ABOUT THE CONTRIBUTORS

William Klausner is a farang professor who has been living in Thailand for
more than half of his life. He is the author of Reflections in a Log Pond (1974),
Reflections on Thai Culture (1993), and recently, Thai Culture in Transition
(1997) published by the Siam Society.

Paritta Chalermpow Koanantakool is a lecturer at Faculty of Sociology-

Anthropology,Thammasat University. She did her fieldwork in southern Thailand
about nang tailing. One of her main interests is in anthropology of art, e.g.,
visual art, performing art, symbols in art, etc.

Suvanna Kriengkraipetch is an assistant professor at Department of Thai, Faculty

of Arts, Chulalongkorn University. She is a literature scholar as well as an anthro-
pologist. She has done her field research in central Thailand, and lately she has
been interested in ethnic minorities, e.g., Zhuang, Yao, Black Tai and the latest
the thirteen tribes in southern Laos.

Siraporn T. Nathalang is an associate professor at Department of Thai, Faculty

of Arts, Chulalongkorn University. She is a folklorist-anthropologist. Her fields of
interests are folklore, folk literature, religious studies, Thai and Tai studies. Lately, she
has done her field research about folklore of the Tai peoples outside Thailand
Pranee Wongthet is an associate professor at Department of Anthropology,
Faculty of Archaeology, Silpakorn University. She conducted a research study
about Laopuan in Prachinburi. Later she went to study Zhuang in Guangxi and
also Khamu in Laos particularly about their religious beliefs and rituals.

Ka F. Wong is a graduate student of the Master’s Degree Program in Thai Studies,

Faculty of Arts, Chulalongkorn University. He received his B.A. degree in Art
History and Asian-American Studies from Baruch College, City University of
New York.

Cover : Rice- pounding, daily Thai Folklife

Wat Thoong Sri Muang, Ubon Rachathani, Thailand.
Picture from E-Sarn Mural Paintings, E-Sarn Cultural Center,
Khon Kaen University, 1989
 THAI FOLKLORE
INSIGHTS INTO THAI CULTURE
 THAI FOLKLORE
INSIGHTS INTO THAI CULTURE

SIRAPORN NATHALANG

Editor

Produced by

Thai Studies Center, Faculty of Arts

Chulalongkorn University

Chulalongkorn University Press

2000

250.—
Thai Folklore : insights into Thai culture I
Siraporn T. Nathalang, editor
1 . Folk literature, Thai
2. Folklore
I. Siraporn Nathalang

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 The Chulalongkorn University Thai Studies Center

The Master’s Degree Program in Thai Studies was first

established at Chulalongkorn University in the Faculty of Arts in
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It provides integrated knowledge for understanding Thai society,
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Thai Studies Publication Programs Committee
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Dr. Sunait Chutintaranond
 PREFACE
Folklore as a discipline was introduced to Thai scholars
just 30 years ago. In earlier period, large amount of folklore
materials, e g . , folktales, folksongs, games, riddles, etc., were
collected from villages and classified into various folklore
genres. Only in the last decades that they have been analyzed
and interpreted in relation to Thai socio-cultural context.
Research on Thai folklore in Thai is still insufficient, while
publications on Thai folklore in English are very limited. This
volume represents a modest attempt to fill these gaps.

Thai Folklore: Insights into Thai Culture is a

collection of papers on folklore in Thailand written in English.
These papers have been used as readings in “Myth and Folklore
in Thai Society” course offered in the Master Program in Thai
Studies at Faculty of Arts, Chulalongkorn University. The
Program Director, Dr. Sunait Chutintaranond, suggested that
these papers should be compiled and produced as “Readings on
Thai Folklore” in order to provide as substantial materials for
students in this course.

I decide to present this book by folklore genres, e.g.,

fairytale, jataka tale (the Buddha birth stories), joke, myth,
etc., since each genre has different nature and different
functions. Fairytales in Western culture signifies a kind of
stories about the adventures of princes or princesses in the
imaginative land. In Thai repertoire, chakchak wongwong
tales may be the closest genre similar to Western fairytales since
they are also stories about adventurous heroes. Fairytales
usually deal with family conflict. In European folktales, there
viii

are many stories concerning conflicts between stepmother- step

daughter, father- son, mother-daughter while in Thai tales, as
pointed out in Sirapom Nathalang’s paper on “Different Family
Roles, Different Interpretations of Thai Folktales,” the conflicts
usually arise between father-in-law and son-in-law or between
co-wives. This paper focuses on the relationship between
family conflict in folktales and in real-life. In the next paper,
“Thai Folktale Drama on Television: Tradition and Modernity,”
these chakchak wongwong stories presented as folktale drama
series broadcast on two television channels are compared.
Those broadcast on a government channel are based on
traditional chakchak wongwong stories whereas those broadcast
on a private channel can be seen as “modern” chakchak
wongwong stories, since the plots and the characters are
influenced by certain contemporary Thai cultural values.

Jataka tales, a genre of Thai folktale, are the Buddha

birth stories. They are used as means of conveying Buddhist
dharma teaching in Buddhist cultures. Jataka tale reading and
chanting in rituals and festivals have long been practiced in
Thai-Lao tradition. In “The Jataka Stories and Laopuan
Worldview,” Pranee Wongthet shows how Laopuan people
who migrated from Laos to live in Thailand use certain jataka
stories as their ethnic identity and try to preserve their tradition
of reciting Jataka stories in their villages which are surrounded
by Thai and Khmer villages.

Jokes, another kind of folklore genre, are used as

“outlet” for certain cultural rules. In this book, William
Klausner raises three subjects of jokes, i.e., in-laws, monks
who cannot keep up with Buddhist precepts and stories of
Srithanonchai (Siang Miang in Laotian version) representing
tension between phuyai-phunoi in Thai patron-client culture.
 The next genre is myths, sacred narratives, which
usually function as charter for beliefs and rituals. In “ Tai
Creation Myths: Reflections of Tai Relations and Tai Cultures,”
Siraporn Nathalang discusses how various versions of Tai
creation myths can be used in grouping various Tai speaking
peoples residing outside Thailand and also how the myth can
tell us about Tai indigenous beliefs and ideology. In “Conflict
and Compromise between the Indigenous Beliefs and Buddhism
as Reflected in Thai Rice Myths,” various types of the rice myth
versions are identified to represent the various stages of Tai
religious beliefs. The Black Tai and White Tai who are non-
Theravada Buddhists told the stories of the Rice Goddess who
was angry with human beings whereas Theravada Buddhist Tais
told the stories of the Rice Goddess who competed with the
Buddha to command respect from the people. Thus, the myths
reflect the conflict between the indigenous beliefs and Buddhism
adopted later.

Another folklore genre that exists in many cultures is

ghost stories. The most well known ghost story in Thailand is
Nang Naak Phra Khanong. Ka F. Wong, in "'’Nang Naak\ the
Cult and Myth of a Popular Ghost in Thailand,” presents a
socio-cultural perspective of the story of Nang Naak as a spirit
cult in conjunction with Buddhism and in relation to Thai
cultural context.

Folksongs, an important genre of folklore, are used in

socialization process in Thai society whether in the forms of
nursery rhymes, children songs, or courtship songs. Suvanna
Kriengkraipetch in her paper, “ Thai Folk Beliefs about Animals
and Plants and Attitudes toward Nature,” illustrates how Thai
beliefs toward nature are reflected in children folksongs, and in
X

stories. In another paper “Folksong and Socio-Cultural Change

in Village Life,” Suvanna analyzes how folksongs were changed
in the context of village life in central Thailand.

Folk another kind of folklore genre,

performance,
includes folk dances and folk drama of all types, e.g., lakhon ,
likay, nang talung. In this book, Paritta Chalermpow
Koanantakool 's paper on “Relevance of the Textual and
Contextual Analyses in Understanding Folk Performance in
Modern Society: A Case of Southern Thai Shadow Puppet
Theatre” is used as an example of how one can study social
change through the changing of Thai southern shadow puppet
performance.

It should now become evident that all papers collected

here, each in its own way, provide interesting insights about
Thai culture. These papers reveal three insightful aspects about
Thai culture, i.e., cultural conflicts, cultural identities and
cultural changes.

Papers on chakchak wongwong tales and jokes reveal

certain pairs of conflicting roles in Thai society, e g . , those
between family members, and those between phuyai-phunoi in
the patron-client system. Stories thus tell us that relationship
between people in the society in certain social circumstances are
not always smooth but often times there are conflicts and
constraints. Furthermore, while we take for granted that Thai
people are mostly Buddhists, we often forget that the spirit cults
have long been present and always have places in Thai society.
The case of the rice myths insightfully recorded and reminded
us that, historically, there was conflict and confrontation
between the indigenous beliefs and Buddhism later adopted as
the state religion such that, interestingly, the Rice Goddess is
presented as the protagonist and the Buddha the antagonist.
The ghostly tale of Nang Naak, likewise, exhibits the conflicts
between not only the popular creed and the official religion but
also the roles of men and women. Accordingly, folklore
materials insightfully point out the prominent angles of conflicts
that may seem “hidden” in Thai society.

The papers on Jataka stories and the creation myths

help illustrate how Lao Puan and Tai peoples respectively use
the stories to mark their ethnic identities and how we can use
folklore to study the cultural identities.

Concerning the insights on the changing Thai culture,

the paper on folktale drama series broadcast on televisions
demonstrates how the plots, characters and the presentation are
adjusted to fit with the Thai modern “temperament” and
personality. Similarly, the case of the changing roles of
folksongs in villages in central Thailand and the case of the
performance of nang talung in southern Thailand in modern
Thai society can be studied as “cultural record” of Thailand
today as compared with that of the past.

There are other kinds of folklore genres, e g., riddles,

proverbs, textiles, arts and crafts, etc. These genres are also
waiting for folklorists or scholars of other fields to study them
in relation to Thai socio-cultural contexts and also to write
about them in English.

I hope that these materials will help the students and

those interested understand Thai society from the angle of Thai
folklore. I think this is perhaps the first time that research
xii

papers on Thai folklore written in English are put together as a

volume, and it is also the first time to have a book on Thai
Studies viewing from the aspects of Thai folklore.

Siraporn T Nathalang
Editor
November, 1999
Chulalongkorn University
Bangkok
 xiii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The compilation of the papers on Thai folklore was

initiated by Dr. Sunait Chutintaranond, the Director of Thai
Studies Program, Faculty of Arts, Chulalongkorn University. I
would like to thank him, not only for his suggestion but also for
all the support throughout the long process of making this book
come true. I would also like to thank Associate Professor Dr.
Suwanna Satha-Anand, the committee member of the Board of
Thai Studies Center, who gave creative comments for the
overall presentation of the book. Also, I appreciate Ajarn
Teerayut Banomyong, the committee member and the secretary
of the Thai Studies Center, for his kind help with the publishing
process.

As many articles in this book were previously published

in journals and seminar proceedings, I would like to express my
gratefulness and appreciation to Professor Peter Knecht, the
editor of Asian Folklore Studies, Oliver Raendchen, the editor
of Tai Culture, Chakrit Choomwattana, the editor of Asian
Review 1988 and the Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn
University; and The Siam Society who all kindly gave the
permission to reprint these articles in Thai Folklore; Insights
into Thai Culture.

The academic contribution of this book to folklore

studies and Thai studies owes to all the contributors who have
been very supporting and who also wish to see this book come
out.
 XV

CONTENTS
PREFACE vii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xiii
PLATES xviii

Chakchak Wongwong Tales (Thai Fairytales):

Different Family Roles, Different 1
Interpretations of Thai Folktales
- Siraporn Nathalang

Thai Folktale Drama on Television: 27

Tradition and Modernity
- Siraporn Nathalang

Jataka Tales (The Buddha 's Birth Stories):

The Jataka Stories and 47

Laopuan Worldview
- Pranee Wongthet

Jokes:

Siang Miang: Folk Hero 63

Hua Paw Tales 69
In Law Tales 73
- William Klausner
xvi

Myths:

Tai Creation Myths: Reflections 81

of Tai Relations and Tai Cultures
- Siraporn Nathalang

Conflict and Compromise between 99

the Indigenous Beliefs and Buddhism as
Reflected in Thai Rice Myths
- Siraporn Nathalang

Ghost Stories:

Nang Naak: the Cult and Myth 123

of a Popular Ghost in Thailand
-KaF. Wong

Folksongs:

Folksong and Socio-Cultural 143

Change in Village Life
- Suvanna Kriengkraipetch

Folk Beliefs:

Thai Folk Beliefs about Animals and 169

Plants and Attitudes toward Nature
- Suvanna Kriengkraipetch
 xvii

Folk Performances:

Relevance of the Textual and Contextual 189

Analyses in Understanding Folk
Performance in Modern Society: A Case
of Southern Thai Shadow Puppet Theatre
- Paritta Chalermpow Koanantakool
xvni

PLATES
1 . Rice is “Pregnant” 115

2. Communal Cultivation 116

3. Children in the Rice Field 117

4. Rice Market in Chiang Rung 118

5. Sua Baan 119

6. Su Khwan Ceremony 120

7. Nang Naak Shrine 121

8. The Statue of Nang Naak 122

Notes. Photos in Plate 1-6 are provided by Sirapom Nathalang, the author
of “Conflict and Compromise between the Indigenous Beliefs and
Buddhism as Reflected in Thai Rice Myths”. Photos in Plate 7-8 are
provided by Ka F. Wong, the author of “Nang Naak: The Cult and Myth of
a Popular Ghost in Thailand”.
 DIFFERENT FAMILY ROLES,
DIFFERENT INTERPRETATIONS OF
THAI FOLKTALES*
SIRAPORN NATH ALANG

