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On the Road to EU Membership The Economic
Transformation of Turkey 1st Edition Selen Sarisoy
Guerin Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Selen Sarisoy Guerin; Ioannis Stivachtis
ISBN(s): 9789054878612, 9054878614
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 6.61 MB
Year: 2011
Language: english
On_the_Road_to_EU_Membership.book Page 1 Friday, August 26, 2011 7:33 AM

On the Road to EU Membership

The Economic Transformation of Turkey
On_the_Road_to_EU_Membership.book Page 2 Friday, August 26, 2011 7:33 AM
On_the_Road_to_EU_Membership.book Page 3 Friday, August 26, 2011 7:33 AM

Selen Sarisoy Guerin and Yannis A. Stivachtis (eds.)

On the Road to EU Membership

The Economic Transformation of Turkey

Brussels University Press

On_the_Road_to_EU_Membership.book Page 4 Friday, August 26, 2011 7:33 AM

Institute for European Studies – publication series, nr. 17

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On_the_Road_to_EU_Membership.book Page 5 Friday, August 26, 2011 7:33 AM

Table of Contents

Introduction 7
Selen Sarisoy Guerin and Yannis A. Stivachtis

1. From Association to Accession Negotiations:

EU-Turkish Economic Relations, 1959-2009 17
Yannis A. Stivachtis

2. Integrating the EU and Turkish Economies:

The Customs Union and the Accession Partnership 35
Yannis A. Stivachtis

3. Current Turkish Economic Policies and the Target of

EU Membership 63
Ìlke Civelekoğlu

4. Public Sector Governance in Turkey:

Evaluating a Reform Agenda 87
Yakup Beriş, Aslı Gürkan and Fuat Andıç

5. Prospects of Foreign Direct Investment in Turkey during

the Negotiation Process 123
Selen Sarisoy Guerin

6. EU-Turkish Enlargement Negotiations and Implications

for Turkish Labour Market 157
Feray Erselcan

7. Turkish SMEs Competitiveness within EU Negotiation 187

Senem Besler and H. Zümrüt Tonus

8. Turkish Agriculture at the Crossroads:

Structural Change and EU Membership 203
Mahmut Tekçe

5
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On the road to EU Membership

9. The Role of Energy in the EU-Turkey Relations 231

Sema Kalaycıoğlu

10. EU-Turkey Negotiations on Information Society and Media 247

Andrea Renda, Selen Sarisoy Guerin & Emrah Arbak

Conclusion 281
Selen Sarisoy Guerin and Yannis A. Stivachtis

List of Contributors 295

6
On_the_Road_to_EU_Membership.book Page 7 Friday, August 26, 2011 7:33 AM

Introduction

Selen Sarisoy Guerin and Yannis A. Stivachtis

The European Union has recently undergone one of its most turbulent
periods, not only economically but also politically and institutionally,
following the aftershocks of the 2004 and 2007 enlargements, the
Constitutional crisis and the subsequent Lisbon Treaty, and, finally the
2008 financial crisis. Given the visibility of the European Union in the
world economy, and the strength of the Union as a model of economic
integration, the recent crisis has been critical in shaping both the EU’s
future and its attractiveness as a magnet for non-EU European countries.
At the time of writing, it is commonly agreed that we are now experiencing
the most severe global financial crisis, coupled with increasing energy and
food prices, since the Great Depression. The 2010 euro crisis with the
Greek, Irish and now the Portuguese bail-outs has spurred strong negative
reactions from the public in many countries, such as Germany and the
Netherlands, as tax payers living in EU countries with strong economies
fail to see why they must share the less fortunate countries’ burden. The
severity of the economic crisis has been a significant test of the European
Union: the manner in which the EU has responded to the crisis highlights
the fact that while the EU might be a successful model for economic
integration, its lack of political union has restricted its options in terms of
its response to the crisis. Great uncertainty as to how the EU is going to
overcome the crises of other countries as well as its own still remain. It is
against this background that Turkey has been negotiating its accession to
the European Union since October 2005.
The European Commission sees enlargement as one of the most
established policies of the EU, given the success of the past five waves of
enlargement. Turkey is part of the current wave, along with Croatia and
Iceland. Many European countries have traditionally sought membership
in the European Union (EU) largely due to the economic advantages of its
large and wealthy market. The enlargement of the EU is therefore
motivated, among other things, by material interests both for the EU
Member States and the candidate countries. This at least seemed to be the
case before the 2008 financial crisis and the 2010 euro crisis. Indeed, when
Turkey’s application to join the newly established European Economic
Community (EEC) was received as a ‘possibility’ more than forty years ago,

7
On_the_Road_to_EU_Membership.book Page 8 Friday, August 26, 2011 7:33 AM

On the Road to EU Membership

the aim of the ensuing Turkey-EEC relations was based on economics as

stated in Article 2 of the Ankara Agreement, signed in 1963: ‘to promote
the continuous and balanced strengthening of trade and economic
relations between the Parties while taking full account of the need to
ensure an accelerated development of the Turkish economy and to improve
the level of employment and living conditions of the Turkish people’. Since
then, due to several waves of successful enlargement, the EEC has evolved
over the years into an economic union, with a single market and currency
that is larger than that of US in terms of its income and global trade.
As for each candidate country, Turkey’s accession to the EU has economic
implications for both parties. But what material benefits would Turkey’s
accession bring to the EU and what would the possible material costs be?
Inversely, what would the costs and benefits of Turkey’s accession be to
Turkey itself? Concerns over the economic costs of ‘absorption’ of each
candidate country have been publicly debated by national governments
before and Turkey is no exception. One needs to understand that adoption
of the EU acquis has real economic costs and that financial assistance from
the EU exists to support the candidate country. In return, when the
candidate country becomes a EU member, it must contribute to its
resources, i.e., to the EU budget, but also to its output, diversity and
competitiveness. For example, the eastern enlargement could not have
been motivated by material gains from the perspective of the EU15: even
though the new member states increased the EU population by one-fifth,
the increase in output was only 5 percent of EU total, and the cost to the
EU was negligible. Nevertheless, this did not prevent lengthy debates both
at the EU and in national parliaments, especially concerning the shifting of
powers and the future of decision-making in the enlarged EU. Hence,
Turkey’s enlargement will not only bring economic costs to the EU but also
will have significant political implications, specifically with regard to the
efficiency of decision- making and the distribution of power in the EU’s
leading decision-making body, the Council of Ministers. However, neither
such political concerns, nor the economic costs of Turkey’s accession to
the EU will be addressed in this book. Our aim is instead to map the
progress made to date in the economic transformation of Turkey since the
start of the negotiations with the EU in October 2005. Turkish economy is
unarguably going through a significant reform process, much of it away
from media coverage. The successful economic transformation of Turkey
is only one part of its membership obligations, as fulfilment of the EU
political criteria is a more treacherous task for Turkey. However, the
success of economic transformation of Turkey has significant implications
for political reform. Successful outcome of economic reforms can impact

8
On_the_Road_to_EU_Membership.book Page 9 Friday, August 26, 2011 7:33 AM

Introduction

political reform in two distinct ways: first success in economic reform can
increase credibility and trust in the ruling elite and hence make it easier for
them to implement political reform. Second, economic reforms, especially
those that bring more transparency and increase competition in Turkey,
may help not only reduce corruption but also discourage further
politicization of economic decisions.
More than five years after the launch of Intergovernmental Conference on
3 October 2005, out of 35 negotiating chapters, 13 chapters have been
opened and one has been provisionally closed. Negotiations have been
progressing slowly, to say the least. There are several reasons for the
current impasse. First, due to the Cyprus problem, in December 2006 the
EU decided not to open negotiations in eight chapters and not to close
provisionally any chapters until Turkey fulfils its obligations under the
Additional Agreement, i.e. extending the customs union to the Republic of
Cyprus. Second, there have been increasingly ambiguous messages from
the EU regarding Turkey’s membership since the start of the financial
crisis. These political concerns are based on fears of the Union fragmenting
as a result of Turkey’s accession, as well as apprehension of a different type-
– that of a massive migration that would result in job losses, among other
things. Finally, Turkey itself has been going through a series of internal
problems. Part of the slowdown in progress is due to reform fatigue given
the significant number of modifications Turkey has undertaken. Together
with the EU’s approach, there has also been a decline in EU support among
Turkish citizens. However, despite all these issues the reform process in
Turkey is still moving ahead.
Turkish membership to the European Union has generated significant
debate among politicians, policy-makers and academics. Most debates have
focused on issues related to both economic and political factors such as
Turkey’s population size, economic poverty, structure of the economy,
human rights and democracy – linked closely to the Kurdish question, the
Armenian question, the Cyprus issue; conflicts with the EU member
neighbour, Greece – and the geopolitical importance of Turkey.1 In most
cases, economic issues are inextricably linked to political ones. Turkish
membership is a highly political issue over which the EU members have
remained divided, despite the fact that accession negotiations between
Turkey and the EU began on October 3, 2005 with a unanimous decision
by the European Council. It is often believed that the Turkish membership

1. See Senem Aydin Duzgit, Discursive Construction of European Identity in the EU’s
Relations with Turkey, Unpublished PhD Dissertation, Vrije Universiteit Brussel,
October 2008.

