—
“On the marriage day, the King and the Queen dined in the hall in
the bishops palace, sitting under the cloth of estate, and none else
at that table. The nobility sat at the side tables. We (the gentlemen
pensioners) were the chief servitors to carry the meat, and the Earl
of Sussex, our captain, was the shewer. The second course at the
marriage of a king is given unto the bearers; I mean the meat, but
not the dishes, for they were of gold. It was my chance to carry a
great pasty of red deer, in a great charger, very delicately baked,
which for the weight thereof, divers refused, the which pasty I sent
unto London, to my wife and her brother, who cheered therewith
many of their friends.”[469]
At the bottom of the hall was an orchestra, and music was played
during nearly the whole time of the banquet. Towards the end, the
Winchester schoolboys came in, and some of them recited poems
and epithalamiums in honour of the marriage. The Queen rewarded
them handsomely. After the banquet followed a ball, at which
Underhill compared the Spanish dancing unfavourably with the
English, and especially with that of Lord Braye and Mr. Carew, a
criticism that must certainly be put down to British prejudice. Before
nine o’clock, all had retired, but the feasting and rejoicing were
continued for several days, after which the King and Queen went to
Basinghouse, and thence to Windsor. Here, a chapter of the Order of
the Garter was held, and Philip was installed. During the
preparations for this ceremony, an overzealous herald hoisted down
the arms of England and substituted those of Spain, but he was
peremptorily ordered to replace them as they were.[470]
On the 7th August, a great public hunt was held, with toils five
and six miles long, “and many a deer that day was brought to the
quarry”.
 So far, the Emperor and his ministers were satisfied with the
success of their policy. On the 4th August, the Bishop of Arras wrote
to Renard, expressing “incredible content, that the marriage for
which both had worked, for so long, was accomplished, to the
mutual satisfaction of both parties, and that the King was behaving
in every way so well, that he had gained the approbation of all in
England”. He foresaw, he said, many difficulties still, but hoped that
with gentleness and benignity, they might not prove too great.[471]
Meanwhile, the King and Queen had made their public entry into
London, and although there is nothing in the records to indicate that
the citizens made any hostile demonstration against Philip, their
reception of him cannot have been altogether gratifying, for after his
second visit to the capital in September, Renard observed:—
“Since the return of the King to London, the vigil of St. Michael,
the citizens have recovered altogether from the insolence which they
at first showed, and seemed to comprehend, and taste at last, the
honour and welfare which the alliance has brought to England, and
the repose and tranquillity that are the result”.[472] The nobility, he
went on to say, were beginning to accommodate themselves, and to
converse with the Spaniards, admiring the humanity and virtue of
the King, so that things were more peaceful than usual. At first,
there had been, he said, some embarrassment, because things had
not been arranged properly, but since the Council had been informed
of the difficulty in getting the suite lodged, they had given such
orders, that the citizens no longer objected to lodge the strangers,
and that now all was well, except that they were made to pay
exorbitant rents, which also would be reformed. It was true, he
continued, that the heretics could not get over the matter of religion,
and had been much troubled by the articles which the Bishop of
London (Bonner) had caused to be printed and published, and
notably on account of the form and name of the Inquisition, in which
they had been conceived, but the publication had continued, in spite
of murmurs, and they could do nothing, Madam Elizabeth being
under arrest. All their hope now lay in the Earl of Arundel, who was
an enemy of the Chancellor, and who hoped to marry his son to the
Princess.
At the public entry of their Majesties into London, one small but
ominous misadventure has been recorded showing the drift of
Puritan feeling. The streets were gaily decorated, and the citizens
indulged their love of pageantry freely. At the Conduit in
Gracechurch Street, figures had been painted representing “Nine
Worthies,” among whom were Henry VIII., Edward VI. and Mary.
Henry VIII. wore armour, and had a sword in one hand, while he
held a book in the other. On the book was inscribed in Latin The
Word of God. He was supposed to be handing the Bible to Edward,
who was standing in a corner by his side.
“Hereupon was no small matter made, for the Bishop of
Winchester, lord Chancellor sent for the painter, and not only called
him knave, for painting a book in King Henry’s hand, and specially
for writing thereupon Verbum Dei, but also rank traitor and villain,
saying to him that he should rather have put the book into the
Queen’s hand (who was also painted there) for that she had
reformed the Church and religion, with other things, according to the
pure word of God indeed. The painter answered and said, that if he
had known that had been the matter wherefore his lordship sent for
him he could have remedied it, and not have troubled his lordship.