INTRODUCTION

While many other kinds of Thai folklore have all but

disappeared in the face of cultural and social change, it is
unclear why chakchak wongwong tales continue to attract Thai
people. Chakchak wongwong is a genre of Thai folktales, the
stories of which are about adventurous and polygynous life of
princely heroes. In most, the hero goes out to find a spouse and
almost always sneaks into a princess’s castle and sleeps with
her. He is usually caught by the princess’s father, and
eventually there is a fight between them. The hero usually
acquires additional wives later on in the story, often leading to
jealousy between the cowives. This kind of story has been told
by storytellers and performed in folk drama for more than three
hundred years. For thirty years these stories have appeared as a
popular television serial broadcast by Channel 7-the channel
with the widest availability in Thailand. Interestingly, recently,
two other television channels have started to also produce this
kind of folktale movie. Despite the popularity and the
persistence of chakchak wongwong stories, they have been
neglected by both Thai and Western scholars, and analysis of

originally published in Asian Folklore Studies 48 (1989): 5-20 (under the

name Sirapom Thitathan)
2

them from a socio-cultural or anthropological perspective is

almost unknown.
In this paper, I attempt to find out, firstly, what in these
folktales appeals to people such that they have persisted and
remained popular and, secondly, in what way people can
“make use” of these tales. To understand the persistence and
longevity of chakchak wongwong tales in Thai society, it is
necessary. I then examine the relationship between role
conflict among characters in folktales and role conflict in Thai
families. And, to understand how chakchak wongwong stories
hold meaning for Thai people, I particularly focus on the
investigation of folk’s interpretation of the tales. More
precisely, I investigate how differently occupants of different
family roles interpret the behavior of folktale characters.
Correlation between family role and kind of tale interpretation
will clarify why chakchak wongwong tales are so popular, how
these folktales correspond with Thai social order and, very
importantly, how the folk use the lore.

ROLE CONFLICT AMONG CHARACTERS IN CHAKCHAK

WONGWONG STORIES AND ROLE CONFLICT IN THAI
FAMILIES

The relationship between folklore and the social order has been
addressed by many folklorists and anthropologists.
Malinowski (1954: 96) clearly states that, “...an intimate
connection exists between the word, the myths, the sacred tales
of a tribe, on the one hand, and their ritual acts, their moral
deeds, their social organization, and even their practical
activities, on the other.” Fischer, giving more content to the
relationship, points out that, “Any theme which is prominent
in the folktales of a group is the subject of considerable conflict
in real life” (1963; 262). He goes so far as to say that,
 3

“Folktales generally will make the most sense and will tell the
most plausible role within the nuclear family” (1963: 263).
A Southeast Asian case in keeping with Fischer’s point
is Leach’s argument that family conflict in Kachin society is
reflected in their folktales (Leach 1964: 167). He point out that
the inconsistency arising from the association of a rule of
patrilocal residence and a rule of succession by ultimogeniture
causes jealousy between older and youngest brothers. The
youngest son is the residual heir. If the older brothers stay at
home according to the post-marital residence rule, however,
there is likely to be conflict, This kind of family role conflict,
namely, sibling conflict, is prominently presented in Kachin
folktales.
Whereas Leach (1964) finds Kachin tales to revolve
around sibling conflict over succession and inheritance, my
analysis (Thitathan 1987) of Anantasan’s (1972) collection of
twenty chakchak wongwong tales shows sibling conflict to be
overshadowed by marital conflict. In most tales, the plot
involves a hero acquiring spouses, his conflict with his wife’s
father, and his solutions for his co-wives’ jealousy. In sum, the
conflict between characters in chakchak wongwong tales
involves two pairs of conflicting family roles, i.e., the conflict
between co-wives and the conflict between father-in-law and
son-in-law.
Let me illustrate in more detail the occurrence and the
persuasiveness of these two prominent pairs of conflicting
family roles in these twenty chakchak wongwong stories. I
classify plots of the twenty stories into three types. Type A are
stories starting with the jealousy between co-wives, then one of
the wives together with her child are banished out of the
kingdom. When the child (the hero) grows up, he sets out on
his adventures. Upon his adventure, either he sneaks in to a
princess’ castle and sleeps with her and later on fights with the
4

princess’ father (by Thai cultural standard, behaviorally, the

princess is considered to be the hero’s wife and, therefore, the
princess father, the hero’s father-in-law). Or, he wins in the
trial by contest and marries the princess. In either case, the
conflict between the hero and his father-in-law usually
develops which leads to some quarrels.
Type B stories start with a young prince seeking a wife.
He usually comes across a kingdom, gets the princess to be his
wife and, again fights with his father-in-law. While he is
bringing his wife back to his kingdom, he is usually separated
from his wife in the forest. Upon searching for his wife, he
acquires another wife by the same method as previously
mentioned in type A.
Type C stories are similar to type B stories except for
the story starting with the hero already having a wife, or in
some stories, seven wives. The hero takes his wife (or his
wives) on a trip to see flowers in the forest and gets separated
with her (or with them). The hero, again, acquires another
wife. The stories end up with jealousy between co-wives.
If we combine the three types of the plots together, we
will get a life cycle of a hero. The hero is seen as bom in the
midst of the jealousy among his father’s co-wives. In his
manhood he usually has to fight with his father-in-law, more
than one in some stories. In the end, he may confront the
situation of jealousy and quarrels between his own wives. The
conflict between co-wives and that between father-in-law and
son-in-law are thus repeatedly emphasized in the Thai’s
chakchak wongwong stories.
What then is the cultural basis for such family conflict?
Turning to look at the Thai family system, traditionally the
Thai rule for post-marital residence tends to be matrilocality in
which the groom moves to live in the bride’s household
(Anumanrajadhon 1968; Kemp 1960; Potter 1976). However,
 5

in practice, the groom initially resides as a dependent member

of his wife’s natal household, and then moves out to establish
an independent household when his wife’s younger sister
marries and brings her husband in. The displacement process
repeats itself until the youngest daughter brings her husband in
to stay permanently and finally inherits the parents’ house
(Potter 1976: 283; Kaufinan 1960: 29; Tambiah 1970: 12-13;
Foster 1975: 45).
The fact that each daughter takes her turn bringing her
husband in, no matter how long it will be for each case,
indicates that so long as the father (-in-law) is still alive, he has
to confront his son-in-law one after another. The considerable
length of co-residence between father-in-law and son-in-law has
the potential to create an explosive relationship. The son-in-law
has to help his father-in-law work in the rice field and has to
submit to his father-in-law’s authority (Potter 1976. 125). This
can put a young son-in-law in a very dependent and
uncomfortable position. The fact that the youngest son-in-law
will finally inherit the house and succeed to authority in the
household makes the father-in-law feel that he is being pushed
to release his power. This can create great tension between a
father-in-law and a son-in-law.
Accordingly, we can now see the correspondence
between conflicting roles in real life Thai matrilocal families and
the folktale theme of the fight between a princely hero and the
princess’ father. While in real life both son-in-law and father-in-
law have to continue living in the same household under certain
constraints, in the folktales one or the other has to be killed.
Such dramatic outcome subtly suggests the ideal desire that
there be only one male authority in the household.
Regarding the matter of co-wives, polygyny had long
been practiced in Thai societies. Nowadays, though legally a
man can have a marriage license with only one woman, in
6

practice polygyny is possible and plausible. It is popularly

known that high ranked officers of government officials tend to
have “minor wives” (Samakkarn 1976:160-181). At the village
level, there is, however, a lower frequency of polygynous cases
and polygyny takes on a different form. Ethnographies on
Thailand report that a man tends to have another wife when he
works outside the village (See Kaufman 1960,28; Thitathan
1987: 75-76).
Considering sex roles in Thai households, women not
only work in the rice fields but also do all the cooking, cleaning,
and child-rearing (Hanks 1963: 13; Kaufman 1960: 21-
22). This helps explain why men tend to have another wife
when they go to work elsewhere. Since men rely on women to
take care of them and the household, they are helpless when
they are away from home. As a result, a number of them find
another woman to do the same kind of activities as their wives
do. Thus, the establishment of a new household is often the
outcome. Nowadays, village men tend to be more and more
mobile; they go to work in the cities during times other than the
rice-farming seasons, or they quit rice-farming and become
wage laborers. This situation, when combined with Thai sex
roles in the household, potentially gives rise to polygynous
practices, thus potentially creating conflict between co-wives.
Going back to the folktales, we have already seen that chakchak
wongwong stories particularly reflect the jealousy between co-
wives in Thai families.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS AND METHOD OF FIELDWORK

1. Given the fact that the rules of post-marital residence

and the practices of matrilocal extended family can potentially
generate conflict and tension between father-in-law and son-in-
law, and given the fact that the hero and the villain in the
 7

folktales are in fact son-in-law and father-in-law respectively,

would real-life fathers-in-law and sons-in-law interpret the
behavior of the hero and the villain in the folktales differently?
And what structures the variability in their interpretations?
2. Similarly, given the fact that, even nowadays, there is
a possibility that a man may have more than one wife, resulting
in co-wives situations, how differently do major wives and
minor wives in real-life interpret the behavior of the minor wife
and the major wife characters in the folktales?
3. More generally, how do people make use of the
folktales and how do folktales hold meaning for people, and
how do variation in interpretation of the folktales help explain
the relationship between folktale and social organization and,
finally, the popularity and longevity of chakchak wongwong
stories?
My field research in village in central Thailand directly
focused on how occupants of different family roles interpret the
folktale characters. Two main kinds of data were collected.
One concerns family background of the villagers, including
composition of their households, their relations with other
family members, and gossips about people who are in conflict
in the families. The other set of data is the intensive interviews
of family members’ interpretations of the behavior of
characters in the “Sangthong” story, the chakchak wongwong
story chosen to use in this investigation in tale interpretation.

ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE VILLAGE

I carried out my field research during 1985-1986 in a rice-

farming village in Singburi province, central Thailand. It is an
old traditional village with its own history and people have
strong ties to their village. It is a functional village in the sense
that it has its own Buddhist temple and its own school and local
8

stores where one can find things one needs daily. And if one
needs to go to the city, the local mini-bus is very convenient.
Rapid social and technological changes in the village
actually started not long ago. In 1972, Asia Road, the highway
running across the central part up to the northern of Thailand,
was built. Together with Asia Road came electricity which
dramatically changed village life style. For instance, family
members all watch television instead of talking or storytelling
at night.
The village contains sixty households, made up of 247
people. The average size is four members per household. This
village used to be mainly an agricultural village. Within the
past ten to twenty years, many people have left rice-farming,
and changed to other occupations. In 1985-1986, out of sixty
households, only twenty-three households still do rice-farming.
Children of farmers have become teachers, soldiers, nurses, and
many have taken up construction work or become wage
laborers.
Although modernization has dramatically changed the
pattern of village subsistence economy, family practices do not
seem to have changed so radically. The matrilocal extended-
family can the generally still be found. However, in several
matrilocal households, the father-in-law has already died,
leaving the mother-in-law and the family of the youngest
daughter in the household. Or, there are cases of fathers-in-law
of 50-65 years old whose sons-in-law tend to live else where,
not in the village.
The fact that fathers-in-law do not live in the same
household as sons-in-law does not mean that they are not in
conflict. Data from the field suggests that conflict can also
develop if one of the parties does not behave as the other
expects. Both have cultural role expectations toward one
another. When fathers-in-law are asked what kind of son-in-
 9

law a father-in-law likes, they respond that a son-in-law should

be obedient, hard-working, moral, should not be aggressive and
should neither gamble nor drink to excess. When sons-in-law
are asked what kind of father-in-law a son-in-law likes, they
respond that they expect fathers-in-law to be fair, generous, not
biased, not picky, not strict, and more importantly, not to
interfere with their lives. Conflict can arise if the behavior of
one does not meet such role expectations of the other. For
example, there are several cases in the village where fathers-in-
law do not get along with their sons-in-law who gamble and are
always drunk.
Given the fact the village has been changing in many
respects, nevertheless, many cultural and oral traditions are on-
going. Quite a few people can still tell old stories. Female
storytellers like to tell chakchak wongwong stories, whereas
male storytellers can also tell jokes. Most villagers of all ages
will not miss the folk drama whenever any drama troupes pass
by. Most villager regularly watch the series of folktale movies
shown on the television.

SANGTHONG: THE CHAKCHAK WONGWONG TALE CHOSEN AS

A CASE STUDY

Sangthong is one of the most popular folktales in Thailand,

perhaps the best-known among Thai people. It has been
transmitted in many forms: chakchak wongwong tale, jataka
tale (stories about the Buddha’s previous lives), local legend,
written literature, folk drama, court drama, and drama in
television. Let me briefly summarize the Sangthong story.