9
On_the_Road_to_EU_Membership.book Page 10 Friday, August 26, 2011 7:33 AM

On the Road to EU Membership

carries more significant challenges for EU policy-making and integration

than for other countries. This volume therefore comes at a time when there
is a particular need to better understand the Turkish accession to the EU
and the economic issues surrounding it. This volume is also timely in its
consideration of the possible role that the Turkish economy could play in
the EU, providing new momentum for the economically turbulent and
crisis ridden integration process.
The purpose of this volume is threefold. First, it seeks to examine the
economic dimension of the EU-Turkey enlargement negotiations process.
Second, it aims to assess the current strengths and weaknesses of the
Turkish candidature by investigating how well Turkey has responded to
the EU’s economic conditionality. Third, it purports to discuss the
implications of the accession negotiations for various sectors of the
Turkish economy. These are all daunting tasks, and ones which are
particularly important in the view of the economic developments in the
European markets since 2008. It is also worth mentioning that the Turkish
economy is doing comparatively well, having become the 16th largest
economy in the world despite some structural problems in terms of
regional development, rigid labour markets a large informal sector, Turkey
has displayed a dynamic market and steadily growing economy. According
to a 2011 OECD report, even though Turkey was directly affected by the
global financial crisis it has still shown considerable resilience due to the
reforms implemented after the 2001 banking crisis. According to Gonenc
(2011) Turkey is in fact the only OECD country whose credit rating was
actually upgraded during the crisis.
Because this volume’s primary purpose is to reveal the economic
dimensions of the Turkish-EU relations, it could be seen as complementary
to the abundance of rigorous literature on the political dimensions of
Turkey’s relations with the EU and the on-going accession process already
circulating in academic circles.2 It is important to point out here that the

2. See Meltem Muftuler-Bac and Yannis A. Stivachtis (eds.), Turkey-European Union

Relations: Dilemmas, Opportunities and Constraints (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books,
2008); Esra LaGro and Knud Eric Jorgensen (eds.), Turkey and the European Union:
Prospects for a Difficult Encounter (New York: Palgrave, 2007); Harun Arikan, Turkey
and the EU: An Awkward Candidate for EU Membership? (Aldershor: Ashgate, 2003);
Meltem Muftuler-Bac, Turkey’s Relations with a Changing Europe (Manchester:
Manchester University press, 1997); Ali Carkoglu, Turkey and the European Union:
Domestic Politics, Economic Integration and International Dynamics (London:
Routledge, 2003); and Roland Dannreuther (ed.), European Union Foreign and
Foreign and Security Policy: Towards a Neighbourhood Strategy (London: Routledge,
2004).

10
On_the_Road_to_EU_Membership.book Page 11 Friday, August 26, 2011 7:33 AM

Introduction

on-going negotiations process is highly political with both the media and
policy-makers’ attention directed towards the implementation of political
reforms and the protection of individual rights and liberties. This political
dimension is, of course, essential in enabling Turkey’s accession to the
European Union. Equally important, however, are the economic
implications of Turkey’s accession, as a newly acceding country must have
a fully functioning market economy. This seems to be the case with
Turkey, as the European Commission in its 2006 Progress Report clearly
stated that “Turkey has a fully functioning liberal market economy”.3
The question that needs to be addressed, then, is the degree to which this
fully functioning economy in Turkey would fit into the EU’s economic
dynamics. As noted above, the Turkish economy is highly competitive and
ranks as the 16th largest economy in the world. Its relative importance in
the region where it is located is rapidly increasing with its extensive trade
and investment ties in the Middle East and Caucasus countries. It has
become the largest trading partner for some of its neighbours.
The Turkish economy has the highest economic growth among all OECD
countries as well as a young population that boosts its labour force.
Nevertheless, it must be noted that there are still wide regional disparities
and an inefficient agricultural sector. Even though it is a large, dynamic
economy, the distribution of that wealth is problematic, with significant
variation in its regions. The economic implications of Turkey’s
membership of the EU need to be evaluated in terms of its possible material
benefits to the EU, on the one hand, and to Turkey itself, on the other, in
terms of its possible material costs for both sides. There are several studies
that examine the costs and benefits of Turkey’s membership to the EU.4
However, there are no studies to the best of our knowledge that examine
the costs and benefits for Turkey. This is precisely why this volume has
been assembled at this time: in order to examine Turkey’s accession to the
EU from Turkey’s perspective and to assess the main challenges ahead. The
major downturn of the global economy experienced in 2008 makes this
study all the more timely. The European economy’s very ability to sustain
growth and competitiveness might now be at stake. Moreover, as we have
mentioned above, the fact that Turkey was not affected by the global
economic crisis to the extent that some EU members were, is in itself quite
revealing.

3. Commission of the European Community (CEC), 2006 Annual Progress Report on

Turkey, p. 4.
4. See Kemal Dervis, Michael Emerson, Daniel Gros, Sinan Ulgen,The European
Transformation of Modern Turkey, 2004, Center for European Policy Studies.

11
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On the Road to EU Membership

It is during the negotiations process itself that the economic implications

of Turkey’s accession emerge and therefore need to be addressed. That is
why this volume addresses some areas that are crucial to the outcome of
the EU-Turkish accession negotiations. While not all economic obstacles
and challenges can be taken on here the volume is nevertheless designed to
provide a clear picture of what lies ahead, making a number of key
contributions to the field. First, the analysis provided in the book enables
the readers to grasp the economic impact of the EU in transforming the
Turkish economy and in doing so contributes to the literature on
conditionality. Since one of the main aims of the integration process has
been to foster economic growth, interdependence, and dynamism among
its members as well as with its associated countries, the volume gives a
glimpse as to how this goal has been achieved in the case of Turkey.
Second, the volume contributes to the literature on Turkish economy from
the perspective of integration.

The Structure of the Book

The book is divided into ten chapters. In Chapter 1, Yannis A. Stivachtis

provides an historical account of the development of EU-Turkish
economic relations from the time of Turkey’s application to the then-
European Economic Community in 1959 until 2009. In Chapter 2,
Stivachtis examines the efficacy of the two mechanisms that have been
devised to assist the integration of the EU and Turkish economies, namely
the Customs Union and the Accession Partnership, both of which enabled
Turkey to make significant progress towards economic integration into the
EU. He shows that Turkey has undertaken significant measures in
reforming structural policy following the EU guidelines. Consequently,
Turkey is regarded as a functioning market economy with all the hallmarks
necessary for coping with competitive pressure and market forces within
the Union. However, despite its overall success, the Customs Union has
faced a number of problems stemming from the unfulfilled commitments
on both Turkish and the EU side.
In Chapter 3, Ìlke Civelekoğlu investigates the extent to which current
Turkish economic policies support and advance the target of EU
membership. In so doing, the author looks at the economic policies of the
Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi – Justice and Development Party (AKP) to
assess the prospects and constraints Turkey faces in meeting the EU’s
economic criteria. Civelekoğlu claims that coupled with the tutelage of the
IMF, the EU’s Copenhagen economic criteria have significantly influenced

12
On_the_Road_to_EU_Membership.book Page 13 Friday, August 26, 2011 7:33 AM

Introduction

the Turkish polity in the 2000s. She points out that although the EU’s
economic criteria have fallen short of fully eliminating discretionary
allocations they have nevertheless substantially reduced opportunities for
patronage politics in Turkey.
In Chapter 4, Yakup Beriş, Aslı Gürkan and Fuat Andıç analyze how the
recent law and regulatory changes in the EU affect Turkey in terms of how
the latter is able to provide greater public sector transparency, its
relationship within the market, and the way in which it interacts with its
citizens. In this chapter, the authors examine the public sector governance
reforms in Turkey and propose a set of criteria that could be used to
evaluate further and more comprehensively the progress that Turkey has
made in this direction. They argue that the EU acquis and relevant progress
reports provide only a fragmented approach to tracking public sector
reforms, thereby falling short of providing them with strategic guidance.
In Chapter 5, Selen Sarısoy Guerin examines the prospects of Foreign
Direct Investment (FDI) in Turkey during the accession negotiations
process. She examines Turkey’s FDI performance in comparison with the
most recently admitted EU member states, particularly Poland, due to its
comparable size of both in population and economy. She demonstrates that
FDI in Turkey was characterized by chronic underperformance throughout
the 1980s and 1990s despite an overall increase of FDI in other developing
countries throughout the latter period. However, she argues that Turkey’s
poor FDI performance has improved dramatically since the early 2000s,
having recently caught up to its Eastern European competitors in many
respects within the past few years and explains the major causes of this
turnaround. The author attributes this millennial turnaround to three
major factors: first, the election of a new political regime committed to
FDI-favourable legislative reform (the most important piece of which has
been a new FDI law); second, the support of large supranational
organizations, especially the IMF and the EU; and lastly a major wave of
privatization.
In Chapter 6, Feray Erselcan examines specific challenges facing Turkey
during the on-going process of EU accession, particularly focusing on
issues pertaining to Turkey’s labour market. Erselcan begins by giving a
brief account of the history of EU-Turkish integration, particularly
focusing on the relationship between their respective labour markets. The
author next identifies several recent trends that present unique challenges
for Turkey in the accession process. These include a rise in the working age
population, which has surpassed job growth, leading to high
unemployment and high levels of informal/undeclared work, a low rate of