The bishop answered and said, that it was the Queen’s Majesty’s will
and commandment, that he should send for him; and so
commanding him to wipe out the book and Verbum Dei, he sent him
home. So the painter departed, but fearing lest he should leave
somewhat either of the book or of Verbum Dei in King Henry’s hand,
he wiped away a piece of his fingers withal.”[473]
Another discordant note was struck by the circumstance that the
Council either by design or accident delayed inviting the French
ambassador to take part in the procession, till half an hour before
the King and Queen set forth from Southwark. De Noailles received
the invitation by means of “a shabby-looking individual, who said he
was one of the newly made heralds,” and pleaded the shortness of
time in which to make a creditable appearance, and to get himself to
Southwark, a distance of at least two miles from his house.[474]
Nevertheless, as soon as might be, he solicited an audience, and
was received by the Queen on the 21st August. On expressing his
congratulations, coupled with regrets at not having been able to be
present at the wedding festivities, like the other ambassadors, his
desires for her prosperity and for peace between France and
England being no less than she herself could wish, Mary replied that
she had not forgotten what she had said to him at their first
interview, relating to the friendship contracted between the two
countries during her father’s and her brother’s lifetime. She had, she
declared, maintained it intact; and in spite of the troubles in the
past, all things being now settled to her great contentment, she
hoped that the peace for which she had so deep an affection would
never be violated.
On leaving the Queen’s presence, de Noailles proceeded to an
audience with Philip, an occasion of still deeper concern to him. The
following remarks, which he wrote for his master’s information,
reveal the want of good faith and mutual confidence through the
polite speeches made on either side.
“On being conducted to him, I said that I had taken advantage of
the first opportunity to pay my respects to his Majesty, and to inform
him as ambassador of the very Christian King, residing at the Court
of the Queen of England, his good sister, that their Majesties had
hitherto lived, and had caused their subjects to live, in peace and
sincere friendship with each other. This peace and friendship I
trusted, would not be troubled or diminished by his advent on the
throne, but rather be increased thereby, and that he would as far as
possible be the means of the pacification of all Christendom, as the
said Lady and her Council had often predicted. And I added, that I
prayed our Lord to permit the tranquillity in which his Highness had
found these two realms in their relations with each other, to continue
perpetually. In this case, I said, he might count on my co-operation
as minister and humble servant of his Majesty, who like a true prince
made a point of observing his promises faithfully. When I had
finished my speech, the said King called the Chancellor, and told him
in Latin, that he had perfectly understood what I had said, although
he could not speak French, and he begged him to reply to me, and
say that both before and since his arrival in this country, he had
sworn and promised to maintain the alliances which the Kingdom of
England had contracted with neighbouring princes, and in which he
had found this realm, as long as it should be for the good and
convenience of England. He thanked me moreover for the good
service which I had offered to do in this matter, and for the trouble I
had taken in coming to see him, his answer being clearly forged in
the Emperor’s, as well as in the English smithy, as one may see, by
the pains they take to show that they are not wanting in the will to
make war on the first convenient occasion.”[475]
But Mary at least was anxious for peace, and she wrote to Henry
II. expressing herself in no ambiguous terms on the subject.[476] At
the same time, she knew not how to satisfy all the various
conflicting demands on her justice, her fidelity to her people, to her
husband and to her conscience. Philip had shown himself so willing,
in every way, to respect national customs and prejudices; he was so
careful in his intercourse with Englishmen to seem to identify his
interests with theirs, that it was felt something must also be
conceded to his tastes. Hitherto the palace gates had been open to
all comers; the Queen was easy of access to the humblest petitioner,
and the Venetian ambassador has recorded that from early morning
till late at night she gave audiences without ceasing. A few days
after their public entry into London, their Majesties removed to
Hampton Court, where more of Spanish etiquette and of that
aloofness which characterised the majesty of Spain began to be
observed. Before long, there were murmurs because the hall door
within the courtyard was now kept continually shut, so that no man
might enter, unless his errand were first known, “which seemed
strange to Englishmen that had not been used thereto”.[477]
 Philip may have considered this withdrawal from close contact with
the people a necessity, on account of the unsatisfactory state of
London, which was constantly the scene of attacks against religious
ceremonies, disputes at street corners, concerning points of
doctrine, and the interpretation of different passages of Scripture.