There is a king who has two wives. The

major wife gives birth to a son who is bom in
a conch shell. The minor wife influences the
10

king to banish the major wife and her conch

shell son out of the kingdom. They live with
an old couple. Everyday Prince Sang, the
conch shell son, will come out of the conch
shell to help his mother do the housework.
The mother finds out and breaks the shell. The
minor wife finds out and again tries to get rid
of Prince Sang. Later on, a lady giant takes
care of Prince Sang.
One day, Prince Sang jump into, a
golden well that the lady giant forbids him to
jump into and he also puts on an ugly mask
and flies away. He comes across the Samon
kingdom. King Samon has seven daughters. He
announces to all the kings to send their sons for
his daughter to choose. The six daughters
choose their husbands, but Rodjana, the
youngest daughter, does not. She finally
chooses Prince Sang (when putting on the ugly
mask, he is usually called Chao Ngo), since
she could see his golden body while other
people see him as an ugly person. King Samon
is very furious and chases away his youngest
son-in-law and his youngest daughter to live in
the rice field. Then he orders all of his sons-in-
law to bring him a hundred fish and a hundred
deer with an intention to kill Chao Ngo.
Chao Ngo has a magic spell so he can
bring a hundred deer and fish but the other six
sons-in-law cannot. In the end, Chao Ngo
helps King Samon save the kingdom and
reveals his golden body and his royal origin.
 11

There are four significant reasons why the Sangthong

story is the best to be used in examining variation in tale
interpretation. First, like other chakchak wongwong stories,
the Sangthong story contains two prominent pairs of
conflicting roles, i.e.; co-wives and father-in-law/son-in-law.
Unlike other stories which make the Sangthong story more
special, it includes two more pairs of conflicting family roles,
i.e.; older/younger sisters and older/younger brothers-in-law.
Viewed in this light, the Sangthong story can attract wider
audiences, since more occupants of different family roles can
get deeply involved when listening to the story.
Second, the transactions between father-in-law and
son-in-law are much more lengthy and more complex in the
Sangthong story than in other stories. In other chakchak
wongwong stories, the hero typically confronts his wife’s father
and either one or the other is killed. In the Sangthong story,
however, there are five episodes dealing particularly with
father-in-law and son-in-law transaction. All of the episodes
contain considerable interactions between father-in-law and
son-in-law, providing many topics and detail to be discussed
when it comes to the audiences’ interpretations of the tale.
Third, the characters in the story possess good and bad
parts in their personalities. As a result, the tale allows richer
discussion and criticism of characters’ behaviors. The fact that
it is ambiguous and ambivalent to judge, for example, whether
King Samon is a cruel father-in-law or a father-in-law who
should receive sympathy, opens the field of discussion, since
the audience can view it either way.
Fourth, the characters of both parties to conflict
experience both “pain” and “gain.” For example, King
Samon, in the beginning, gains the control over his youngest
son-in-law, but in the end he loses and Sangthong wins. This
gives a chance for both parties to real life role conflict to
12

identify themselves with the characters who occupy the same

family roles as they themselves occupy in real life.
When their counterpart gains, they identify with him, and they
become satisfied when the characters who occupy the opposite
roles lose.
Since, possessing all of the above characteristics,
Sangthong can attract more occupants of family roles than
other stories, and the characters are ambivalent enough to be
interpretable, it is possible to argue for the “rightness” of both
parties to conflict. It is, then, interesting to see which
occupants of family roles in real life will argue for or against
which characters in the story.

VARIATION IN TALE INTERPRETATION BY OCCUPANTS OF

DIFFERENT FAMILY ROLES

Most of the interpretation data were gathered in a series of

relatively open-ended interviews, each of which lasted about
30-45 minutes. The interviews contained questions on
audience’s opinions toward feelings and behaviors of the
characters who were in conflict, opinions toward who the
villain is, and what are their favorite episode and their favorite
character.
I interviewed sixty informants : twenty fathers-in-law;
ten sons-in-law; eight co-wives, eighteen non co-wives, and
twenty unmarried people. Fathers-in-law are older men,
ranging from 50-87 years of age (though mostly in the sixties).
They all have sons-in-law, and their fathers- in-law had already
died. Sons-in-law are younger men ranging from 30-47 years
of age (mostly in the thirties). Out of the eight co-wives, four
are major wives, three are minor wives, since her husband has
another “wife” and she and her husband are separated, while
 13

now she lives with another man who does not live with his
wife.
Since father-in-law / son-in-law and co-wives are the
major role relations between characters in the Sangthong story
and in chakchak wongwong tales in general, I will
particularly compare fathers-in-law’s as opposed to sons-in-law
’s interpretations of King Samon’s behavior and Chao Ngo’s
behavior. Then I will examine fathers-in-law’s, sons-in-law’s,
and co-wives’ identification of villainy. Then I compare major
wives and minor wives’ interpretation of the behavior of the
hero’s father’s minor wife, Chandewi. Family roles and family
background of informants will be analytically discussed along
with their tale interpretations.

INTERPRETATION O F KING SAMON’S (FATHER-IN-LAW’S)

FEELING

Referring to the episode when Rodjana chooses Prince Sang,

who is usually called “Chao Ngo” when he wears the ugly
mask, and the episode when King Samon banishes his youngest
daughter and son-in-law, I asked, “What do you think about
King Samon’s chasing Chao Ngo to live in the rice field and
ordering his sons-in-law to bring him a hundred deer and a
hundred fish?” All sons-in-law’ s answers tend to be
stereotyped and relatively short, indicating that they do not
show much sympathy toward King Samon nor do they show
any kind of emotion. Sons-in-law’s interpretations do not vary
much from the following, characteristic responded:

King Samon must feel ashamed to have such an ugly

son-in-law living in the palace;
or
14

King Samon thinks his son-in-law should not stay in the

palace.
He is ashamed to have an ugly son-in-law.

Fathers-in-law ’s answers, on the contrary, are relatively

longer, Fathers-in-law have a lot more to say about king
Samon, the character who occupies the same family role as
themselves. Particularly fathers-in-law who are in great
conflict with sons-in-law use very strong words and
emotionally give their opinions supporting King Samon’s
feeling:

That’s because he hates Chao Ngo; he wants to

kill him. He chases Chao Ngo out; he does not
want his daughter to go, but she follows him
anyway. King Samon thinks that if Chao Ngo
dies, his youngest daughter can come back to the
palace. He loves his daughter but he hates his
son-in-law. So he orders his sons-in-law to
hunt deer and fish with the belief that he can kill
his youngest son-in-law that way.

This opinion was given by a father-in-law who hated

his youngest son-in-law because his youngest daughter ran
away with him after they were forbidden to marry. The young
couple had a daughter, who later on was left in the care of this
father-in-law, since his daughter and his son-in-law could not
afford to hire a baby-sitter to take care of the child. This father-
in-law loved his grand-daughter but he still never talked to his
youngest son-in-law.
It is interesting that this father-in-law emphatically used
the words youngest daughter and youngest son-in-law as i f he
was relating his painful experience with his youngest daughter
 16

to Rodjana, the youngest daughter in the story. The fact that he

stated that “King Samon does not want his daughter to go, but
she follows him anyway” sounded like the story of his
youngest daughter who ran away with the young man.
Moreover, his opinion that “If Chao Ngo dies, his youngest
daughter can come back to the palace” interestingly accords
with another father-in-law’s opinion that “King Samon tries to
find the way to kill his son-in-law so that his daughter will
have a chance to remarry.” This is the case of a father-in-law
whose elder son-in-law deserted his daughter and the youngest
son-in-law is always drunk and likes to gamble.
Overall, in fathers-in-law ’s interpretations, we find
evidence of fathers-in-law’ s identification with the character of
the same family role, taking the form of conditional statement:
“If I were King Samon, I would...,” or by suggesting that, “We
should sympathize with King Samon,” or by confirming that,
“King Samon is right, he is not wrong,” all of which are absent
in sons-in-law’s interpretations for the same matter.

INTERPRETATION OF CHAO NGO’S (SON-IN-LAW’S) FEELING

When interpreting King Samon’ s feeling, fathers-in-law tend to

be mqre involved and concerned with King Sanion’s feeling
than are sons-in-law; when interpreting Chao Ngo’s feeling,
however, the sons-in-law are more involved with the character’s
feeling than are fathers-in-law. I asked, “How does Chao
Ngo feel toward a father-in-law like King Samon?” All
fathers-in-law interpret Chao Ngo’s feeling the same way,
saying that, “Chao Ngo is not really angry with his father-in-
law.” Not so from the point of view of the son-in-law audience,
all of whom think that Chao Ngo must be angry with King
Samon. They all confirm that, “Chao Ngo must be angry with
his father-in-law,” or “Of course, he must be angry. He wants
16

to get revenge against his father -in-law. If I were he, I would

be angry too.” Notice that a son-in-law also uses the same kind
of conditional statement as a father-in-law does, “If I were he,
I would...”
An interesting case was a son-in-law who was always
drunk and who knew well that his father-in-law did not like
him at all, while getting along well with his other sons-in-law.
He once quarreled with his father-in-law and had to move out
to live in the middle of the rice field, similarly to what
happened to Chao Ngo, the son-in-law in the story. This son-
in-law sadly interpreted Chao Ngo’s feeling toward King
Samon that:

Chao Ngo must feel sorry for himself. He can

think that his father-in-law is not fair to him
since he chases only him out, simply because of
his ugly looks, but he is his son-in-law as well as
the other six sons-in-law. They can stay in the
city he can’t. He must feel sorry for his destiny.

INTERPRETATION OF “WHO IS THE VILLAIN?”

The question of who the villain is arises from the fact that, in
the Sangthong story, it is ambiguous and differently
interpretable. Propp (1968:150) allows many kinds of activities
to fall into the sphere of villainy: expulsion, casting into the
sea, false substitution, and order to kill, imprisonment, murder.
Given Propp’S definition of villainy, several characters in the
Sangthong story could be perceived as villainy. Firstly,
Chandewi, the minor wife, influences King Yodsawimon to
chase the major wife, Chantha, and Prince Sang out of the
kingdom, later on to imprison and to drown Prince Sang.
Secondly, King Samon, the father-in-law of Sangthong, chases
 17

the couple out to live in the rice fields and orders the sons-in-
law to perform difficult tasks with an intention to kill the hero.
Thirdly, the six sons-in-law can be seen as influencing King
Samon to try to get rid of Sangthong. All of the characters
mentioned above can then be argued to be the villains.
Variation in the interpretation of villainy is closely
related conceptually with the respondents’ interpretation of the
characters’ feelings. Choices of the villains are closely
associated with the interpretation of King Samon’ s and Chao
Ngo’s feelings. Fathers-in-law with sympathy for King Samon
tend to choose the six sons-in-law as the villain, possibly
because the character occupies the role of son-in-law. In
contrast, sons-in-law tent to sympathize with Chao Ngo for
having such an unkind father-in-law, and the majority of them
choose King Samon as the villain, as shown in Table 1.
Regarding co-wives’ identification of the villain, Table
2 indicates that seven out of eight co-wives identify Chandewi,
the minor wife, as the villain. This suggests that people who
confront co-wife situations in real life really focus their
attention on the character who in involved in the same kind of
situation. To test this proposition, Table 2 shows that fifteen
out of eighteen people who do not have co-wives problems
identify other characters as the villain(s).
It is not surprising that major wives in real life identify
Chandewi, the minor wife, as the villain: “The villain must be
that evil minor wife...” or “The villain is definitely that
crooked minor wife.” It is surprising, however, that minor
wives also identify Chandewi as the villain, since I do not
expect informants to identify the character of the same family
roles as themselves as the villain.
Minor wives in real life have their own reasons to
justify how they are “good” minor wives, unlike Chandewi,
the minor wife in the story. A minor wife of a high ranking
18

government official who claimed that she was never jealous of

the major wife replied that, “The minor wife-I mean the
stepmother of Sangthong-is the villain since she is the only one
who is jealous.” Then she went further, “You know,
sometimes it is the major wife who is jealous of the minor
wife!” Her discomfort was clear. First, she switched to
“stepmother” right after she said “minor wife” as if she did not
want to accept that minor wife was the villain. Then she
became defensive and explained that the minor wife was not
always as bad as other people thought; sometimes it could be
the major wife who is bad. If her criteria for judging who the
villain is was “somebody who is jealous,” as stated in her
interpretation, then she was differentiating between Chandewi,
a bad minor wife, since she was jealous of the major wife, and
herself, a good minor wife, since she was not jealous of the
major wife.
 19

TABLE 1
Identification of villain by occupants of opposite family roles
Villain
Family roles
Six sons- Samon Yodsaw
Minor wife
in-law imon
Father-in-law 7 3 1 1
Son-in-law 2 7 1 -

TABLE 2
Co-wives/non co-wives identification of villain
Character
Wives
Minor wife Other
Co-wives 7 1
Non co-wives - 15

Another case was a minor wife of a man who left his

village to work in neighboring village. While staying in that
village, he met another woman and settled down with her in
that province. The major wife of this man, when learning
about this situation, went to yell at the minor wife. This man
later on moved to live with his minor wife to help her take care
of their little baby. Very interestingly, also defining the villain
by the criteria of “being jealous” and defending that she was
“good minor wife,” this minor wife made it clear that:

The minor wife is the villain because she has a

jealous mind. However, this is opposite
to my case. Even though I am minor wife, I am
not jealous. It is the major wife who is jealous
of me and causes me trouble.
20

Accordingly she suggested that she was not a bad minor

wife as the minor wife in the story. In fact, she implied that,
with her definition, the major wife in real life could be
classified as the villain.
In sum, occupants of different family roles indeed
identify different characters as the villain(s): father-in-law, the
six sons-in-law, son-in-law, King Samon; and co-wives,
Chandewi. Fathers-in-law’ s interpretations of the villain’s
behavior are systematically different from those given by sons-
in-law. Such strong association suggests that family members
in real life not only identify themselves with characters of the
same family roles, but also perceive characters of the opposite
family roles as representing family members whom they
dislike.