13
On_the_Road_to_EU_Membership.book Page 14 Friday, August 26, 2011 7:33 AM

On the Road to EU Membership

female participation in the labour market and a sectoral shift from

agricultural activities to manufacturing which has resulted in high rates of
urbanization. Erselcan then discusses critically the policy
recommendations made by the OECD and World Bank, who have
suggested that Turkey relax government employment protections that raise
the cost of labour, and also provide education and training programs to
tackle issues of unemployment and informal employment.
In Chapter 7, Senem Besler and H. Zümrüt Tonuş investigate the
competitiveness of Turkish Small and Medium size Enterprises (SMEs)
during the EU-Turkey accession negotiations and suggest that Turkey has
made considerable progress in harmonizing with the relevant EU acquis.
The authors explain the historical and present significance of SMEs within
the Turkish economy, providing justification for investing in their
efficiency and prosperity. They argue that with the Customs Union process
begun in 1996, Turkish SMEs entered an intense competitive environment
after funds and customs in practice were abolished in the industry sector.
They point out that a comparison between the Turkish SMEs and the SMEs
in EU countries reveals important differences in terms of competitive
strength, scale, capital size, technical infrastructure, training and
entrepreneurial spirit.
In Chapter 8, Mahmut Tekçe examines the implications of Turkey’s
integration into the EU for Turkish agriculture, which is a sector of vital
importance for Turkey given its economic size and social importance. He
argues that because Turkish agriculture has been neglected for a long time
and most governments consider agricultural policies to be tools of
populism instead of leaning on long-term structural reforms, this sector is
not competitive vis-à-vis the European Union. As a result, it is very difficult
to bring Turkish agricultural policies in line with the EU acquis. The author
therefore calls for a new approach to addressing the problem of
competitiveness by introducing structural changes accompanied by a large-
scale, stabilized rural development policy which aims to increase the
competitiveness of economic activities in rural areas, to create alternative
employment opportunities these areas, and to protect the environment and
the rural inheritance.
In Chapter 9, Sema Kalaycioğlu seeks to analyze the role energy plays with
regard to Turkey and its relationship with the European Union.
Kalaycioğlu argues that energy constitutes a significant security issue and
that the dependency of many countries on energy is crucial to the
continuity of economic activities. Thus, securing energy transports for the
EU makes it a crucial matter because the EU imports most of its electricity

14
On_the_Road_to_EU_Membership.book Page 15 Friday, August 26, 2011 7:33 AM

Introduction

elsewhere. Kalaycioğlu points out that Turkey’s enhanced strategic

location enables the country to provide the EU countries with abundance
of energy at lower prices, and at the same time enhance its relationship
with the European Union.
Finally in Chapter 10, Andrea Renda, Emrah Arbak and Selen Sarisoy
Guerin argue that because of its large and young population, Turkey’s
communication sector represents an area that could aid the country’s
growth. They further claim that by modernizing Turkey’s
telecommunications sector, there could be improvements in consumer
welfare as well as lower prices and increased innovation. The authors
explore the current state of development of the Turkish telecoms market,
comment on the best strategies for Turkey to align with the EU acquis, and
look at the regulatory options available in the audio-visual services sector.
Finally, they point out possible reforms for Turkey to help with issues that
were highlighted, such as: streamlining of primary legislation, proactive
approach towards liberalization, bringing the regulatory framework in line
with the EU, reducing taxes in the area of mobile and internet services, and,
finally, calling for better regulation.
The chapters in the volume all address critical elements of Turkish-EU
relations and the accession process from different angles, thus contributing
to the emergence of an integrative picture. Equally important, the chapters
provide important empirical data and doing so, enable the theoretical
propositions to be tested and verified. In addition, a deeper understanding
of the EU’s impact on the Turkish economy on the one hand, and the
Turkish economic challenges on the other, are important in assessing the
possible role that Turkey might play in the European economy for the
future. These are critical contributions especially if one considers the long-
term implications of the financial crisis on the European integration
process. The volume does not directly address the question of the impact
of Turkey’s accession on European economy but prepares the background
against which these questions could be addressed in future studies.

15
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On_the_Road_to_EU_Membership.book Page 17 Friday, August 26, 2011 7:33 AM

1.
From Association to Accession Negotiations:
EU-Turkish Economic Relations, 1959-2009

Yannis A. Stivachtis

Turkey’s economic relations with the EU have had a long, tumultuous

history. To understand why, this chapter provides a historical account of
the development of EU-Turkish economic relations over the last fifty years.
To do so, the chapter is divided into four sections. The first section covers
EC-Turkish economic relations from the time of Ankara’s application for
Associate Membership in the European Community (EC) in 1959 to the
end of the 1960s. This period coincides with the ‘preparatory stage’ of the
Association Agreement. The second part discusses developments in EC-
Turkish relations from the signing of the Additional Protocol (1970),
which signifies the beginning of the ‘transitional stage’ of the Association
Agreement, to the resumption of formal relations between the two sides in
1986. The third section focuses on the development of EC/EU-Turkish
relations from the time of Ankara’s application for EC/EU membership in
1987 until 1998, while the last section is devoted to EU-Turkish relations
from the time of Turkey’s acceptance as a candidate country in 1999 to the
end of 2009.

EC-Turkey Economic Relations, 1959-1969

Relations between the EU and Turkey officially began on 31 July 1959

when Turkey applied for an Associate Membership in the European
Community. In response to this request, the Ankara Agreement was signed

17
On_the_Road_to_EU_Membership.book Page 18 Friday, August 26, 2011 7:33 AM

On the Road to EU Membership

on 12 September 1963 and came into force on 1 December 1964.1 The

strengthening of EC-Turkish relations can be viewed as part of a political
strategy aimed at ensuring that Turkey remains within the Western
community of states. This political strategy fit the interests of both the
Turkish and Western political and economic elites during of the Cold War.
Thus, after having become a member of the Council of Europe in 1949 and
of NATO in 1952, membership in the EC was another step towards
strengthening relations between Turkey and the West relations.
Article 28, the Ankara Agreement stated that “when both parties are ready
to assume the obligations arising from membership, Turkey would become
a member”,2 thus establishing the legal basis for Turkey’s eligibility for EC/
EU accession. In order to prepare both Turkey and the EU for the former’s
accession, the Ankara Agreement specified the steps that should be
undertaken in order to promote collaboration between the two parties.3
These steps included, first, the future establishment of a Customs Union
(CU); second, the provision for financial assistance in order to promote
stability within the Turkish economy; and third, the establishment of three
institutions, namely the Association Committee, the Association Council,
and the Joint Parliamentary Assembly. These institutions were created as
the necessary tools for managing this process and for making decisions
based on the Ankara Agreement. The Association Council was to meet
regularly and discuss the work of the Association. This institutional
framework was later expanded with the implementation of the final phase
of the Association Agreement and the signing of the CU Agreement (CUA)
in 1995.

1. For the historical development of Turkey-EU relations see Meltem Muftuler-Bac and
Yannis A. Stivachtis (eds.), Turkey-European Union Relations: Dilemmas, Opportunities
and Constraints (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2008); Esra LaGro and Knud Eric
Jorgensen (eds.), Turkey and the European Union: Prospects for a Difficult Encounter
(New York: Palgrave, 2007); Erdem Basci, Subidey Togan, and Jürgen von Hagen,
Macroeconomic Policies for EU Accession (Cheltenham: Edward Elgen Publishing,
2007); Joseph Joseph (ed.), Turkey and the European Union (New York: Palgrave,
2007); Bernard Hoekman and Subidey Togan (eds.), Turkey: Economic Reform and
Accession to the European Union (Washington D.C.: World Bank, 2005); Harun
Arikan, Turkey and the EU: An Awkward Candidate for EU Membership? (Aldershor:
Ashgate, 2003); Ali Carkoglu, Turkey and the European Union: Domestic Politics,
Economic Integration and International Dynamics (London: Routledge, 2003); and
Roland Dannreuther (ed.), European Union Foreign and Security Policy: Towards a
Neighbourhood Strategy (London: Routledge, 2004).
2. Ankara Agreement, “EU-Turkey Relations”, Euractiv.com, September 23, 2004,
[http://www.euractiv.com/en/enlargement/eu-turkey-relations/article-129678]
accessed on 4 March 2008.
3. Ibid, p. 7.