Not unfrequently, the brawl would end in vituperation of the Queen,
of Philip and of their marriage, in language that was no less than
treason. Renard had repeatedly expressed the opinion that these
disturbers of the public peace should be punished as rebels, and not
as heretics. Such a proceeding would certainly have been far more
diplomatic, although the outrages perpetrated sprang obviously from
religious discontent. The Chancellor and the Bishop of London ruled
that they came within the episcopal province and jurisdiction, and
proceeded against them in the religious sense, sometimes
dispensing with the royal sign manual altogether. The articles
mentioned in Renard’s letter as having been published by Bonner in
September came under this head. The Council called him to account
for having acted without sufficient warrant, and, above all, without
the seal of their Majesties. Bonner replied, that these were things
dependent on his office and jurisdiction, and that he knew well, in
communicating them to the Council, annoyances and hindrances
would have been put in his way; that he had acted in the service of
God, and that in religious questions one must advance boldly,
without fear. He gave instances from the Old Testament, to prove
that God helped those who upheld His laws, observed His
commandments, and adhered faithfully to Him.
Later on, the Council altered their tactics, and Bonner was accused
of dilatoriness in examining heretics.
Gardiner, preaching at Paul’s Cross, about this time, inveighed
against the prevailing heresies, but in such a manner that his
audience took his words in good part, although there were more
than ten thousand persons present. He touched discreetly on the
Queen’s marriage, and had it not been for Bonner’s articles, the
agitation in London would have gradually subsided. But the
disturbances which they caused became so serious, and the people
remonstrated to such purpose, that they were temporarily
withdrawn. Even then, the Londoners were not satisfied, erroneously
connecting the Bishop’s measures with Spanish policy, and
clamouring for the arrival of Reginald Pole, who, in spite of his long
exile, was known to be a thorough Englishman at heart, and to have
been disinclined to the Queen’s marriage.
But although, when once the alliance was an accomplished fact,
the Emperor’s zeal for the salvation of souls appeared suddenly to
awake, and although he expressed keen anxiety that the Papal
Legate should proceed at once to his mission in England,[478] Pole
was still prevented from accomplishing it. His desire to return to his
native land was as great as that of his fellow-countrymen for his
presence among them, and on the 21st September, he wrote to
Philip, complaining that it was now a year since he commenced
knocking at his palace gate, nor as yet had any one opened it to
him. Were the King to ask, “Who knocks?” he would reply, “I am he,
who in order not to exclude your consort from the throne of
England, endured expulsion from home and country, and twenty
years of exile”. Were he merely to say this much, would he not seem
worthy to return to the land of his birth, and to have access to the
King? But as he was not acting in his own name, nor as a private
person, he knocked and demanded in the name and person of the
vicegerent of the King of kings and the Pastor of man, namely, the
successor of Peter, or rather of Peter himself, whose authority,
heretofore so flourishing and vigorous in England, was now most
injuriously ejected thence. Through Pole, Peter had long been
knocking at the royal gate, which although open to others, was still
closed to him alone. The voice perhaps was not heard? Continuing in
the same strain, he expostulated with Philip and Mary, and
concluded by saying that if he personally were not acceptable, he
begged that another might be summoned in his stead.[479]
Few, conversant with the celebrities of the sixteenth century, will
fail to see in Reginald Pole the most distinguished Englishman of his
day. Of royal descent, a notable scholar and a man whose
conscience ruled every action of his life, he voluntarily exiled himself,
when, at the cost of a single principle, the highest preferments in
Church or State lay open to him. Two passions marked his singularly
blameless career: love of his country and devotion to the Holy See.
He turned his back on the one, when the King renounced the other,
and made it high treason to continue to acknowledge the Pope Head
of the Church of England. We have seen that when Pole refused to
return to England he was declared a traitor, a price was put upon his
head, and his aged mother was brought to the block.
Paul III. made him a Cardinal, in order to avail himself of his
knowledge and brilliant talents at the Council of Trent, and at the
death of that Pontiff, he was the imperial candidate for the Papacy.
Had he possessed a particle of ambition he might have controlled
the Conclave.
On Mary’s accession, he wrote many urgent appeals to the Queen,
beseeching her to lose no time in riveting the broken chain between
England and Rome. He possessed undoubted influence with her, but
less than the Emperor, who counselled delay, and took care that the
interests of the empire should before all be secured. The eldest son
of the Church, Charles ever made religion the handmaid of politics;
and as for Philip, in spite of his boasted maxim, that it would be
better not to reign at all, than to reign over a nation of heretics, he
was content always to play a waiting game, and above all to follow
his father’s lead. Pole, in common with Gardiner, had considered that
Mary was fatally mistaken in allying herself with Spain, that the
English would have been far more easily reconciled to Rome if every
other foreign element had been excluded, and confidence in herself
planted on a firm and solid basis, and that, at all events, the re-
establishment of Papal jurisdiction should have been her first care in
ascending the throne. If, when the kingdom was at her feet, she had
freed herself from the Emperor’s influence, and had summoned Pole
in his official capacity as Papal Legate, he believed that the
movement towards reunion would have been a truly national one.