INTERPRETATION OF CHANDEWI’S (THE MINOR WIFE’S)

BEHAVIOR

Like fathers-in-law’s sympathy with King Samon and like

sons-in-law’s sympathy with Chao Ngo, major wives’
interpretations toward Chandewi ’s behavior show great
sympathy with the major wife character. The conditional
statement, “If I were the major wife, I would be angry,” shows
close relation between oneself and the character. A woman
whose husband, a government official who works in a
neighboring province, has another “family” in that province,
emotionally criticizes Chandewi ’s behavior:

She is jealous. She wants to possess the

husband all for herself. She then banishes the
major wife so that she can solely have the
 21

husband for her own. If I were major wife, I

would feel sorry and very angry.

Interesting enough, minor wives avoid criticizing

Chandewi. One minor wife, instead, blames the major wife’s
behavior, “That is because the major wife gives birth to an
inauspicious son. She gives birth to a shell.” Another minor
wife uses the question form of sentence and words indicating a
reluctance to blame Chandewi, “Is it because she is jealous?
She probably wants to rule the city. Well, it is normal minor
wife-major wife business.” Accordingly, we can clearly see
different perspectives from the point of view of the major
wives and of the minor wives. The major wives really place
the blame on Chandewi, whereas the minor wives avoid doing
so.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

Data on audience interpretation suggests that variation in the

tale interpretation is structured by family roles and
circumstances of the interpreters. The data also confirms that
in the process of listening to and interpreting the tales, people
identify themselves with characters occupying their own family
roles and that occupants of opposite family roles do give
opposite interpretations on the behavior of a given character.
Interview responses also suggest that a real-life father-
in-law rationalizes the behavior of the folktale character who
occupies the role of father-in-law, We can accordingly
generalize that the members of the audience actually use their
own positions in the family to validate the characters’
behaviors by giving the tale an interpretation which subsumes
behavior and circumstances. People use the characters to
22

validate their own positions in the family, then, and this is

exactly how people can be satisfied from listening to the
folktale. My argument parallels Leach’s (1964:265) statement
that, “if the status of one individual is validated, that almost
always means that the status of someone else is denigrated.”
The denigration of one’s enemy is the reward an audience
receives from listening to the folktale.
Two interesting implications emerge from this account.
First, if people use folktales to validate their positions in the
family, then the folktale helps assure and confirm whatever
both parties to real life role conflicts already want to believe
about what is right for them to do in the family. Thus, the tale
provides a charter for them to continue to behave as they
normally do. Second, it then ironically follows that this whole
process of listening to and interpreting the folktale stabilizes
real-life conflict situations in the family. If each party feels
that his behavior in the family is validated, then this process
must be seen as maintaining the status quo of the conflicting
roles in the household.
The fact that the conflicts are always there in the family
and that people use the folktales to justify their positions in the
family charily why chakchak wongwong tales have long
persisted in Thai culture. I mentioned earlier that, anywhere in
Thailand, a matrilocal-stem family system is widely practiced
and that chakchak wongwong tales focus on the theme of
family conflicts in a stem family setting like the one shared by
people in Thai societies. Thai people can, then, relate to and
“make use” of chakchak wongwong tales. This then explains
why chakchak wongwong stories are very popular and why
they were transmitted persistently. Family is the most
fundamental unit in the society, and as long as there are
conflicts in the family, people can always “make use” of these
 23

stories. I suggest that these chakchak wongwong stories will

continue to persist.
To answer the questions on how folktales work and
folktales mean to people, we must then analyzed them from the
perspectives of people who use them. The necessity of pushing
folklore research on audience interpretation has long been
recognized: “...folklorists must actively seek to elicit the
meaning of folklore from the folk” (Dundes [1966] 1979). Yet,
it seems true as Dundes points out that so far it has been the
folklorist-collector who suggests that his interpretation is really
the natives’ own interpretation. In reality, there can be multiple
interpretations of the tales and, “the meaning for the tale teller
is not necessary the same as the meaning for the audience or
rather the different meanings for different numbers of the
audience” ([1966] 1979:411).
Information on people’s family life, their family roles,
and family positions in the household is necessary; without
this, it is difficult to understand the variation in interpretation
of the tales. And, in turn the information on variation in tale
interpretation by occupants of different family roles is a
prerequisite to the reconstruction and the clarification of how
folk use lore. I conducted my research in anthropological
ways, by intensively and extensively interviewing the folk in
the communities, and by collecting data holistically and
comprehensively about the communities where they belong. It
is the dynamic, qualitative and comprehensive study of the
folk, of their social life, and of their uses of lore that enable us
to understand the relationship between folk and lore and the
position of folklore in society.
24

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Anantasan, Sawalak. Bot lakhon nauk samai Ayuddhaya [Ayuddhaya folk

drama texts]. Bangkok: The Graduate School, Chulalongkorn
University, 1972.

Anumanrajadhon, Phya. The story of Thai marriage custom. In Essay on

Thai folklore, Bangkok: Duang Kamol, 1968.

Dundes, Alan. Metafolklore and oral literary criticism. In Readings in

American folklore, J. Brunvard, ed. Pp.405-415. New York:
W.W. Norton and Company, Inc (originally published in 1966),
1979.

Fischer, J. The sociopsychological analysis of folktales. Current

anthropology 4(3): 235-295, 1963.

Foster, Brian. Continuity and change in rural Thai family structure. Journal
of anthropological research 31:347-350, 1975.

Hanks, Jane. Maternity and its rituals in Bangchan. Ithaca: Cornell

University Press. Southeast Asia Program, Data Paper No. 51,
1963.

Kaufman, Howard. Bangkhuad. New York: J.J. Augustin Incorporated

Publisher, 1960.

Kemp, Jeremy. Initial marriage residence in rural Thailand. In Memorium

of Phya Anuman Rajadhon, Tej Bunnag and Michael Smithies,
eds. Bangkok: Siam Society, 1960.

Leach, Edmund. Political system of highland Burma. Boston: Beacon

Press, 1964.

Malinowski, Bronislaw. Myth in primitive psychology. In Magic, science

and religion. New York: A Doubleday Anchor Book. pp.93-148.
(originally published in 1926), 1954.
 25

Potter, Jack. Thai peasant social structure. Chicago: University of

Chicago Press, 1976.

Propp, Vladimir. Morphology of the folktale. Austin: University of

Texas Press, (originally published in 1968), 1975.

Samakkam, Sanit. Mi nguen ko nap wa nong, mi thong ko nap wa phi

[When you have money, people count you as younger brother;
when you have gold, people count you as elder brother]. Bangkok:
Bannakit Press, 1976.

Tambiah, S.J. Buddhism and spirit cults in north-east Thailand.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970.

Thitathan, Sirapom. Family roles and variation in interpretation of Thai

folktales. Ph.D Dissertation, Arizona State University, 1987.
 THAI FOLKTALE DRAMA ON
TELEVISION: TRADITION AND
MODERNITY*
SIRA PORN NATHALANG

INTRODUCTION

Today, every traditional society has been influenced by science

and technology. Television has become integral part of people’s
lives. Though television is modern technology brought into a
given traditional society, television programs have to be made
to suit the taste of the audience in that society.
Many programs in the beginning were hence locally
made and based on the kinds of stories people in that society
were familiar with. In Arab, the Arabian Nights, e.g., Alladin
and the Magic Lamps, Alibaba and the Forty Thieves were the
kinds of sources television producers would turn to (Kasem
1979: 43-62). In Japan, television programs in the beginning
were made out of stories about dynasties, Emperors, Shoguns,
or Samurais (Makita 1979: 63-73). Similarly, in Thailand,
television programs were first made of historical drama,
literature, or folktales.
Accordingly, the content of television programs is socio-
cultural based. Thus, if the society changes, the content of
television programs should also reflect the social change. If we
look at the American television programs in 1950’s, we can

Paper presented at the 5th international Conference on Thai Studies,

London, 1993.
28

see the perfect nuclear family consisting of father, mother, and

children as in The Beavers. But the television programs in 1980’s
reflect kinds of American families. In The Golden Girls, the
three main actors are all widows who are old friends living
together. My Two Dads shows a girl who lives with her two
fathers since her mother is not sure which one is the real father
of the girl. Other programs reflect broken home families,
families composed of mother and illegitimate children or
children with single parent. In this way, we can study social
change through television programs.
Turning to look at all traditional societies today, we
find that they are all in transition from their traditional world to
the modem one. In the midst of social change, we often found
two streams of social phenomena going along side by side, one
is the “stream of tradition” and the other is the “stream of
modernity.” The television programs in traditional countries
should reflect these two streams. In Thailand, there are
programs such as Suep San Ngan Silpa (The Transmission of
Thai Art), Raksa Dontri (Conserving Thai Music), Saneh
Thai (Thai Charms) which represent traditional force. In the
meantime, television programs such as foreign news, Big
Cinemas, Japanese cartoons, Walt Disney cartoons, Chinese
movies, represent the modem world Thai people are now
sharing.
This paper aims at studying lakhon chakchak
wongwong, a kind of drama based on traditional Thai folktales
called nithan chakchak wongwong (from now on will be called
“ccww tales”), broadcast on channel 7 and channel 3 in the
context of social change. Whereas channel 7, for almost 40
years, has long been producing these drama series out of
traditional Thai folktales, channel 3, in 1985, started to create
new production of folktales drama. It is then interesting to
 29

compare channel 3 folktale drama with channel 7 traditional

folktale drama.
Qualitative research methodology is used; I spent eight
months, from August 1992 to March 1993, studying lakhon
ccww broadcast on channel 7 and channel 3 by watching the
television programs, interviewing channel 7’s scriptwriters,
channel 3 folktale composers, and policy makers in the
Division of Drama Production of channel 3.
In this research, the following question were posed:
How did the new tale plots look like? What kind of personality
is the hero, heroine, and the villian? What are the image and
messages channel 3 would like to present? How do channel 3
new elements of modem Thai folktales reflect social change in
Thai society? Regarding channel 7 drama, what aspects of
Thai tradition that still persist? My assumption is that whereas
channel 7 folktale drama represents the “stream of tradition”
carrying on certain Thai traditional traits, channel 3 new
production of folktale drama represents the “stream of
modernity” reflecting certain Thai modem characteristics.
However, the two streams go along together in contemporary
Thai society.

THAI PEOPLE AND CHAKCHAK WONGWONG TALES

What are ccww tales? Why do Thai people like this kind of
stories so much? Ccww tales are basically Thai fairy tales or
hero tales. They are stories about the adventurous and
polygynous life of princely heroes. The hero is usually bom in
the midst of jealousy among his father’s co-wives and he is
usually banished from his kingdom. When he becomes a
young man, he goes out to fine a spouse and almost always
sneaks into a princess’s castle and sleeps with her. He is
usually caught by the princess’s father, and eventually there is
30

a fight between them. Later on, he usually acquires additional

wives, often leading to jealousy between the co-wives.
The pairs of conflicting characters in ccww tales
represent the prominent pairs of conflicting roles in Thai
families namely that between co-wives and that between father-
in-law and son-in-law (Thitathan 1989:8). The co-wives
conflict in the folktales correlate with the fact that, in the past,
polygynous practices were allowed in Thai society. Today,
though polygyny is illegitimate, some Thai men still have mia
noi (minor wife). Concerning the father-in-law and son-in-law
conflict, traditionally, when a Thai man marries, he moves into
his wife’s family. Thus, son-in-law and father-in-law have to
live together under the same roof. Under the matrilocal
household, there tends to be tension and conflict between
father-in-law son(s)-in-law.
Ccww tales act as social outlet or safety valve for
parties in conflict in Thai family whether they are major wife,
minor wife, or father-in-law, son-in-law. As we can notice that
the heroine is not necessarily major wife, in some stories, the
hero already has seven wives, then acquiring the eighth wife,
the heroine. Or in the fighting scene between the hero and the
princess’s father, in some stories the hero kills his father-in-
law, in others, the hero is killed by his father-in-law and later
on is brought back to life by a hermit or Phra Indra (a Buddhist
deity) and returns to kill his father-in-law. Accordingly, the
stories can offer a certain degree of satisfaction to all parties in
conflict. Sometimes, one loses and the other wins; other times,
one wins and the other loses. Thus, the audience can choose to
identify oneself with the character who occupies the same
family role as himself or herself, particularly in the part when
the character wins (Thitathan 1989: 18).
The persistence and the popularity of ccww tales lies in
the fact that the stories deal with conflicts in Thai family.
 31

Family members thus like listening to this kind of folktales.