18
On_the_Road_to_EU_Membership.book Page 19 Friday, August 26, 2011 7:33 AM

From Association to Accession Negotiations: EU-Turkish Economic Relations, 1959-2009

The Association Agreement sought to achieve two major objectives: first,

to boost Turkey’s economy; and, second, to regulate the free movement of
goods and services between Turkey and EC Member States, the free
movement of Turkish workers, and to oversee the financial aid provided to
Turkey by the European Community. The cornerstone of the Association
Agreement was the establishment of a CU for industrial products in three
stages. The CU would align Turkish economic policies with the EC’s,
thereby facilitating its becoming an EC Member State. The CU meant that
when it was completed, there would be no customs tariffs between the two
parties, and a Common Customs Tariff (CCT) for third parties wishing to
trade with Turkey or the EC/EU would be established. Turkey would then
have acquired a reliable, stable trading partner through the partnership.
The process was to happen through three phases, a preparatory stage, a
transitional stage, and a final stage.4 However, the CU did not come to full
fruition until 1995, a time when Turkey’s economic status was at best
unstable.
The preparatory stage would allow Turkey to prepare its economy to start
the process of adjusting to being in accordance with the European
Community. This stage began in 1964 and was completed in 1970. The
transitional stage, beginning with the signing of the Additional Protocol in
1970 and was concluded with the CUA of 1995, would implement the
policies of conforming to EC standards and measures. The transitional
stage began with anticipating the establishment of a gradual CU that would
be built upon the progress Turkey made. This CU would cut across all the
sectors of the Turkish economy with the exception of agriculture, which
had and still has many structural changes to overcome until it would be
more in line with EC policies and procedures.5 The final stage began when
the CUA was signed on 6 March 1995. The Association Agreement foresaw
that with the realization of the CU, the final stage of the Association would
be entered once Turkey had completed its preparation for accession, and
end with Turkish accession.
The Ankara Agreement also looked into other areas to bring Turkey onto
the path toward integration. Since the Rome Treaty of 1957 established the
notion of four freedoms (freedom of movement of goods, services, capital
and labour), the Ankara Agreement naturally envisioned similar freedoms.
The Additional Protocol, signed in 1970 between the EC and Turkey,

4. Ankara Agreement, p. 5.
5. Allison M. Burrell and Arie J. Oskam, Turkey in the European Union: Implications for
Agriculture, Food and Structural Policy, Cambridge, MA: CABI Publishing, 2005,
p. 154.

19
On_the_Road_to_EU_Membership.book Page 20 Friday, August 26, 2011 7:33 AM

On the Road to EU Membership

included a clause for the freedom of movement for labour to be realized on

1 December 1986. This clause shows how far the EC saw Turkish
integration at the time.6 It was agreed that in order to be a part of this
Agreement, all Member States would be required to maintain a proper
balance of payments and a strong currency, and to implement non-
protectionist policies within their boundaries. It also encouraged
investment in Turkey by EC Member States, thereby inferring the need for
Turkey’s shift towards liberalization and integration into the world
economy.7
Finally, the Association Agreement set up financial support for Turkey
through Financial Protocols. It established the loan process for projects
Turkey hoped to undertake prior to the transitional stage. These loans
would be granted on the basis of potential for economic growth, and all
loans would be subject to special interest rates, payments, and timetables
for repayment. Throughout the 1960s the Turkish Government felt that
the state should invest in private industries that the corporations involved
did not have the means to support fully. Contradicting the non-
protectionist policies that the Ankara Agreement stipulated, the Turkish
Government had prepared many Five Year Plans in order to set goals and
have a planned economy that would identify which private industries state
would receive investments. The Turkish Government saw no contradiction
between the freedom of the private sector and the intervention of the public
sector, as it was seen as a way of allocating scarce resources as well as
supporting industries that could not be sustained through private
enterprise alone.
The Third and Fourth Planning Periods constituted proof of this mixed
economy, as the state gave the private sector major incentives for reaching
unattainable goals set by the state. Once a plan was established, state
enterprises were required to meet the goals, while the goals were seen as a
guide for the private sector. This caused a completely inward-looking
economic policy that included import substitutions in order to prop up
markets within the state. While this did spur economic growth, it also
caused serious inefficiencies in many sectors of the economy such as
agriculture and industry. The plans were contradictory in that they
attempted to reduce foreign dependence while at the same time require
growth that could not be supported by internal enterprises alone. As
Turkey encouraged self-sufficiency, foreign investment was also low,
leading to a lack of technology and resources. Inflation increased

6. Ankara Agreement, p. 9.
7. Ankara Agreement, p. 21.

20
Other documents randomly have
different content
 A general election was now impending, and Lady Russell received
the most flattering proposals from the leading members of the
Government, that her son should represent Middlesex in the House
of Commons. She makes a very gracious answer, and after taking
counsel with the aged Duke, she writes they have both come to the
conclusion that a Parliament life would interfere with the progress of
Lord Tavistock’s education, he being only fifteen. Strange times when
schoolboys married and sat in Parliament! The young heir went to
Oxford (instead of to the House), where he was more than once
visited by his mother.
When about seventeen Lord Tavistock started with a private tutor
on a continental tour, which lasted over two years, and which the
young man enjoyed perhaps a little too much. He made his mother a
confidante of all his pleasures, extravagancies, and escapades, for
Tavistock was one of those who loved the beautiful, whether in
sights, sounds, or people. He had also grand notions of the style in
which the heir to an English dukedom should live—must have a
carriage with a fine pair of steppers and two running footmen; his
cravats must be of rich point lace, and his suits finely embroidered.
Moreover he found himself constrained to send all the way from
Rome to Leghorn to procure a periwig, as the world’s capital could
not furnish him with one to his taste. Then there were flowers and
gifts of jewels to please the fair Romans, and added to all these
ways and means of getting rid of his pocket-money, our traveller had
a decided inclination for gambling. His letters are the natural
outpourings of an enthusiastic youth in the heyday of spirits and
enjoyment, rather too easily led astray, and although they caused his
mother some distress, they contained nothing likely to diminish her
esteem for her only son. He confessed his delinquencies so frankly,
solicited help so humbly, and begged his beloved mother’s pardon,
and her intercession for that of his grandfather, in a most irresistible
manner.
Within a year after Lord Tavistock’s return to England, he
succeeded to his grandfather’s titles and estates on the death of that
good old man, and in compliance with personal request made by his
mother, the King bestowed on him the Garter, and shortly afterwards
he was appointed Lord-Lieutenant of the three counties of Bedford,
Middlesex, and Cambridge, while at the Coronation of Queen Anne
he acted as Lord High Constable of England, and was made a Privy
Councillor. He had married in 1669 the daughter of John Howland,
Esquire, who was created Lord Howland of Streatham, in order to
obviate any appearance of a mésalliance. But all this prosperity was
of short duration; eleven years after his accession to the title, at the
early age of thirty-one, Wriothesley, the second Duke of Bedford, fell
a victim to the terrible disease, which in those days (before
inoculation or vaccination was known) wrought such ravages in
England. When the character of the illness was announced, the
Duchess and his children were sent to a distance, but the fond
mother watched by his bedside to the last, and writes, after all is
over, to her cousin Lord Galway: ‘I am in such disorder of spirits, so
full of confusion, and amazement, that I am incapable of saying or
doing what I should. I did not know the greatness of my love for his
person, till I could see it no more.’ The poor mourner had scarcely
time to lift her head, bowed by the combined weight of age and
sorrow, before another crushing blow fell on her. Her sweet Katey
(now Duchess of Rutland) died in giving birth to her tenth child, at
the same moment that the Duchess of Devonshire was expecting her
confinement. From her Lady Russell had the arduous task of
concealing the fact of the other’s death. The two sisters had loved
each other tenderly, and there was great difficulty in evading the
inquiries which the Duchess constantly made after her dear Katey. ‘I
saw her yesterday,’ was the sad subterfuge, ‘out of her bed.’ Alas! it
was in her coffin.
The Duke of Rutland was not slow in providing himself with a
second wife, and this unseemly haste was not calculated to soothe
Lady Russell’s mind, but when she found that his intentions with
regard to her daughter’s children were just and generous, she
thought it advisable ‘to let the matter pass easily.’ She had now
arrived at an advanced age, somewhat infirm in body, but
unimpaired in mind, with a trembling hand, but an unclouded
intellect, and she busied herself in composing prayers and
meditations for her own use, and in making, as it were, a full
confession of her failings and shortcomings (which she called sins);
reviewing as she did so the whole of her past life. This document
was left unfinished at the time of her death. When at the age of
eighty-six, her health gave way.
A letter from Lady Rachel Morgan (wife of Sir William Morgan of
Tredegar) to her brother, Lord James Cavendish, says: ‘The bad
account we have received of Grandmamma Russell has put us into
great disorder and hurry. Mamma has left us and gone to London. I
believe she has stopped the letters, so we are still in suspense; the
last post brought us so bad an account that we have reason to fear
the worst. I hope mamma will get to town in time to see her alive,
because it would be a great satisfaction to both.’ This letter is dated
26th September. On the 29th of the same month 1723, Rachel, Lady
Russell, ended her exemplary and blameless life, so replete with
stirring incidents, both of a public and private nature, so full of
transient joy and abiding sorrow. She lived to see her children raised
to honour and prosperity, but, alas! she had the misfortune to
survive those who, in the common course of nature, should have
wept her loss. She was buried by the side of her dear lord at
Chenies, in Buckinghamshire, where an elaborate monument is
erected to their memory.
 No. 2. LADY ROBERT RUSSELL.
Oval. Tawny and blue dress.