 In many ways, Pole’s opinion was justified by facts. The
enthusiasm with which Mary had been greeted, although perhaps
mainly owing to the affection she inspired, was also in no small
measure due to the recoil of the people from the innovations of
Edward’s reign, innovations that had abounded in disillusion, and
that had set the hearts of many burning within them with desire for
the old religion. But de Noailles, Suffolk, Wyatt and others, had
successfully availed themselves of the unpopularity of the Queen’s
contemplated marriage to rouse the Puritan minority against her
throne, and her religion; and the Emperor, knowing Pole’s opinions,
and being well aware of the weight they would have in England,
detained the Legate till all dread of his interference was at an end.
Great as was his disappointment at the enforced delay, Pole was
not the man to resent or resist the obstacles put in his way. He did
what he could, to fulfil his secondary mission, which was to promote
peace between the King of France and the Emperor; and he
conferred diligently with the royal and imperial ministers, on the
possibility of a modus vivendi between the two powers. From
Brussels he went to Paris and made a favourable impression on
Henry II., but failing to bring about the desired object, returned to
the Netherlands. Charles received him coolly, believing him to have
been the author of an intercepted letter, which had been actually
written by one of his suite, to the Queen of England, dissuading her
from marrying Philip. But this gave Pole the opportunity of assuring
the Emperor, that he was convinced the Queen’s decision had been
taken with the highest motives for the sake of religion, and in order
to secure the royal succession, and that such being the case, he
cordially approved it.[480] Philip was now in England, and the
Legate, like the Chancellor, made the best of what could no longer
be avoided. Difficulties other than those concerning the empire kept
him still an exile. They were of two kinds, one relating to himself
personally, the other having reference to the religious state of
England. The personal difficulty was the fact of his being still an
outlaw, and as regarded the other, until there was some prospect of
the accomplishment of his mission, it would be useless for him to
cross the Channel.
The first, but least formidable barrier to the reunion of the
kingdom with Rome, arose from the opposition of a small party
unfavourable to Papal jurisdiction. This party was confined almost
exclusively to London, and to parts of the southern and eastern
counties, but wherever isolated bodies of Puritans were to be found
scattered up and down the country, the same opposition naturally
prevailed. The great masses of country gentlefolk had become, in
consequence of the frequent changes of religion, indifferent to every
form of faith; they would have been ready, at the call of the
Sovereign, to embrace Judaism or Mohammedanism if their
convenience or interest required it. The yeomanry, farmers and
peasantry were nearly everywhere intensely Catholic, but especially
in the north, where also a considerable number of landed gentry
were ready to suffer all things in defence of the old religion. But
another class had sprung up in the course of twenty-five years,
consisting of almost every second wealthy family in the kingdom,
enriched, in many cases entirely built up, from the spoils of the
churches and monasteries. And these would never consent to any
religious authority that might call their right to them in question.
Cardinal Pole was known to be opposed to any recognition of the
title of these lay proprietors; and without wasting efforts at this
crisis, in an attempt to induce Parliament to reverse Pole’s attainder,
the Chancellor appealed to the Pope for a bull, confirming them in
their possessions.
In reply to the before-mentioned letter, in which Pole spoke of his
having been kept knocking a whole year at the palace gates, Philip
sent Renard to Brussels to negotiate. Having graphically described
the state of the country, proving to the Legate that a general and
immediate restitution was out of the question, Renard persuaded
him to leave the matter for a time in abeyance. Meanwhile Julius III.
signed a bull, empowering the Legate to give, alienate and transfer
to the actual holders, all property which had been torn from the
Church during the reigns of Henry VIII. and Edward VI. The Pope
had considered, after consulting with canonists, that the continued
alienation of Church property was justifiable, if it proved the means
of restoring the realm to the faith.
This difficulty being settled, on Renard’s return to England, the
Lords Paget and Hastings were sent to bring the Legate home. Sir
William Cecil accompanied them, but in an unofficial capacity,
probably because, having become a Catholic, he would be a persona
grata to Pole, and also to the Emperor on account of his moderate
views.[481]
Parliament met on the 12th November, and a bill was brought
forward to reverse Pole’s attainder. It set forth that the sole cause of
his disgrace was his refusal to consent to the unlawful divorce of the
Queen’s father and mother, and in order that the repeal might be
clearly understood as an act of justice, and not of grace, the cause
was rejudged, the result being that both Houses repealed the
attainder, and restored all his rights and privileges. The Great Seal
put to this Act was, for more distinction, taken off in gold. Pole was
then free to return to his native land, and was received at Dover on
the 20th, with the honours due to a royal person. From Gravesend,
he sailed up the Thames in the Queen’s barge, his silver cross at the
prow, a crowd of smaller boats flying gala colours. At Westminster,
the Chancellor welcomed him at the landing place, and conducted
him to the palace. Their Majesties rose from dinner to greet him,
receiving him at the top of the great staircase.