Ccww tales not only have been told by storytellers, but were
also used to perform in Thai traditional folk drama. Through
the means of folk drama, ccww stories have been widely and
regionally pervasive in Thai cultural life from the remote past
until the present time. When printing technology was
introduced to Thailand in the latter half of the nineteenth
century, ccww tales were printed as series of books of
entertainment. More recently, for the past 40 years, channel 7
has been producing a television series based on ccww tales.
Some stories were re-run, some were remade, for instance, the
original television version of Laksanawong which came out 10-
15 years ago was remade in 1986 and renamed Thipkesorn,
which is the heroine’s name. This new television version was
presented from the heroine’s point of view.
In early 1986, channel 3 and channel 5 also started to
produce the folktale drama. In 1989, as soon as channel 11, the
government educational channel came into operation, it
produced a folktale drama out of Plaboo Thong, an old Thai
folktale, the story which in many ways resembles Cinderella.
However, today, only channel 7 and channel 3 still produce
ccww drama.
Today, many aspects of traditional life have been
overshadowed by modem means of communication.
Storytellers and folk drama gradually fade away and are
replaced by television. Channel 7 and channel 3 thus function
as modem day storyteller. While there are conflicts in Thai
family, people still like to watch ccww stories broadcast on
television, since they can identify themselves with the
characters in the stories who share the same problems in the
family.
32

THE TELEVISED VERSIONS OF STORIES: THE REFLECTIONS

OF PERSISTENCE AND CHANGE IN THAI SOCIETY

While channel 7 seems to carry on producing folktale drama

out of the old plot of ccww stories, channel 3 seems to try to
present “something new.” The paper will now turn to compare
the stories presented by the two channels concerning the
channel policy, the broadcasting time, the story plots, the
characters and the presenting techniques, in order to see the
persistence and change in Thai society through the television
versions of ccww stories.

THE PRODUCTION PROCESS OF CHANNEL 7 AND CHANNEL 3

The different process of channel 7 and channel 3 enhances

different outcome of the ccww drama. Channel 7 is
government owned but rents out the time to public. It is
Daravideo company who monopolizes producing ccww drama
for channel 7. Channel 3 is privately owned. Regarding the
production of folktale drama, channel 3 invites the public to
submit the newly composed stories. Once the story is chosen
and approved by channel 3 policy makers, channel 3
commissions a production company to produce the folktale
drama. So far, channel 3 has chosen stories from various story
writers and has commissioned various companies to produce
the drama.
Due to the fact that channel 7 has been broadcasting
ccww drama for a long time, channel 3 policy makers would
like to present something different from channel 7 since they
are “rivals”. While Daravideo chooses the stories from the
repertoire of Thai traditional folktales from The Thailand
National Library, Channel 3 wants “the modem ccww stories”
that have a lot of fighting and exciting scenes. Thus the
 33

folktale composers have to write new stories to meet the

requirement of channel 3. The stories presented by channel 3
are the different and do not quite follow the traditional theme
of ccww tales.

THE BROADCASTING TIME AND THE AUDIENCE

In the past, ccww drama was broadcast on channel 7 after the

evening news which is considered to be prime time. Since the
time after evening news was for all members in the family to
relax together by watching the television, ccww drama was then
the most popular programs of channel 7 and of all programs
broadcast, receiving the highest audience rating in the past.
Later on in early 1981, channel 7 changed the broadcasting
time of the ccww drama from after evening news to early in the
morning in the weekends.
Changing the broadcasting time also changes the target
audience to be mainly children. I found that ccww stories
broadcast on weekend morning have been adjusted to suit the
child audience. The hero’s childhood tends to be lengthened
and strengthened. Often times, some child characters are added
into the stories, For instance, in Yophraklin, a young boy is
added to be the friend of the heroine. In Din Nam Lom Fai,
originally, it is the story of four princes who were bom in the
midst of the jealousy of his father’s co-wives. In the televised
version, the youngest one is changed to be a princess, thus this
can attract both boy and girl audience.
Regarding channel 3 broadcasting time, they used to
broadcast the folktale drama in the late afternoon on weekdays
(knowing that children have come back from school) and in
early in the morning on weekends (assuring that children are at
home to watch the program). Right now, channel 3 broadcasts
the folktale drama only in the weekend morning. It is then clear
34

that channel 3 aims at children audience and the story is written

to primarily served this target audience.

THE CHANGING PLOT REFLECTING THE CHANGING THAI

SOCIETY

As mentioned before that channel 7 ccww drama uses old

stories of ccww tales as the source. To make it more concrete, I
will give a summary of Mongpa a ccww story used to play in
folk drama in Ayuddhaya period (approximately around the
sixteenth century to eighteenth century) and now was made to
show on channel 7 broadcast during September 1992 to
January 1993:

The king and the queen have a son named

Apaithat who has a magic sword as his weapon. When
Apaithat reaches his manhood, the queen asks
him to go out to find his own mate with one condition
that he will bring her back to the kingdom without
touching her.
Apaithat transforms himself to look like an ugly
tribesman. Upon his adventure, he happens to save the
life of Princess Nilwadee who is carried away by a giant
vulture. She is then grateful to him and takes him as her
protector. She asks him to take her back to her
kingdom. Upon traveling they come across a kingdom
the king of which would like to marry Nilwadee.
Nilwadee tells the king that she is Apaithat’s wife. The
king tries to kill Apaithat but he cannot harm Apaithat.
Finally they fight and Apaithat saves the king’s life.
The king then lets them go.
Apaithat takes Nilwadee back to her kingdom.
Her parents are not happy to see Nilwadee and
 35

Apaithat who is ugly and so poor looking. In the

meantime, other princes from other kingdoms come by
and fall in love with Nilwadee. Apaithat in the ugly form
fights with other princes. Finally he reveals himself and
the king and the queen are pleased to know that he is
also a prince.
Apaithat and Nilwadee get married but Apaithat
does not touch her as promised with his mother. Upon
bringing Nilwadee back to his kingdom, a lady giant
(appeared in human size) comes across them and steals
Apaithat away. The giant falls in love with Apaithat, she
uses black magic to make him enchanted. Finally,
Nilwadee follows him to the giant city. She uses water
from the magic pond to sprinkle over his body to
remove the giant’s magic.
Apaithat and Nilwadee leave the giant. On their
way back to his kingdom, they come across huge lotus
inside which is Pratoomkesorn. A deity comes to tell
them that Apaithat is Pratoomkeson’s predestined man;
so he takes her along. On the journey, the giant follows
to tell Apaithat that she is pregnant. So he takes all the
three women back to his kingdom. While approaching
his kingdom, he disappears with the intention to test
whether the three woman can get along. The giant and
Pratoomkesorn always quarrel while Nilwadee has to
act as the mediator between the other two wives.
Toward the end, the giant gives birth to a
powerful son who tries to eat people in the palace.
After being convinced that the three women can get
along, Apaithat comes back and lives with the three
wives.
36

As for the new ccww tales of channel 3, there are

several themes due to various story writers and various
scriptwriters. However, to show that the new production of
ccww tales is different from the tradition ones, I will give a
summary of Luksao Phra Athit (The Son-God’s Daughter), the
new ccww story broadcast on channel 3 during September to
November 1992 approximately the same time as Mongpa
shown on channel 7.

The king and the queen do not have an heir.

They pray to the Sun-God, later on, they get a daughter
and name her Srisuriya meaning the daughter of the
Sun-God.
Srisuriya has a close friend named Haruthai.
They both learn the fighting techniques from a lady
court teacher. When Srisuriya reaches the age of
sixteen, the king becomes seriously sick. The lady court
teacher says that the only way to cure the king is to go
to get the magic herb at the top of the mountain, one has
to have six magical objects namely, cat-eyed diamond,
miracle mirror, magic ring, magic arrow, magic sword
and magic passwords.
Srisuriya sets off her journey to search for the
six objects. On the journey, she fights with a bandit
who has the cat-eyed diamond and is saved by Prince
Anirutha who has magic sword. Finally, the bandit
loses and becomes Srisuriya followers. Prince Anirutha
falls in love with Srisuriya but she tells him that she
would never marry anyone since she is a daughter of the
Sun-God.
The big part of the story is about Srisuriya and
her attempt to try to accumulate the magic objects.
Haruthai, Srisuriya’ s close friend, follows her to help.
 37

Srisuriya, Haruthai and Prince Anirutha help fight with

other princes who own other magic objects. Knowing
that there is magic herb on Himawan mountain, other
princes want to own all the six objects too. So. after
accumulating certain magic objects, other princes steal
them from Srisuya.
During the journey, Prince Anirutha dies,
Srisuya and Haruthai use all the six objects to go up the
top of the Himawan mountain and, thus, obtain the
magic herb to cure the king.

Interestingly, while Mongpa is the story about a prince

who sets off his journey to find a wife, later on acquires two
others; Luksao Phra Athit is about a princess who sets off her
journey to find magic herb to cure her father and determines
not to marry. Thus, the aim of the main character in the new
ccww tale is not anymore for love and marriage but for other
missions.
Other channel 3 new tale drama also seem to deviate
from the traditional theme of ccww tales for they seem to pick
up the themes of “subduing the Mara” (Killing the bad guys).
For instance, Song Ammata Mahassajan (Two Great Heroes)
is the story about two boys who follow the prince to bring back
the stolen jewels from the villain. Or, Apiniharn Thapthim
Dam (The Miracle of Black Ruby) is the story about a king
who is overthrown by his evil brother. The king’s son tries to
get revenge and take back the thrown.
Thus, we can see that while the traditional theme
reflects the conflicting roles in Thai family, the theme of new
ccww tales seem to reflect the conflict between parties who
compete over some kinds of benefits. If the folktale which is
the cultural product reflect its society, the new theme of ccww
38

tales probably reflects the characteristics of contemporary Thai

society.

FOLKTALE CHARACTERS: THE REFLECTION OF

CONTEMPORARY THAI SOCIETY

Since the tale plots are different, we should then examine the
characters in the old and in the new tales. My thesis is that the
behavior of the characters in the folktale somehow reflects
some kind of values in the society in which they are created.
Accordingly, the new characteristics of the characters in the
new folktales should say something about the cultural values of
contemporary Thai people.
As mentioned before that, in any traditional society, the
stream of tradition and the stream of modernity can well go
along side by side. Some old values will still be transmitted
while new social values are being developed along with social
change. I see the folktale as a special camera candidly
presenting interesting angles of its society in any given times.
Comparing the folktale characters in channel 7 and
channel 3 tales, I find three interesting points:
First, While the traditional hero is polygamous, the
modem hero tends to be monogamous. Apaithat in Mongpa
still behave as Thai men. In other words, Thai men today still
behaves as Apaithat, Khun Phaen, Phra Lo, Inao (the heroes in
Thai traditional literature who all womanizers and
polygynous). Though monogamy is the law, in practice, mia
noi (minor wife) never disappears from Thai society.
Moreover, in Mongpa while Apaithat bring all his three wives
back to his kingdom, he tests whether the three wives can get
along and he makes sure that they are not jealous of each other.
The second and the third one always quarrel while Nilwadee,
the major wife, acts as the compromiser. Moreover, Nilwadee
 39

is so compassionate that she would allow Apaithat to be with

the other two wives. This is probably “wishful thinking” for
Thai men who do and do not have mia noi!
The fact that Mongpa is broadcast on Thai television
and is also well received by Thai audience indicates that Thai
people get used to his kind of behavior of Thai men and that
polygyny is still currently practiced. Therefore, Thai men
would love to watch Mongpa or ccww tales. The tale offers the
channel for women to dream with the tales as well. The
jealousy scene among co-wives can still serve to satisfy both
real -life major wife and minor wives by identifying with the
character who occupies the same role as oneself which could be
Nilwadee, the giant, or Pratoomkesom.
Turning to look at the hero in the new ccww tales
broadcast on channel 3, one should notice that the hero tends to
have only one wife. One of the folktale creators of channel 3
told me that,
“My hero has only one wife. There can be several
women in the story but the hero will have only legitimate wife.
Children like to watch this kind of folk drama, I would like to
advocate the value that men should have one wife.”
The folktale writer gives an opinion that probably
represents that of young generation of Thai men who accept the
Western standard of monogamy. New folktales hence present
new social value and also have education function, teaching
children to follow modem behavioral standard.
Second, there is a change of the hero characteristics
from Phu Mee Bun (Man with Accumulated Past life Merit) to
Phu Mee Kwam Samart (Man Who Is Able).
Thailand is a hierarchical society. People are highly
concerned with status. Status is determined by birth, age, and
level of education. People who have good birth, or high rank,
particularly in the government tend to have higher status and
40

are perceived to be ones who have accumulated a large amount

of Bun (merit) since the past lives.
In the folktale, this is shown by the fact that the hero is
bom with magic object or tends to have magic weapons or the
hero is well protected by Phra Indra or any other supernatural
beings. If the hero dies, Phra Indra will bring life back to
him. In the folktale, both the hero and the heroine are well
protected and that is because they are Phu Mee Bun.
While in traditional ccww tales, Phu Mee bun and
magic object are reserved for limited number of characters. It is
noticeable that in the new ccww tale as in Luksao Phra Athit,
almost every character has magic object as mentioned before
that the hero has magic sword, other princes have magic mirror,
magic arrow, the heroine’s friend has magic ring. In this case,
how can we differentiate the hero from others by using the
criteria of possessing the magic objects, since everyone can
have magic objects, and everyone is able or anyone can be
able? Moreover, whether it is the hero, the heroine, the
villains, the helpers, practically everyone in Luksao Phra Athit
can fly!
What message does this seem to convey? My own
insight from observing Thai contemporary young people is that
young people these days seem to think that they are good, they
know everything, they are smarter than older people. In the
past, people tended to look up to people who are bom in the
“higher” status but this seems to be changing in Thai society
particularly in the city. In the private sector today, one is
promoted by one’s efficiency and one’s good work. Today it
does not matter anymore “who your father is” what matters is
“how good you are.” This seems to go along with what is
presented in the new folktales. In the new tales, not only the
hero who is has special characteristics, any characters can fly
and can have magical objects thus also have special
 41