By Sir Godfrey Kneller.

S HE was the daughter of Edward Russell, and widow of Thomas

Cheek of Pirgo, county Sussex. She married her cousin, Lord
Robert Russell.
No. 3. SIR ORLANDO BRIDGEMAN, LORD CHIEF-
JUSTICE.
In robes of office: scarlet and ermine, with cap and gold chain.
Gloves in left hand.

Born 1609. Died 1674.

By Riley.
 No. 4. LORD ROBERT RUSSELL.
Oval. Dark brown dress. Wig. Lace cravat.

Died 1722.

By Sir Godfrey Kneller.

E was the fifth son of the first Duke of Bedford, by Anne

Carr, daughter of the Earl of Somerset. He married his
cousin in 1690, the widow of Thomas Cheek, by whom
he had no children. In 1660 and 1661 he travelled on
the Continent, accompanied by his brother Edward, and
a tutor. He served in seven Parliaments for Tavistock.
 No. 5. HUGO DE GROOT, OR GROTIUS.
When a boy. Black dress. White collar.

BORN 1583. DIED 1645-6.

By Miereveldt.

ORN at Delft, the son of John de Groot (Dutch for

‘Great’), of an ancient family, Burgomaster of the town,
and Curator of the recently founded University of
Leyden, which was destined to become so famous. Hugo
was one day totally to eclipse the fame of his father,
though he too was a man of great learning and cultivation. Hugo
was remarkable for his proficiency in Latin and Greek when a mere
child, and, unlike most precocious geniuses, he fulfilled his early
promise. He was placed with an Arminian minister at the Hague, and
when only eight years old, composed some Latin verses, which are
still extant. At the age of eleven he was entered as a student at
Leyden, and became the pet (so to speak) of a circle of learned
professors, of whom he was destined to become the foremost. In
those early days Hugo distinguished himself in every branch of
learning, addressed a Greek ode to the Prince of Orange, which
gained him great κυδος, as did shortly afterwards a Latin poem in
honour of Henry the Fourth of France.
In 1598 Hugo accompanied Count Justin of Nassau (natural son of
William the Silent) and John Olden Barneveldt on a diplomatic
mission to Paris. Henry the Fourth, remembering the tribute paid him
by the young foreigner, showed him especial favour, presented him
with his picture and a chain of massive gold, and pointed him out to
the courtiers as ‘a miracle of learning, and the wonder of Holland.’
The young Prince of Condé also took great delight in his society, and
called him his secretary. To this youthful patron Grotius dedicated his
first printed work, Martianus Capella.
Hugo remained in Paris for about a year, when a summons from
his parents called him home. On his return he took up his abode at
the house of Prince Maurice of Nassau’s chaplain, a learned and
pious man, where he studied law without neglecting his literary
labours. He pleaded his first cause at Delft when only seventeen,
gaining thereby the greatest applause. He published works on
astronomy, physics, navigation, both in dead and living languages,
and his description of the siege of Ostend (which place had held out
three years against the Spaniards) was considered a masterpiece.
His writings on contemporary history, in which he did full justice to
the noble and patriotic deeds of his countrymen, also called especial
attention to the merits of the young author, and the Government
were easily induced to listen to the recommendation of Olden
Barneveldt, and in due time Hugo Grotius was selected as
historiographer, and this in preference to many candidates, all of
whom were his seniors, while the salary was increased in
consideration of the nominee’s acknowledged talents. The French
King wished to secure him as President of the Library at Paris, and
the star of Grotius was now in the ascendant. He was named to the
post of Pensionary of the city of Rotterdam, vacant by the death of
Elias, brother to Olden Barneveldt, with whom Grotius now
contracted an intimate friendship. This office, together with other
privileges, entitled the holder to a seat in the Assembly of the States
of Holland, and afterwards to the same honour in that of the States-
General. On this promotion, Grotius’s father was desirous that his
son should marry, and an alliance was accordingly agreed on with
Maria von Reigensberg, a lady of noble family in Zeeland, the
daughter of a Burgomaster of Veer, in that province. The bride, it
would seem, was by no means comely in appearance; she was
stoutly built and of a swarthy complexion, but the future proved
Maria von Grotius to be a woman of strong affection, acute
intelligence, and indomitable courage. Shortly after his arrival in
Rotterdam, Grotius was sent to England on a mission connected with
some dispute which had arisen between the Dutch and English,
connected with the whale fisheries, and here he was cordially
welcomed by James the First, with whom he had many conferences,
on matters theological, as well as diplomatic, while his society was
eagerly courted by all the men of eminence in this country. But a
storm was gathering over the calm horizon of Hugo Grotius’s hitherto
bright career. On his return to Rotterdam he found that the religious
differences which had been gradually waxing hotter and hotter
throughout the United Provinces had now assumed a most
formidable aspect. The whole country was divided into two separate
factions of the Arminians and the Gomarites; the former party
strongly opposing, and the latter strenuous upholding, the doctrines
of Calvin. After some wavering, or perhaps we had better say
investigation, of the subject, Grotius decided on embracing the
tenets of Arminius. Remonstrances and counter-remonstrances were
brought forward by the two parties, Synods were convened, public
disturbances ensued, and the disputes which had commenced in a
question of dogma developed into political animosity. A decree was
issued by the States, with a view to putting down the serious riots
which had lately occurred, and extraordinary powers were granted to
magisterial bodies, a measure which, combined with others equally
obnoxious to him, gave great offence to Maurice of Nassau, the
Stadtholder, and he was violently incensed against the men at whose
instigation the step had been taken. Between the prince and the
friend of his youth, John Olden Barneveldt, great differences of
opinion had for some time existed, and it was in the year 1619 that
this venerable patriot and his friend Grotius were both thrown into
prison—whence the former, after a summary and unjust trial, only
came out on his way to the scaffold. In that solemn moment
Barneveldt showed great solicitude as to the fate of his friend, and
learning in answer to his question that Grotius did not lie under
sentence of death, he exclaimed, ‘I greatly rejoice, for he is young,
and will, I firmly trust, live long to be of service to his country.’ The
trial of Grotius followed, and accusations as groundless as those
which had been brought forward against the grand Pensionary were
laid to his charge, including treason to his country, complicity with
Spain, etc. etc., and he was sentenced to imprisonment for life and
the confiscation of his entire property. He was conveyed from one
prison to another, until the castle of Loevenstein, near Gorcum in
South Holland, was chosen for his final resting-place. This gloomy
old fortress was considered impregnable, and the most stringent
measures were taken against escape; indeed the internal
arrangements of the building and its contiguity to the river seemed
to preclude all possibility of evasion. Here Grotius and his learned
friend Hogersbaert were immured, and by dint of manifold petitions
and ‘continual wearying,’ their faithful wives were allowed to share
their captivity. But all intercourse was forbidden between the two
men who were attached to each other, not only by friendship, but
sympathy in literary pursuits, while the poor ladies were altogether
denied the consolation of each other’s society; and when
Hogersbaert’s wife fell ill, Madame Grotius petitioned in vain for the
privilege (so dear to every gentle-hearted woman) of ministering to
her friend in sickness, or cheering her last moments with the
promise of watching over the dying mother’s six helpless children.
The only proof of sympathy which one captive was allowed to show
the other was in the transmission of a pathetic epitaph by Hugo
Grotius, which was gratefully received by the unhappy widower.
Madame Grotius had contrived to retain a portion of her own,
when her husband’s property was confiscated, and with this small
sum she endeavoured to make his condition less intolerable. She
rejected with disdain the scanty dole allowed by Government for the
maintenance of the prisoner, and constantly ferried over to Gorcum,
on the opposite side of the river, to cater for little dainties for her
lord, and the noble dame would stand for hours over the kitchen fire
preparing the daily banquet for him and for their children. Maria was
indeed one of those characters of combined strength and
tenderness, which go near to form ‘the perfect woman.’ When her
husband was first arrested, her anxiety for his life never betrayed her
into weakness or cowardice; on the contrary, she wrote constantly,
urging him to maintain his principles, and rather die than ask
pardon, which could only be obtained through servile submission.
Her admiration for Grotius, and her pride in his genius, could only be
equalled by her affection. To think that a man, with whose name
Europe already rang, whose writings were fated to influence the
destinies of nations—that he should waste the best days of his life in
prison—wither away, as it were, in a living tomb,—the thought was
intolerable to her. The Commandant of the fortress, one Deventer,
cherished a spite against his noble prisoner, arising from some family
feud which had been handed down from the last generation, and he
took especial delight in riveting the heavy chains as tightly as he
could, and making captivity unbearable. Air and exercise were
seldom vouchsafed, and Grotius, the philosopher, the metaphysician,
the historian, the world-famed author, might be seen spinning a
large top in the lobby adjoining his apartments for the best exercise
he could get! Even the society of his beloved wife and that of his
children did not suffice to prevent the hours from dragging heavily
along, deprived as he was of the joys of a scholar’s heart, the books
in which he could study the thoughts of others, the writing materials
with which he could record his own; therefore Maria never rested
until she had wrung from the authorities the permission to obtain
from Grotius’s own library the volumes most coveted, together with
pen, ink, and paper. Henceforth the captive’s life was no longer a
blank. He devoured his classics, he made notes and translations, he
wrote works on History, Theology, Jurisprudence, and thus shed a
light on the outer world from behind the walls of his gloomy fortress.
But these alleviations were not sufficient to content the faithful wife;
she had more daring schemes in view. Had she ever heard, or does
the Dutch language, so rich in proverbs, contain an equivalent for
our ‘Love laughs at locksmiths’? Certain it is she was destined to
realise the words of a lowly poet of our own days—
‘Oh! woman all would do, would dare;
To save her heart’s best cherished care
She’d roam the world tract wide,
Nor bolts nor bars can ’gainst her stand,
Or weapons stay her gentle hand,
When love and duty guide.’
 She laid her train most carefully, most skilfully, nor did she allow
any undue haste to mar its fulfilment. She had in her constant
marketings at Gorcum cultivated the acquaintance and gained the
friendship of many of the bettermost tradespeople of the town, and