After delivering the briefs of his legation, he retired to the
archiepiscopal palace at Lambeth, which had been prepared for his
reception. Three days later, a royal message summoned the Lords
and Commons to the court, where the Legate, in a long speech,
acknowledged the act of justice done to him, invited the nation to a
sincere repentance of its past errors, and exhorted the members of
both Houses to receive with joy the reconciliation which he was
charged by Christ’s Vicegerent here on earth to impart to them. As
they, by repealing Acts made against him, had opened his country to
him once more, so he was invested with full power to receive them
back into the Church of God. He then retired, and the Chancellor
addressed them, in a discourse beginning with the words, “The Lord
shall raise up a prophet to thee from amongst thine own brethren,”
making an allusion to himself as having been among the number of
the delinquents. He urged them to rise from their fallen state, and to
seek reconciliation with the common parent of all Christians.
The next day, both Houses passed a unanimous resolution to
return to the communion of the Catholic Church.
On the 30th, Feast of St. Andrew the Apostle, the King sent the
Earl of Arundel with six knights of the Garter and six prelates to
escort the Legate to the House of Lords. He took his place at the
Queen’s right hand, the King being on her left, but nearer to her.
The Commons having been sent for, Gardiner recapitulated what he
had before said, asking all present if they ratified his words, and
desired to return to the unity of the Catholic Church and to the
obedience owed to her chief pastor. The shouts and acclamations of
the whole assembly answered him. He then handed a petition to the
King and Queen, on behalf of both Houses of Parliament, as
representatives of the nation, declaring their sorrow for the schism,
and all that had been done against the See of Rome and the Catholic
religion, requesting their Majesties to obtain of the Lord Legate,
pardon and restoration, as true and living members to that body
from which they had separated themselves by misdeeds.
When this petition had been read and returned to the Chancellor,
who then read it aloud in the hearing of all, both Houses rose as one
man, and went towards the Legate. He stepped forward to meet
them, while the Queen, in her own name, and in that of the nation,
petitioned him to grant them the pardon and reconciliation sued for.
The Legate in a somewhat lengthy speech reminded them of the
thanks due to divine Providence for this further proof of forbearance,
and of the favour shown to England. Then the whole assembly fell
prostrate, except the King and Queen, and the Cardinal pronounced
the words of absolution, “from all heresy and schism, and all
judgments, censures and penalties, for that cause incurred; and
restored them to the communion of holy Church, in the name of the
Father, Son and Holy Ghost”. “Amen” resounded from every part of
the House, and the members rising from their knees, followed the
royal procession into the chapel, where they returned thanks by
chanting a solemn Te Deum.[482]
This apparent fervour was for the most part only on the surface.
Had Pole not returned armed with a Papal dispensation, exonerating
all the possessors of ecclesiastical plunder from the necessity of
restoring it, he would have been received in a very different spirit. It
was not possible to bring back the ages of faith to a generation that
had grown sceptical from change and worldliness, and both Houses
consisted largely of this class of people. When the question of
restoring Church lands had come under discussion before the Papal
dispensation had been published, the Earl of Bedford fell into a
violent passion, and breaking his rosary beads from his girdle flung
them into the fire, declaring that he valued his sweet abbey of
Woburn more than fatherly counsel that should come from Rome.
[483] Although Sir William Cecil might have expressed himself less
warmly, he certainly shared this sentiment, in regard to his benefices
of Putney, Mortlake and Wimbledon; and the express mention of the
lands held by Sir William Petre and the confirmation of his title to
them in the bull of Paul IV. are sufficient proof of the Chief
Secretary’s unwillingness to part with the monastic property that had
fallen to his share.[484] And these men were fairly representative of
all those who had been enriched in this way. It was to such as these
that Pole addressed his earnest admonition concerning the sacred
vessels of the altar, that they might not be put to profane uses,
while he entreated all those who were in possession of ecclesiastical
revenues, “through the bowels of mercy of our Lord and Saviour
Jesus Christ, that from a regard to their own eternal lot, they would
provide out of the Church lands, such especially as had been set
aside for the maintenance of the parochial clergy, a competent
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