characteristics. So the Thai social value of respecting Phu Mee

Bun is being surpassed by the modem concept of work ethics
and by the modem value of Phu Mee Kwam Samart— the
capable and efficient man.
Third, the changing personality of female characters in
the new folktale. In traditional ccww tales where the main
actor is the hero, the heroine tends to be weak but exquisitely
beautiful. There are yet stories that the main actor is the heroine
such as Kaew Na Ma, yet so few.
I have noticed that in the new creation of folktales,
women characters tend to have leading roles; the heroine tends
to be beautiful and smart; she knows how to fight and she is
educated. In Luksao Phra Athit, Srisuya and Haruthai both
learn how the fight from the lady court teacher. This is actually
revolutionary from traditional folktale convention in which it is
the hero who would go out to study with a hermit. In the new
ccww tales, it is the heroine who goes out to study and in
Luksao Phra Athit she learns how to fight from the lady court
teacher. In Apiniharn Thapthim Dam, the princess is also good
at fighting and more interestingly, the helper of the hero is an
older lady who has magic stick and spells.
The image of “talented and capable woman” must
certainly convey some meaningful message. Turning to look at
women in Thai society today, women have a lot of active roles;
women become administrators in both the government and in
the private sector, there are a large number of business women.
Thai women are career women. One can find women in almost
all occupations: medical doctors, professors, teachers,
engineers, judges, lawyers, governors, village headman,
members of the parliament, or even ministers. Accordingly,
new folktale reflect the image of modem Thai women. In this
sense, the Thai social context has influenced the shaping of
women character in the new creation of Thai folktale.
42

PRESENTATION TECHNIQUES: CONSERVATION OR

DEVELOPMENT

So far, we can see how channel 3 folktale drama programs

represent the stream of modernity in Thai society. Data on
presentation techniques also supports this view. In the new
ccww tales, the costumes of the characters look more modem,
while those presented on channel 7 still were traditional
costumes and head ornaments as one would see in lakhon nok
(traditional folk drama). Regarding music, the folktale drama
on channel 7 uses Thai classical music as drama background
and in the title songs. As for channel 3 folktale drama, some
use Thai classical music but most of the stories use modem and
Western music.
These days, the drama techniques have been much more
developed than in the past. Special effects can make the
characters fly on the sky, disappear, transform themselves to be
ants, or giants, also can project laser light out of their eyes to
kill the enemies. These techniques are used in both channel 7
and channel 3. Actually, since Daravideo company pays much
attention to their presentation of the ccww series, they have
invested on buying advanced machines ordered from abroad to
make special effects particularly for the folktale drama. Thus,
these special effects can very well attract child audience who
love to see all these miracles and extraordinary things.
Interestingly, since children in the past twenty years
have grown up being familiar with Boo Lim, Chinese fighting-
movies that use inner power fighting techniques. Both
Daravideo and channel 3 use these Chinese fighting techniques
in the fighting scenes. In Yophraklin, shown on channel 7,
there is a part when the queen mother would like Maneepichai,
the hero to marry the daughter of the Chinese Emperor.
 43

Daravideo uses a Chinese palace as the setting, and all the

Chinese characters dress exactly the same as those in Chinese
movies, moreover, the fighting techniques look exactly as if one
is watching Chinese movies, until one sees Maneepichai dress in
traditional Thai drama costume! In Luksao Phra Athit and also
in other channel 3 new ccww series, the influence of these
Chinese fighting techniques are always presented. Accordingly,
both channel 7 and channel 3 use modern drama techniques in
the production of folktale drama.

CONCLUDING COMMENTS

In television studies, there seems to be four approaches, namely,

production studies, organization studies, organizational studies,
and contextual studies (Murdock 1979: 170). My folktale
studies fall into the last category, the contextual studies,
illustrating the relationship between television programs and the
society, and the reflections of social phenomena from television
content.
Earlier, when I studied the folktale drama from channel
7, I was concerned with how the television versions were
different from oral versions of traditional tales. But when
channel 3 produced new ccww tales, I have been interested in
channel 3 folktale stories as a product of contemporary mind.
As my assumption is that the folktale is product of a
given society, if new tales are composed, the social context
must have certain influence in shaping and determining the
content of the new folktale. The tale creators may or may not
consciously know, but the fact that they have been socialized in
modern Thai society, the modem and contemporary values and
characteristics must have been ingrained in their minds.
Not all social aspects are reflected in the folktales,
however. What are presented in the folktales are very
44

selective. The folktale insightfully reflects certain interesting

social aspects. New tales created by new folktale writers
present the image of “educated”, capable and strong women,
and also “educated”, capable and monogamous hero.
To date, Thai society has been influenced by Western
cum modem culture and technology. Thai children grew up
with Sinbad, Cinderella, Tom Thump, Snow White and the
Seven Dwarfs, Superman, Mangkon Yok (The Jade Dragon), in
other words, with Western, Chinese, Japanese cartoons and
movies. Children are familiar with the theme of “subduing the
Mara” or the “superman theme” in which they are socialized
that Superman will come to help people in the critical time or
that the “Good" will win over the “Evil”. Since the children
grew up with these kinds of stories, the new Thai ccww tales
are then made to match with the Thai contemporary taste so
that they can be easily accepted by the children.
It is also questionable whether we can still call the
channel 3 new tales “ccww tales”, since what is left seems to
be, not the “content”, but only the “form”, of ccww tales
namely: the story about prince and princess, the use of court
language spoken by the characters, or the costumes that look
“ancient”.
It should be interesting to note that while channel 7
seems to represent the “stream of tradition” transmitting and
reflecting the polygynous behavior of Thai men enhancing the
persistence of the scenes of co-wives conflict, the old father-in-
law and son-in-law conflict however seems to be less
emphasized. Seen in contemporary cultural context, it is
noticeable that, today, young people move to work in town,
thus matrilocal post-marital residence is less and less practiced.
As a result, the conflict between father-in-law and son-in-law
taken place under the matrilocal household seems to be
disappearing. What is left in the televised channel 7 folktale
 45

version is then the co-wives conflict, whereas the father-in-law

and son-in-law conflict is de-emphasized. The televised
folktale can then implicitly and insightfully reflect the kind of
change and persistence in Thai family conflict.
In sum, the comparison of ccww the dramas broadcast
on channel 7 and channel 3 can serve as a case study of Thai
social change. Some bilateral traits still persist while new
cultural traits are being integrated in modem Thai culture. The
“stream of tradition” and the “stream of modernity” proceed
together side by side in the midst of the changing society,
leaving behind what is not preferred, and absorbing in whatever
is newly selected by contemporary Thai people.
46

BIBLIOGRAPHY

An interview of “Bhawit”, a folktale scriptwriter, who wrote

scripts for Mongpa, Yophraklin, Chandakorob, for Daravideo, on July 31,
1992.

An interview of “Wasuthep O-Siri,” a modem folktale writer who

wrote Luksao Phra Athit, on November 30, 1992.

An interview of “W. Sukhiwutthi, a modem folktale writer who

wrote Song Ammata Mahassachan, on August 19, 1992.

An interview of the Head Division of Division of Drama Production,

Channel 3, on August 10, 1992.

Kasem Motamed-Nejad. “The Story-Teller and Mass Media in Iran”

Entertainment : A Cross Cultural Examination. Eds. By Heinz-
Dietrich Fischer and Stefan Reinhard Melnik. New York,
Communication Arts Books, 1979, pp. 43-62.

Makita, Tetsuo. “Television Drama and Japanese Culture with Special

Emphasis on Historical Drama” Entertainment: A Cross Cultural
Examination, 1979, pp. 63-73.

Murdock, Graham. “Contexts of Creativity in Television Drama: An

Exploratory Study in Britain” Entertainment A Cross Cultural
Examination, 1979, pp. 273-285.

Thitathan, Sirapom. “Different Family Roles, Different Interpretations of

Thai Folktales” Asian Folklore Studies. Vol.48, 1989: 5-20.
THE JATAKA STORIES AND LAOPUAN
WORLDVIEW*
PRANEE WONGTHET

It has often been questioned whether cultural accounts based on

oral tradition are reliable or appropriate sources for historical or
anthropological studies of Thai society. The main reason for
such an argument is that the social and cultural development of
the Thai society is much more complex than that of many
groups lacking written languages. Such complexities are due to
the fact that Thai society was originally a peasant society. It
later developed a more complex political structure, social
hierarchy, and urban-rural relationships as well as extensive
connections with foreign countries. It also has its own script to
record its history. Because of the complicated and differing
cultural patterns of Thai society, it is quite difficult to apply
theories or assumptions about folk narratives of Western
anthropologists or folklorists.
Thai historians who are currently engaged in inquiring
into the historical basis of the oral tradition can be divided into
two groups. The first group of historians is those who see only
a limited amount of cultural values reflected in the oral
tradition or reject the idea completely. The second group, on
the other hand, treats the data or cultural accounts transmitted
through the oral tradition as historical or cultural facts, without
being aware of their limitation and without taking the time,
place, and the informants into consideration.

originally published in Asian Folklore Studies 48 (1989): 21-30

48

This article aims at presenting the oral tradition as a

culture source of information for understanding the values, the
cultural traditions, i.e., worldview, and ideas of a group of
people, the Laopuan. It is hoped that the present analysis will
provide understanding of the past as well as the current
Loapuan cultural traditions. The analysis is based on fliedwork
conducted among the Laopuans in eastern Thailand. It does
not rely on any particular theory, nor does it intend to put an
end to the argument between historians of the above two
different schools of thought.
Fieldwork was carried out during 1970-1980 in three
villages in Kok Peep District, Prachinburi (Wongthet 1980)
Ban Muangkhao, Ban Tonbudi and, Ban Dan. The aim of the
fieldwork was to collect from the villagers their oral tradition.
The three villages were settled about one hundred and fifty
years ago. They share certain inherited cultural aspects even
though the villagers belong to four different ethnic groups:
Thais, Chinese, Cambodians, and Laotians. These peoples
came from various places at different periods, from various
towns in Laos, namely Muang Khumked, Khummuan,
Laopuan, Laokhao, Vientian, Luangprabang, Viengkhum, and
Chumpasak.
Elderly Laopuans recounted that Laotian prisoners of
war at first settled in the forest for fear of being plundered by
the Thais. Each of the Laotian villages was established with a
temple in the middle of the village. The Laotians found that
they could not get along well with the Thais because the latter
tended to look down upon them. Though these Laotians, like
most of the Cambodians, had knowledge of black magic, they
dared not practice it, for they realized that as captives they had
a low status. The Laotian villages, for instance Ban Song,
Thampood, Huasung, Khokkwang, Ban Dan and Ban
Muangkhao were all scattered within a forest. Roads to these
 49

villages were constructed only within the last thirty years.

Mixed marriages between the Thais and the Laopuans only
began to occur about fifty years ago.
As for other ethnic groups, the Thai Korat were moved
from Korat by Pray a Bodindeja, and the Combodians from
southeastern Thailand by Praya Abhaibhubase. The Chinese
population comprised the Hakka Chinese, the Teachew and the
Hainanese (Vallibhotama 1971). The Chinese had no conflicts
with other groups and spoke the language of the people they
came into contact with.
The people of these various ethnic groups of Kokpeep
District share a belief in a sacred bodi tree, known as the
Srimahabodi. The seed of this tree was brought over from
Buddhakhaya. Sacred tales, myths, and songs accompanying
the folk dance during the Bun Bungfai or rocket procession
were composed and recited widely to tell the history of this
sacred tree (Suchit Wongthet 1968).
Villagers believe that, in the old days, on a night of the
full moon, the sound of the pinpat orchestra could be heard
from under the tree. Its leaves also used to be so large that they
could be used as food wrappers. When any villager fell sick,
he could recover if he paid homage to the leaves or mixed them
in his drinking water. When any bad deed was committed a
branch of the sacred tree would break off, pointing into the
direction of the wrong-doer. The deity of the bodi tree protects
and brings happiness to all villagers.
The belief in the sacredness of the bodi tree led to the
Temple of the Bodi Tree being constructed and becoming the
center of many cultural and merit-making activities as well as a
symbol of the village. In the fifth lunar month, the villagers
gather to pay respect to the tree. They light rockets as homage
and ask for the rain to fall at the right time for their rice
50

cultivation. The temple is one of the most important cultural

landmarks of the eastern region.
Tales about the bodi tree and its sacredness render unity
to members of the different ethnic groups. They hold meetings
and co-operate with each other to organize cultural activities,
through various elements of culture are exchanged, transmitted,
and interracial marriages come about. Yet, each ethnic group
still lives in the village designated by the Thai authorities; for
example, the Thais reside in Ban Tonbodi and Ban Dan
whereas the Laopuans live in Ban Muangkhao.
An important cultural issue on ethnic groups in this
region was raised by Srisakra Vallibhotama (1986).
Vallibhotama said that despite cultural exchanges among the
Chinese, the Thais and the Laotians (all of whom are
Buddhists) and the fact that the Chinese are very active in the
economic and communication development of the area the
Laotians play the most important role in cultural developments.
They hold firmly to their beliefs, customs, and traditions.
Vallibhotama also attributed the dominance of Laotian culture
to the Bun Bungfai (the rocket festival) and the popularity of
Jataka stories (Buddha’s birth stories). These stories are used
by the villagers to explain historical and geographical aspects
of the community. It can be said that the Laotians attachment
to Jataka stories, (stronger than that of the Thais), becomes an
important mark of Laotian ethnic identity.
One of the Jataka stories widely known in Srimahabodi
District is the story of Pra Mahosotha or Srimohosotha. It has
been narrated as follow:
Pra Mahosotha was a ruler of Muang
Srimohosotha, situated in the area now known
as Ban Khokwat. Once he sent his elders to
Muang khokkwang to ask for the hand of Nang
Amomthevi (known by some villagers as Nang
 51

Maliwan or Nang Malee-chen, the heroine in

the folktale Karakate). The lady agreed to
marry Pra Mahosotha on the condition that he
construct a road from Muang Srimohosotha to
join a road she would build from her town. The
construction of the road had to be finished by
the rise of the morning star. But, before the
road was completed, Nang Amomthevi played
a trick on Pra Mahosotha by hanging a red light
on the treetop, luring him into thinking that the
morning star had already come up in the sky.
Pra Mahosotha left the road unfinished. Being
upset by the whole situation, he threw away all
the sweets used as the dowry into a pond.