her maid Lieschen, who was market-woman in turn, was instructed
to do the same. They both talked constantly to the good burghers’
wives, and interested them in behalf of the captive, the great writer
and philosopher, and, what came nearer the women’s hearts, the
tender husband and father. The plot was ripening in the devoted
conspirator’s mind; but there came a moment of suspicion and
alarm; it was reported that Madame Grotius had bought a coil of
ropes in Gorcum, doubtless to facilitate her husband’s escape. An
inquiry was instituted, when the suspected lady herself pointed out
to the emissaries of justice, that ropes, even wings, could they be
procured, would be unavailing in a dungeon where the captive on his
entrance had to pass through thirteen different doors, each of which
was bolted after him. She had in fact other means in store, and
fortune favoured her in one particular, namely, that the cross-grained
commandant was summoned to a distant town on military business,
and Maria Grotius had already ingratiated herself with Madame
Deventer by occasional presents of luxuries, to which the good lady
was by no means insensible, such as venison, poultry, and the like.
When the books were first allowed to enter the prison walls, the
chest was submitted on its entrance and exit to a strict search, which
had of late been deemed unnecessary.
Accordingly, one day in the absence of the Governor, Madame
Grotius went to call on his wife, who always received her kindly. ‘I
am come,’ she said, ‘to ask you to help me. My husband is killing
himself, poring over those dreadful folios, and making himself ill. We
are both very grateful for the permission granted that he should
have the use of his own library, but lately he has been working his
brain, and tiring his head over those tremendously heavy volumes,
heavy in every sense of the word, I want to send them away, and
get others lighter and smaller. Now, of course, your word is as good
as that of your husband in his absence. Do me the kindness to order
your men to carry down the chest as usual to the water’s edge, and
not demur because it is extra heavy. I have a perfect spite against
those bulky volumes.’ The vice-regent of the commandant, ‘dressed
in a little brief authority,’ made use of it to oblige her friend, and
gave the order willingly. Maria went back to her own quarters.
‘Mother, dear,’ said Cornelia, the eldest of her children, ‘did you not
say to-morrow was the Fair at Gorcum, and that you were told on
such occasions even exiles and outlaws might appear in the town?
Why should not dear father go there in that case?’ Surely out of the
child’s mouth came a word of wisdom; she little knew that her
remark was hailed as an omen by her parents. Maria von Grotius
next sent for her maid, and asked her the startling question, ‘If we
can conceal your master in the book-chest, will you take charge of it
to Gorcum, and incur the whole risk?’—which was indeed great. The
loving wife would gladly have undertaken the task herself, but she
judged it would be more likely to avert suspicion if she remained in
the castle. The brave girl pledged herself to carry out the directions
of her mistress to the letter, and the two women began their arduous
and dangerous preparations. It was the beginning of the week, and
the month March 1621, that Grotius rose early and, kneeling down
by the side of the empty trunk, prayed fervently for the success of
the hazardous enterprise. He was dressed in soft linen and
underclothing, and got into the chest, which was only four feet long,
and narrow in proportion, he being a tall and strongly built man. His
wife helped him to coil himself up, and then placed a large
Testament as a pillow for the beloved head, the position of which
she arranged so that the mouth should come opposite the small
holes she had drilled to admit a little air. She closed the chest and
sat on the top for a considerable time, to ascertain if her husband
could possibly endure the confinement. Then lifting the lid once
more, she knelt down and took a solemn farewell of him she best
loved on earth, kissed him tenderly, locked the box, and gave the
key to the maid. We can only guess at the feelings of anguish and
tenderness which convulsed the heart of that noble woman at that
supreme instant. Then she arranged her husband’s day-clothes on
the chair, with his dressing slippers, and drew the curtains closely
round the bed, into which she got hastily. After that she rang the
bell, and when the servant who usually waited on them answered
the summons, she looked out and said she was so sorry she could
not go to Gorcum that day for she was not well herself, and did not
like to leave her husband who was very ill; throwing out at the same
time a hint that he was feverish, and there might be fear of
infection. The servant said it was all the better she should not go, for
the river was swollen and the wind was high, and in fact it was
almost dangerous. ‘That is unfortunate,’ she said, ‘for my husband
resolved that these heavy folios should go to-day; however, my maid
is no coward, and she will take charge of them, even if the ferry
should be rough.’ She then bade him go and summon the soldiers
whom Madame Deventer had told off to carry the chest. They came,
and on lifting it one of them said, ‘I believe the Arminian is inside, it
is so confoundedly heavy.’
The poor wife trembling behind the closely drawn curtains made
some tame jest about the relative weight of a man and those horrid
books, and then the precious load was carried out of the room. But
Lieschen had many terrible moments yet to come. The soldiers
maintained, nothing but a man could weigh so heavily, and one of
them said he would get a gimlet and run it into the Arminian, and
another told anecdotes of how malefactors had been smuggled out
of prison in a like manner. Poor Lieschen had to jest, while her heart
quaked: ‘Your gimlet must be a long one,’ she said, ‘to reach my
master in his bedroom in the castle.’ Then followed the awful
question, whether Madame Deventer would consider it necessary to
inspect the contents of the chest, which she fortunately declined. So
on the soldiers went, grumbling at their heavy load, and when they
arrived at the wharf, the maid entreated that a double plank might
be placed to carry the chest on board, for, said she, ‘those books are
to be returned to a learned Professor, and I shall never be forgiven if
any mischance should befall them.’ At length the transport was
effected, and the large box deposited on the deck beside Lieschen.
The river was much swollen, the wind was raging, the vessel heeled
over to one side, and the girl had to beseech the skipper to have the
box secured with ropes, and down she sat beside it in an agony of
terror, both for herself and her precious charge. She then threw a
white handkerchief over her head and let the ends flutter in the
breeze, the signal that had been agreed on between her and her
mistress to show so far all was well and the vessel in motion; for a
servant in the castle had added to the women’s accumulated terror
by predicting that the captain would not embark in such a storm.
The unhappy wife was straining her eyes, dimmed by tears,
between the bars of the window, while the maid sat shivering with
cold and fear, her head between her hands; and on the top of the
chest an officer of the garrison had taken up his post, and drummed
and pommelled with his feet against the sides, and she dared not bid
him desist from doing so—for what reason could she assign for
interference? At last she bethought herself to ask him to get off, as
there were not only books but fragile china in the chest, and he
might break it by that constant shaking. The longest voyage, like the
longest day, will have an end, and surely that voyage from
Loevenstein to Gorcum must have seemed like one round the world
to the terrified girl; yet her fears did not deaden her woman’s wit,
and she was always ready with an answer. She bribed the skipper
and his son to transport the chest themselves to its destination on a
hand-barrow, beside which she walked. ‘Do you hear what my boy
says?’ observed the captain; ‘he declares there is some living thing in
your trunk, Miss.’ ‘No doubt,’ was the answer, with a forced laugh;
‘don’t you know that Arminian books are alive, full of motion and
spirit?’ In this manner the three companions, with the fourth
concealed, threaded the dense crowds of the fair at Gorcum, and
made their way to a warehouse which Lieschen indicated. It
belonged to a well-to-do tradesman (relative of a learned professor,
a friend of the prisoner’s), and the wife was one of those whom
Maria von Grotius frequently visited on her marketing expeditions to
Gorcum. The bearers of the chest were exorbitant in their demands,
but Lieschen was very anxious to be relieved of their presence, and
made little haggling about the price. No sooner had they departed
than the poor girl hastened into the shop where the ribbon-dealer
and his wife were busy selling their wares, and stepping noiselessly
up to the latter, whispered the truth in her astonished ear. The
startled Vrouw became deathly pale, and seemed like to faint, but
she left the shop with Lieschen, and then what a moment of
condensed and mingled hope and terror! Lieschen kneeled down and
knocked. ‘Master, dear master,’ she exclaimed. No answer. ‘Oh my
God, he is dead,’ cried the girl, while her companion stood quaking
with terror and calling out it was a bad business. But hark! A feeble
cry from the inside, ‘Open quick, I was not sure of your voice.’ The
chest was opened, and Grotius arose, almost as from a tomb. The
still terrified shopwoman took Lieschen and her master into an upper
room through a trap-door, and then began to tell him how alarmed
she was, and that she feared, if he were found, her husband would
be imprisoned in his stead, and all their property forfeited. ‘No, no,’
said Grotius, ‘before I got into this trunk I prayed earnestly to God,
who has preserved me hitherto, but rather than ruin you and your
husband, I would get into the box again, and go back to
Loevenstein.’ ‘Oh no,’ said the kind-hearted woman, ‘we will do all in
our power to serve you’; and off she flew to her brother-in-law, a
clothier of Gorcum, whom she found in conversation with the very
officer who had been Lieschen’s fellow-passenger, and who had
annoyed her by sitting on the trunk. Drawing her relative aside, the
mercer’s wife explained the whole state of the case, and bade him
follow her to the warehouse without a moment’s delay, when she
would introduce him to the fugitive.
The clothier was nothing loath to be instrumental in the escape of
a man whom he greatly admired, being himself no mean scholar, and
well acquainted with the writings of Grotius, on entering whose
presence, he thus addressed him, ‘Are you, sir, that man with whose
name the whole of Europe is now ringing?’
‘I am Hugo Grotius,’ was the reply, ‘and into your hands I commit
my safety and my life.’
No time was lost. The clothier, who was acquainted with every one
in Gorcum, found the man he could trust, a mason working on a
scaffolding in the town. He beckoned him down, and told him there
was an errand of mercy to be performed, to which a large reward
was appended, and asked if he would undertake the task. The
mason answered in the affirmative, and was then directed to procure
a set of working-men’s clothes, which unfortunately proved too
scanty for Grotius, and thus occasioned a new difficulty; the trunk-
hose and sleeves were too short, the latter revealing the finely
shaped white hand, whose hardest labour had hitherto been the
work of the pen. The two women had much ado to patch up and
lengthen out, and with dirt and clay, putty and plaster, they smeared
the hands of the great philosopher, and sent him forth with fear and
trembling, to run the gauntlet of many dangers. Next door was a
library, which was the resort of learned professors, and book-lovers
of all kinds, to many of whom Grotius was known by sight. He
slouched his felt hat over his eyes, took his measuring-wand in his
hand, and followed the mason through the streets to the bank of the
river, where the friendly clothier met them. The weather was still
boisterous, and the boatmen refused to ply, till the mason urged on
them the necessity he was under of fulfilling a contract for buying
stone for a large building at Altona, and assured them he would be a
considerable loser by delay. These arguments were backed by the
clothier, who put his hand into his pocket, and drew forth the most
convincing of all arguments in the eyes of the boatmen. And at
length the embarkation was effected; the ferry crossed in safety, and
then the two masons walked to a neighbouring town, where they
hired a carriage, and entering into confidential talk with the driver,
informed him that the taller of the two was a disguised bankrupt
flying from his creditors into foreign territory, and this, they said,
would account for his wish to avoid observation as they passed
through the towns. On went the little carriage, the driver of which
was not long before he set down Grotius as a fool who soon ‘parted
with his money,’ for of its value he showed a profound ignorance. In
this respect we see that the driver differed in opinion from the rest
of the world. They travelled through the night, and on the morrow,
arriving early within a few leagues of Antwerp, they were met by a
patrol of soldiers, who challenged them, asked for their passport,
and inquired to whose service they belonged. Grotius evaded the
question, and added jestingly, ‘As to my passport, that is in my feet.’
They fraternised, and the fugitive had now not only a military escort,
but a good horse provided for his own riding; and in this manner
entered the city of Antwerp. He alighted at the house of a banished
friend, who proved to be in great anxiety on account of his wife’s
illness, so the daughter of the family informed him; but no sooner
did her parents learn the name of their unexpected visitor, than not
only the master of the house, but the invalid herself hastened down
to bid him welcome. The meeting was indeed a happy one, and
although secrecy was deemed prudent, yet the news spread among
a few compatriots, under the same sentence of proscription, who all
flocked to the house, where a joyous little banquet was prepared, at
which the illustrious journeyman mason, still in his working clothes,
presided. Conversation flowed, and glasses clinked merrily that night
to the health of Grotius and his gallant Maria, not forgetting the
brave and faithful handmaiden. In the meantime how went affairs at
Loevenstein? Madame Grotius had given out that her husband’s
illness was infectious; but no sooner was she apprised of his safety,
than she laughed her gaoler and his guards to scorn. ‘Here is the
cage,’ she said merrily, ‘but the bird has flown!’ The commandant
rained curses on her head, and increased the rigour of her
imprisonment. He went across the river to browbeat the good
shopwoman and her husband, but all this fuming and fretting did not
bring back the prisoner. Madame Grotius sent a petition to the
States-General and to the Stadtholder, to which neither were
insensible. It was on this occasion that Prince Maurice (who was not
wont to measure his words) made the ungallant speech—‘I thought
that black pig would outwit us.’ We can fancy he said it with a grim
smile, for very shortly afterwards Madame Grotius found herself at
liberty, with the permission to carry away all that belonged to her in
Loevenstein. Grotius, on his part, addressed a letter to the States-
General before leaving Antwerp, in which he maintained that he had
done his duty as Pensionary of Rotterdam, in the measures he had
advocated, thereby incurring their censure, and he proceeded at
length to propound his political views, and to offer suggestions for
the restoration and maintenance of internal peace, concluding by
justifying the means he had used for escape, having employed
‘neither violence nor corruption.’ And he furthermore declared that
the persecutions he had suffered, and the hardships to which he had
been exposed, could never diminish his love for his country, for
whose prosperity he devoutly prayed.
Grotius remained some time at Antwerp, and then determined on
proceeding to France, where his wife and family were allowed to join
him; and Lieschen, good, brave Lieschen, who would not rejoice to
hear that her fate was one usually reserved for the last page of a
story-book—‘she lived happy ever afterwards,’ becoming the wife of
her faithful fellow-servant, who had learned the rudiments of law
from his master during their captivity,—a study which the good man
continued on leaving Loevenstein, and rose step by step until he
became a thriving and respected advocate in the tribunals of
Holland.
But to return to Grotius: On his arrival in Paris he was kindly
received by the French King, who granted him a provisional pension
(very uncertain, by the way, in payment). In a pleasant country-
house which had been lent him, in the environs of Senlis, he
resumed his literary labours with great assiduity, working first at his
‘Apology,’ which he wrote in his mother-tongue, and sent off to
Holland as soon as completed. This was a full and detailed exposition
of the motives which had actuated his conduct, and of his religious
and political sentiments. It produced the greatest possible
excitement in Holland. The Government designated it as a foul and
slanderous libel, reflecting on the honour of the States, of the
Stadtholder, and all manner of bodies magisterial and municipal. The
publication was interdicted, and every person forbidden, on pain of
death, to retain it in their possession. In the meantime the ‘Apology’
was published, and eagerly read in Paris, and Grotius now set to
work on his famous treatise on the Rights of Peace and War.
The pretty country-house in which he lived was the resort of men
of letters, and among his frequent visitors was the learned De Thou,
who gave him the free use of his valuable library. In 1625, on the
death of Prince Maurice, the exile wrote to the new Stadtholder,
Frederic Henry, asking permission to return, but without success. He
then sent his wife into Holland, and through her judicious
management and the exertions of his friends, the reversal of the
decree of confiscation was obtained, and his property and effects
were restored to him. At length he ventured back to his own country
in person, and first proceeded to Rotterdam, where he was cordially
received in private, but the authorities would not sanction his
appearance in public, and the same reception awaited him at
Amsterdam and Delft. The States-General, of whom he disdained to
ask pardon (‘for,’ said he, ‘in what have I offended?’) were
exasperated at his boldness in venturing back without permission,
and orders were given to seize his person, and give notice to the
Government, while a reward of 2000 florins was offered for his
capture; but Grotius was too much beloved; no one was found to
betray him. Still his position was undoubtedly perilous, and joining
his wife on her return from Zeeland, they took up their abode for the
summer and winter in or near the town of Hamburg.
Grotius was now overwhelmed with proposals of employment, and
overtures of all descriptions from foreign powers—Spain, Poland, the
Duchy of Holstein, and the hero Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden,
for whom our philosopher had the profoundest veneration. With this
monarch’s envoy at the French Court, Benedict Oxenstiern, a relative
of the celebrated Chancellor, Grotius had formed an intimate
friendship, and when they were both residing at Frankfort, they
became almost inseparable. The King of Sweden died, and was
succeeded by his daughter, the eccentric Christina, whose admiration
for the fame of Grotius even exceeded that of her father. Through
the medium of Oxenstiern she made him numerous offers, but
Grotius declined all but one employment. He volunteered to return to
Paris as the Swedish Ambassador, provided the Queen would allow
him a sufficient salary to maintain his position as her representative,
which nomination was most distasteful to Richelieu, who was then
Prime Minister. But after a time his opposition was overruled, and
Grotius made his public entry into the French capital, where the
crooked and tortuous policy pursued by Richelieu, and continued by
his successor, Cardinal Mazarin, was most distasteful to Christina’s
envoy, added to which he was weary of politics, diplomacy, and
Court life, and earnestly solicited his recall. Christina acquiesced in
the demand, but desired him to repair to Stockholm, where she
joined him. Her Majesty did all in her power by promises of provision
and favour for himself, his wife, and family, to induce Grotius to
become a resident in her country. But he withstood all her tempting
offers. Many difficulties to his departure were thrown in his way, but
at last he embarked on a vessel bound for Lubeck. He had not been
long at sea before a tremendous storm arose, and after three days
continual tossing, and constant danger of shipwreck, the passengers
landed on the coast of Pomerania, about fourteen miles from
Dantzig. Grotius was far from well when he left Stockholm; the
climate had proved too cold for him. He had been very ill on the
voyage, and after travelling sixty miles in an open wagon, exposed to
violent wind and rain, he arrived at Rostock in a most enfeebled
condition. No sooner had he arrived than he sent for the doctor and
the clergyman, who thus describes his interview in a letter: ‘If you
are anxious to know how that Phœnix of literature, Hugo Grotius,
behaved in his last moments, I will tell you. He sent for me at night.
I found him almost at the point of death, and told him how deeply I
regretted that I had never seen him in health, to benefit by his
conversation. “God has ordered it otherwise,” he said. I then bade
him prepare for a happier life; to acknowledge and repent his sins,
and, chancing to allude to the Pharisee and the publican, “I am that
publican,” he exclaimed. When I told him to have recourse to Jesus
Christ, without whom is no salvation, he answered: “In Him alone I
place my trust.” Then I repeated aloud the German prayer that
begins, “Herr Jesu.” He followed in a low voice with clasped hands. I
inquired if he understood all, and he said, “Quite well.” I continued
to read passages of the Word of God for dying persons.’ Thus
expired this great and good man, far from the kindred he loved, his
heart still true to the country which had rejected and expelled him,
his deathbed watched by strangers. His body was embalmed and
transported to his native city of Delft, where it was interred with
great pomp by his fellow-citizens, who at first proposed to erect a
statue in his honour, similar to that of Erasmus at Rotterdam, but the
idea was abandoned. It was reserved for his descendants to raise a
monument to his memory in the said church. We transcribe the
modest epitaph written by Grotius on himself—
GROTIUS HIC HUGO EST, BATAVUM CAPTIVUS, ET EXUL
LEGATUS REGNY REGNI SUECIS MAGNAFUI.
 No. 6. THE HONOURABLE ANDREW NEWPORT.
In armour. Light brown sleeves. Rich lace cravat. Long hair.