People nowadays still believe that all the above

incidents occurred in the area around the bodi tree. This Jataka
story therefore explains the origins of many important places.
For instance , in an ancient town in Ban Khokwat, known as
Muang Mahosotha, there exists road named Pra Mohosotha
Road, leading from the north eastern side of the town, called
Ban Huasa, to Ban Kosmore. This road is believed to have
been built at the time of Pra Mohosotha and Nang Amomthevi.
A small pond in the middle of a field in Ban Kosmore is known
as Nong Khanmaag (the Pond of the Dowry). The place where
the dowry procession stopped is called Ban Hua Sa. The term
sakun in the Loapuan dialect means “to cancel.”
Many other Jataka stories are popular and continue to
be narrated among villagers, especially Pra Rot Men (or the
Twelve Ladies), Sungsilpachai, and so on. Some of these
stories have been expanded with explanations attached to the
story or with episodes invented by the villages to explain
puzzling incidents of geographic features in the community. To
52

the villagers, these sacred stories really happened a long time

ago.
The question is why the Jataka story-telling tradition
persists among the Laotians and appear to have more meaning
to the Laotian lifeways and customs than to those of Thais,
although both are Buddhists?
Understanding of the Jataka story-telling activity will
help us understand the world-view, personality, and cultural
values of the Laotians, an ethnic minority group in Thai
society. Jataka stories have to be viewed as sacred stories or
myths in Buddhism, important to the life and the mind of the
Laotians, Along with the traditional belief in the worship of
Phya Thane, their mythical ancestor, Jataka stories helped the
Laotians to achieve new awareness and hope in a new society,
a society in which they had to accept the status of “captives”
and adapt themselves to the Thai and the Cambodian cultures.
Jataka stories have been a means of communicating beliefs;
they are a symbol, a universal language for communicating
their ideas to other people of the new environment,
To understand the meaning and role of Jataka stories in
the life of the Laotians, particularly the Laopuans in
Srimahabodi District and Panomsarakam District,
Chachengsao, it is crucial to consider the factors that played
important roles in the transmission of tales among them. The
first factor lies in the believed sacredness of the transmission of
the Jataka stories which has become a part of the Laotian way
of life. The other factor is the Laotian awareness of being an
ethnic minority group in Thai society. In order to understand
the second factor, it is important to look at the cultural,
historical and political relations between Thailand and Laos as
they existed in the past.
 53

RECITATION OF THE JATAKA STORIES

It was a Laotian custom that Buddhist monks, as a method of

delivering sermons, recited jataka stories to villagers rather
than directly preaching moral lessons. During the Buddhist
Lent, sermons were given daily and Buddhist monks would
recite Jataka stories to suit the occasion and religious activity.
These stories had to be easy to understand and capable of
holding the villagers’ interest. To the Jataka stories were added
moral lessons that the villagers could understand, accept, and
thence apply to their lives.
As the monks were Jataka story-tellers, these stories
were considered sacred and true by the villagers, who listened
to their recitations with respect and faith, taking also the
Scriptures as something holy. Ethics from Jataka stories were
thus assimilated in the mind of the Laotians since their
childhood.

JATAKA STORIES FOR THE CREMATION CEREMONY

Wherever death occurred in home, after a religious rite was
performed, it was a custom to have Jataka stories recited
nightly for the deceased. This kind of custom was also
extensively practiced by the Laotians in the northeastern part of
Thailand (Punnotok 1979). The stories were chanted to help
lessen the sorrow of the deceased’s family and friends who
attended the ceremony.
The chanting of stories as a part of the cremation
ceremony became a form of entertainment for all villagers.
The host would choose a storyteller who had a good voice to
provide entertainment for the guests and to prevent them form
falling asleep during the ceremony. The host considered the
chanting of Jataka stories as being also a merit-making activity.
The villagers, both young and old, could be found at these
54

story-chanting events, suggesting that entertainment and merit

making were inseparable in the Laotians’ way of life and that
there was no generation gap in the Laotian community in the
old days.

JATAKA STORIES DURING WOMEN’S CONFINEMENT AFTER

CHILDBIRTH
After a Laopuan woman gave birth to a child she had to be in
confinement for several days. During this period, her husband
would read stories or have someone read them to her. The
confinement period lasted thirty days or more for the delivery
of the first child. The custom showed a husband’s concern
about his wife’s well being since she had to stay at home, lie
near an open fire, and abstain from many kinds of food. The
reading, or sometimes the chanting of Jataka stories would
entertain and at the same time convey moral lessons to the
wife. Other people might also join the event. Nowadays with
the advancement in modem medicine, the practice of women’s
confinement after child delivery and story reading are no
longer observed in Laopuan villages.
Like the Thai, the Laopuans believed in the soul stuff
called kwan. The telling of Jataka stories was formerly a part
of various kwan ceremonies, such as the kwan celebration of a
novice and of the couples at a wedding. The stories were also
narrated in religious ceremonies of the “ Twelve Months,” a
northeastern Thai religious tradition.
The Jataka story-telling custom of the Laotians was a
continual education process, emphasizing every important step
in the Laotian way of life. It also inculcated cultural values and
Buddhist worldview in the mind of the Laotians who tried to
link the sacred world during the time of Lord Buddha with the
 55

present world by frequently making merit and performing

religious ceremonies. From the Laotian’s viewpoint, Jataka
stories are therefore not meant simply as entertainment or a
means of killing time, but they present the world of truth and
certainty, completely the opposite of the world of troubles and
uncertainties the Laotians have to face during their present life.

JATAKA STORIES: OLD SYMBOLS IN A NEW WORLD

The fact that the Laotians are a minority in Thailand, forcibly

moved from their native land after the war between Thailand
and Chao Anuwongse of Vientian in 1835, greatly affected the
feelings of the Laotians as a whole. Moreover, the historical
fact that the Laotian captives were under close surveillance of
the Thai authorities and their basic freedom restricted promoted
unity among Laotian residents in Thailand. They all shared the
mutual concern of preserving the customs, cultural events, and
beliefs, which are the cultural heritage of their ancestors.
As for the Laopuan’s arrival in Thailand, the group
consisted of royalty and noblemen, as well as ordinary citizens
of various occupations. The member of the would be granted
authority from the Thai government to govern other Laopuan
citizens. Some married members of the Thai royalty, so they
easily blended into the Thai social system. Some were also
given titles of nobility in return for their loyalty to the Thai
government.
Among ordinary citizens and slaves, however, it was
the Laotian monks who were looked to as spiritual leaders,
These monks brought with them books of Jataka stories which
were copied and extensively recited. Their number rapidly
increased until there were not enough bookcases to hold all the
books. Many of them had to be kept under the base of Buddha
56

statues in Wat Kokmon (Pra Boochuay Buasongsri, personal

communication). For Laotian captives, the monks became the
most important unifying force. There is also evidence that the
Laopuan monks were religiously strict and held important
monastic ranks in the Panomsarakam District (Sarikbhuti
1987: 6).
The Laopuan villages evidently differ from the Thai
villages of the same region in that Laopuan villagers are more
dedicated to merit making, building temples in their villages,
and frequently attending religious ceremonies at the temples.
Even the younger generations take it as their duty to make
merit at the temples the same way their ancestors had done in
the past. This made the Laopuan community a close-knit
community. The villagers work closely together on various
communal activities from the offering of saffron robes to
monks to the establishment of various community
organizations.
It is undeniable that during the Laopuans’ early
settlement in Thailand, Laopuans were maltreated by the Thais
who looked down upon them as captives. The reaction and
feelings of the Laopuans towards these mal treatments were
expressed in their traditional lullabies called the Kumphaya
Lullabies (Pranee Wongthet 1982) as well as in the words of
the elders. The Laopuans felt that they had to be modest,
patient, and had to hold onto their Laopuan culture in order to
have an identity of their own in the new land. What followed
were new roles accorded to their traditional Jataka stories.
For them, the stories helped to forge Laopuan worldview as a
spiritual refuge for survival in the new country. They also
enabled the Laopuans to be able to feel confident and proud of
their own ethical values. The Jataka stories are thus, for the
Laopuans, a valuable spiritual linkage between the past in Laos
and the present in Thailand.
 57

JATAKA STORIES IN LAOTIAN LIFE

Faith in Buddhism together with Laotian traditional beliefs can

be traced in the lives of all Laotians, from the king to ordinary
citizens. With Buddhist monks as educators of all social
classes, Buddhist principles and values were transmitted. As
stated in a Laotian chronicle, Buddhism has played an active
role in prescribing rules for Laotian society. These rules were
prescribed in the form of social conventions or legal
regulations. The Dhamma or the teaching of Lord Buddha and
the rules of monastic behavior were adapted to governmental,
administrative, and judiciary systems. During legal trials,
certain Jataka stories or rules of monastic behavior were
referred to, and at times monks were invited to voice their
opinions on the right and the wrong at the trial (Dhamawat no
date : 88).
Buddhism also plays a role in formulating procedures to
be followed in the Laotian traditional Twelve Month Rituals
and the Fourteen Rules. Both emphasize appropriate behavior
toward monks, marked by respect and politeness. Merit should
also be made throughout the year and sermons should be
attended. And attending Buddhist sermons leads to listening to
Jataka stories, with set rules to be followed. The sacredness of
the stories becomes so deep-rooted in the Laotian belief system
that they are taken to explain not only different features in the
community, but have also been referred to in the literature and
various art forms of this region of Thailand. It is here
suggested that the symbol of Laotian identified and the most
important Laotian intellectual expressions lie in the Jataka
stories.
Laotian cultural values, reflected in the Jataka stories,
cover diverse areas, from the relationships between man and
58

man, man and nature, man and supematuralism, the cycle of

life, the effects of good and bad deeds, heaven and hell, to the
nature of social hierarchy. These influence the behavior and
worldview of the listeners and cause them to be aware of
differences, be it in the differing statues as a subordinate or as a
superior, a person with blessings and success, or a person who
suffers through his own misdeeds.
Faith in Jataka stories also shapes Laotian personality.
The Laotians are modest, docile, peaceful, patient, hard-
working and stoic. These qualities have been clearly explained
in the Jataka stories, as Lord Buddha’s qualities and the ideal
he strives for before achieving enlightenment.
As all other living beings, Lord Buddha faced the
everlasting cycle of life and death, mishappenings, and
sufferings. It was through the accumulation of good deeds in
his ten reincarnations that Lord Buddha achieved nirvana.
Compared to the sufferings of Lord Buddha in the
Jataka stories, the suffering and difficulties the Laotians
encountered as prisoners of war or as an ethic minority are
therefore explainable, bearable, and acceptable. For those who
understand the teaching of Lord Buddha, suffering can be
endless and is a part of every man’s life. Merit making can
alleviate sufferings, attending sermons can assist to bring the
peace of mind and enable a suffering soul to endure the reality
of life.
Jataka stories, like Pra Mohosotha or Pra Rotemeri,
become truthful accounts, historically meaningful and sacred to
the Laotians. They can be explained by evidences found in this
world around them, such as the site of an ancient city, the
Twelve Ladies’ Cave, and Nong Kanmaag. To the villagers,
unexplainable accounts cannot be truthful accounts. They
cherish what they believe to be the true, respected, and sacred
 59

narratives, particularly those transmitted by their venerated

monks.
The time dimension, from the Laotian villagers’
viewpoint, is not set on any scientifically provable time, but on
the consequences of the cycle of karma. To use Jataka stories to
explain the Laotians’ new society is like transferring the world
of their ancestors from their natives land to the new place. As a
result, the linkage between the past and the present is
accomplished. This connection or linkage has to happen to
make it possible for the new land to become meaningful for
them.
To try to understand the values of Jataka stories from
the Laotians point of view, particularly that of Laopuans, is to
try to understand history, religion, and beliefs from the native’s
point of view. Place names, according to the villagers’
narratives, are tied to Jataka stories, which in turn become the
history of such places and the history of the community of the
narrator. It can be stated that these stories show the
imaginative power of the villagers who not shun not from
mixing the dream world with the real world. They reflect the
villagers’ attitudes towards their own surroundings.
The above data derived from the oral tradition can be
very valuable to historians if they analyze and interpret it as
carefully as they do other historical sources.
Recognizing the importance of the past is an important
step. The Laotians’ ties with their race and their past prove
that, as a minority in Thai society, they have used Jataka stories
as a unifying force and as a source of spiritual strength from
which they derive patience and tolerance towards the sufferings
and conflicts they encounter in the new society. Only through
achieving this can the Laotian culture stand side by side with,
or influence, its neighboring cultures.
60

The cultural value of Laotian society, emphasizing the

importance of Buddhist ideology as a basis for developing
peaceful co-existence may, in the future, give way to culture
change that turns Laotian culture into a materialistic culture
that stresses competition in place of cohesion. When that time
arrives, all sacred, stories may be viewed as worthless, totally
imaginative fantasies or as lies. Then they will become simply
relics of the past.
 61

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Dhamawat, Charuwan. Lao chronicle. Isan Research of Institute of Arts

and Culture, University of Srinakarindharawiroth Mahasarakam,
no date.