BORN 1622, DIED 1699.

By Sir Godfrey Kneller.

E was the son of Lord Newport, the noted Royalist, by

Rachel, daughter of Sir John Levison, Knight, of
Harington, County Kent, and sister of Sir Richard
Levison, Knight of the Bath, of Trentham, County
Stafford.
Andrew was Commissioner of Customs to Charles the Second. He
was M.P. for Shrewsbury from 1689 to 1698. Died unmarried, and
was buried at Wroxeter. He bequeathed his manor of Dythan, County
Montgomery, and other estates in the same county, and in that of
Salop, to his nephew Richard, Lord Newport, son of Francis, Earl of
Bradford. Lord Clarendon, in his History of the Civil Wars, makes
frequent mention of Andrew Newport.
 No. 9. THOMAS WENTWORTH, EARL OF
STRAFFORD, AND HIS SECRETARY.
Black dress.

BORN 1594, EXECUTED 1641.

After Vandyck.

HE eldest son of Sir William Wentworth of Wentworth

Wodehouse, County York, by Anne Atkinson of Stowel,
County Gloucester. He succeeded his father in his large
estates when only twenty-one, being already the
husband of ‘a fair wife.’
Shortly after his succession he was elected M.P. for York and
Custos Rotulorum in place of Lord Savile, superseded on account of
misconduct, an office from which the Duke of Buckingham requested
him to retire that Lord Savile might be reinstated, a proceeding
which nettled the high spirit of Sir Thomas, who wrote a refusal so
indignant as to make a lifelong enemy of the favourite.
Until the accession of Charles the First, Wentworth, although a
silent member of the House of Commons, was a zealous advocate of
the Liberal party and a strenuous opposer of the encroachments of
the Court. Through the instrumentality of Buckingham he was
disqualified from voting by having the post of High Sheriff thrust
upon him, and he was soon after summarily dismissed from his office
of Custos Rotulorum. In the ensuing year he was summoned before
the Council and sentenced to imprisonment for refusing to contribute
to a loan (levied without the consent of Parliament), on which
occasion he made a noble speech expressing his loyalty to the
person of Charles the First and his desire to serve him in any way
consistent with his duty to his country. On his release from prison he
became a strong leader of the Opposition and an eloquent advocate
of the famous ‘Petition of Rights,’ to which the King was compelled to
yield his unwilling consent. Then suddenly came the adoption of that
line of conduct, so differently judged and so differently accounted for
by different biographers. Wentworth declared his conviction that the
nation might now be content with the concessions made by the
Crown, bade adieu to the party of the ‘Pyms and the Prynnes,’
walked over to the other side of the House and offered his services,
head, heart, and sword, to the royal cause. By some he was termed
a traitor, a time-server, an apostate, while others upheld the conduct
of a man who chose the moment of impending danger to rally round
the unsteady throne and the unpopular sovereign. Charles naturally
received him with open arms, and loaded him with favours; but his
old ally, Pym, meeting him one day, uttered these ominous words,
‘You are going to leave us, but I will never leave you while you have
ahead on your shoulders’; words too cruelly redeemed.
The murder of the Duke of Buckingham made way for Wentworth’s
advancement. Raised to the peerage by the title of Viscount
Wentworth, he was appointed Lord-Deputy and Commander-in-Chief
in Ireland, and sailed for that ‘distressful country’ with a code for his
own government, drawn up by himself, in his pocket, from which he
never swerved. Lord Wentworth’s administration of Irish affairs, his
transient popularity, his reforms in matters civil, military, and
religious, his quarrels with the Irish nobles, his punctilio in minute
questions of form and ceremony, his hurried voyages to and from
England, are subjects intimately connected with the history of the
times, but too lengthy to be detailed here. It would have been well
for the Lord-Deputy if he had taken the advice of his lifelong friend
and correspondent, Archbishop Laud, and had curbed his
impetuosity on many occasions.
In 1639 he crossed to England, was created Earl of Strafford,
gained the title of Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, was received into the
King’s full confidence, and was for a time virtually Prime Minister. Not
content with advocating the necessities of raising subsidies, he
contributed £20,000 from his own privy purse (as an example to the
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