Punnotok, Thawat. Isan literature. Bangkok: Odean Store, 1979.

Saarikbhuti, Naree. Progress report in “Puan.” Presented at the meeting of

Ethnicity Project sponsored by the Social Science Research
Institute (May 30-31, 1987, Chiengmai).

Vallibhotama, Srisakra. Ban Muang Khao: The village and the wat.
Unpublished M.A. thesis in Anthropology at the University of
Western Australia, 1971.

Vallibhotama, Srisakra. Sri Mahabodi: The last chance of the preservation

of Thai culture. Muang Boran journal. Vol. 12,3, 1986: 54-62.

Wongthet, Pranee. A preliminary report on the study of oral tradition in

Kok Peep district Prachinburi (Unpublished), 1980.

Wongthet, Pranee. Laopuan’s lullabies. Puenbaan Puenmeung (Folk

Culture, Urban Culture). Bangkok: Chao Phaya Press, 1982: 164-
193.

Wongthet, Suchit. Wat Tonbodisrimahabodi, Bangkok: Aksomsampan,

1968.
 SIANG MIANG: FOLK HERO*
WILLIAM J. KLAVSNER

The rich and varied folk tale heritage of northeast Thailand has
provided the rural masses with a socially acceptable
psychological release mechanism for their repressed
antagonisms, frustrations and anxieties against authority
symbols. Unable to overtly confront their antagonists by
expressing antisocial sentiments of annoyance, hatred and
discontent because of socio-cultural and/or political restraints,
the villagers have resorted successfully to the psychological
safety-valve: indirect chastisement of their social and political
superiors through the folktale. These tales also serve as
instructional models of ideal behavior, again enabling the
villagers to indirectly caution his elders, mentors, superiors and
rulers not to abuse their authority and to act in a just and moral
fashion so as to justify respect and obedience. These folktales
bring in to sharp relief the inevitable misuse and abuse of
moral, social and political power and authority. However, they
also carry the implied in junction to accord ones’ superiors
respect and reverence where justified and warranted.
The in-law folk-tales provide release for the tensions
and antagonisms inherent in the daughter-in-law and mother-
in-law relationship, and the hua paw tales depict the difficulties
in achieving ideal moral behavior, especially for a monk with
recent family ties. The Siang Miang tales1 provide

originally published in Reflections in a Log Pond Bangkok: Krung

Siam Press, 1972.
64

psychological release for the frustrations and antagonisms of a

peasantry subject to the arbitrary power of the ruling
aristocracy. The villagers have been able, through the
centuries, to identify with the folk hero, Siang Miang2, bom of
the peasantry, who conquers officialdom through wit, guile and
deceit. The villagers become vicarious victors over their rulers
in reliving the exploits of Siang Miang. Not only does Siang
Miang challenge and ridicule authority; he emerges victorious
in the battle of wits with the ruling establishment. He also
proves to be indispensable to the rulers who must rely on his
peasant cunning and genius to solve problems of state e.g. in
administering outlying regions. Unable even to challenge their
rulers, the villagers seek an understandable release in the
accomplishments of the bold and artful Siang Miang. Thus,
these tales serve to caution the ruling classes not only to temper
their use of power with a sense of justice and morality but to
appreciate the value of the peasant’s practical, common sense
approach to life’s problems.
While Siang Miang’s guile, deceit and craftiness are not
characteristics to be praised and emulated as ideal behavior,
there is no doubt that the villagers delight in his victories.
Siang Miang’s victories are the villager’s victories, albeit
vicarious ones. He may be too clever by half, and some social
critics have expressed concern that children today will wish to
emulate his wily, crafty and deceitful ways. However, Siang
Miang has served a useful purpose as a psychological safety
valve and should be understood and valued in that context.
One cannot help but speculate that the villager, who today
successfully evades the watchful eye of officialdom as he cuts
down timber for his house, brews home made rice wine and
gambles into the night, revels in such illegal behavior and, in so
doing subconsciously takes on the mantle of his folk hero,
Siang Miang.
 65

Some representative Siang Miang tales drawn from the

oral tradition of a northeast Thai village are herein presented:
Story 1: One day, the ruling lord, Phra Raja, was
advised that monks from a foreign land3 were bringing their
religious texts to challenge Phra Raja to a contest. This contest
would determine not only whose religious teachers were the
more learned but whose texts were more erudite. Phra Raja was
at a loss to deal with this challenge and called on Siang Miang
to assist him. Siang Miang comforted his ruler and told him
not to fear. Siang Miang would turn back the threat.
Siang Miang put on the robe of a Buddhist novice. He
caught a field crab which he dipped in indigo dye. He then had
the crab crawl over blank pages which were tied together in
the form of a religious text. Siang Miang then went to a sala4
on the other side of the river which bordered Phra Raja’s
lands. This sala had been constructed at Siang Miang’s
request. The foreign monks approached the boundary and were
stopped by Siang Miang who asked where they were going.
They replied that they were to engage in a reading of religious
texts contest with Phra Raja. Siang Miang took the text marked
with the tracings and claw prints of the crab and asked the
learned monks to read it. The monks puzzled over the text and
finally admitted they could not decipher it. Siang Miang shook
his head and said that, as this was one of the more elementary
texts, it would, alas, be no contest. Siang Miang advised them
to return home as they obviously were far less developed in
their religious teachings. The monks reluctantly turned back.
5
Story 2: Phraya Na Ma, whose rule over his subjects
was absolute, forbade anyone to look at his face. The penalty
for doing so was execution. No one would dare to question the
unlimited power of the ruler. Thus, no one gazed upon the
ruler’s face. Siang Miang, visiting from a neighboring
66

principality, was not daunted by the threat of execution and

was determined to look at this ruler’s face.
One day, Siang Miang attended a ceremony at the
Palace. While eating on a lower level, with Phraya Na Ma
seated on the dais above, Siang Miang saw his opportunity.
Instead of rolling up his vegetables into small balls, he took the
long vegetable stems, raised them high above his forehead and
slowly lowered them into his mouth with his head thrown back
and eyes turned upward. As he champed steadily on the
vegetable stems, he could not help but see the ruler. Alas, the
ruler was outwitted and did not punish Siang Miang.

Story 3: Phra Raja was writing important State papers,

and he asked Siang Miang of find him some more chalk. Siang
Miang had made a chalk-like pen from vulture droppings. He
gave this to Phra Raja who tried to write, but nothing appeared
Siang Miang said it was necessary to suck the chalk and wet it
with saliva if the chalk was to write clearly. Phra Raja put the
false chalk into his mouth, and Siang Miang happily
proclaimed that Phra Raja was sucking vulture droppings.

Story 4: Phra Raja wished to gain revenge for all the

tricks played on him by Siang Miang and for all the times he
had been defeated in the continuing battle of wits between
Siang Miang and himself.
Phra Raja passed wind several times into a bamboo
container and sealed it tightly shut. He ordered one of his
officials to take the container to Siang Miang and have him
unseal the gift and smell it. Phra Raja gave detailed
instructions how to reach Siang Miang’s homes. After
traveling for some time, the official approached Siang Miang’s
village and asked a villager, who happened to be Siang Miang
himself, where he could find Siang Miang. Siang Miang asked
 67

why he was looking for his particular villager. The official

replied that Phra Raja had passed wind into the bamboo
container he held and that Siang Miang was going to be tricked
into opening and smelling it. Siang Miang shook his head and
remarked that the official had come a long way and surely the
wind in the bamboo had evaporated and the smell was gone.
The official worriedly opened the container and sniffed the full
fragrance of his master’s wind

NOTES

1
In central Thailand, Siang Miang’s counterpart is
Srithanonchai; in the north, Chiang Miang. Many of the tales are
basically the same with slight local variations in the central, north
and northeast Thai versions. The northeast tradition incorporates
some of a more earthy tone.
2
Siang is the northeast Thai dialect word for a novice who
has recently disrobed and Miang is a fermented tea leaf that is
sucked, principally in north Thailand, much as betel nut is chewed.
Miang was often the currency used in betting among rivals solving
riddles. Siang Miang, with his wit and guile, would have been a
constant winner and certainly would have possessed an
inexhaustible supply of Miang.
3
Ceylon
4
Rest house
5
Phraya Na Ma, though born into high station as ruler, had
the face of a horse (Na Ma). In a previous existence, he had
consistently shown disapproval when his wife gave merit offerings
to the monks. He would frown and did not hide his annoyance. His
being reborn with face of a horse was due to such past misdeeds.
 HUA PAW TALES*
WILLIAM J. KLAUSNER

This article is dedicated to our acham, Chao Khun Anuman

Rajadhon who for more than a decade, gave us continuing
encouragement, advice and counsel in our research related to
popular Buddhism in rural northeast Thailand.
The tales, describing the very human foibles,
peccadilloes, desires and cravings of the rural monks referred
to as hua paw, represent one of the most amusing, as well as
instructive, parts of the oral tradition of northeastern Thailand.
The term hua paw refers to monks who previously have been
married and have either left their families to take the robes or
who are widowers. The word hua meaning head and paw
meaning father, when joined in this appellation, would appear
to refer to the head of family and father roles previously played
in lay life by the monks who bear this designation. The term
hua paw is not used in face to face contact. Rather, it is a
descriptive title for the monks who are the principal actors in
the seemingly unending tales which describe, in earthy and
often Rabelaisian terms, the aberrant hua paw behavior patterns
opposed to the ideal norms of monkish mental and physical
discipline.
The tales evidence an appreciation that the frailties of
human nature and the emotional and material attachments
experienced in family life cannot be easy cast aside merely by

originally published in Reflections in a Log Pond Bangkok: Krung

Siam Press, 1972.
70

taking religious vows and becoming a monk. At the same time,

the tales serve as a reminder that there is an ideal form of
conduct which a monk, if he is to be repeated and revered, must
follow. Novices and hua paw monks often do not measure up
to that ideal standard. It is of interest that of hua paw tales
involve the juvenile and delinquent behavior of the novices
pitted against the worldly desires and cravings of their hua paw
seniors. In these stories both the novices and the hua paw
suffer indignities and misfortune as the result of their conduct.
There is a basic similarity to the tales involving one or
more hua paw monks, as they are all concerned with the
cravings and attachments related to the lay world that the hua
paw monks cannot easily subdue. The variety and the spice in
these tales is found in the particular “craving” and
“attachment” descried, e.g., desire for gratification of worldly
sexual and hunger needs. Many of the hua paw stories are
somewhat salacious in nature. The hua paw monks, however,
are always thwarted in the fulfillment of their worldly desires
and they receive retribution for their breach of discipline and
lack of control of their worldly desires.
In the past, these tales must certainly have had an
instructional purpose, i.e., to caution and counsel those who
had left family life for the monkshood. However, with the
increasingly developed and refined system of Sangha
administrative control and supervision, this specific
instructional role has become less relevant. Today, these tales
are principally told for the sake of amusement and for moral
teaching of the young, emphasizing the need to curb one’s
desires if one is not to be disappointed in life. One often hears
comic references to particular hua paw tales that mirror the
actions of one’s fellow lay villagers. Laymen are naturally
expected to be subject to worldly appetites and cravings and
these references are principally made in the spirit of fun, but
 71

the element of counsel and instruction cannot be completely

discounted. Deferring to the sensibilities of the authors’ distaff
side, following translations do not include the Rabelaisian-like
tales involving the abortive sexual episodes of the hua paw
monks. However, it must be recognized that such tales do
comprise a large portion of the hua paw lore.

Story 1: Hua Paw Khaw Mao, Hua Paw Makham Wan

Early one morning, a parishioner from a nearby village famous

for a dessert made from unripe green rice invited Hua Paw to
take his midday meal there. Hua Paw, his mouth watering at
the thought of the dessert, accepted the invitation. Shortly
afterwards a parishioner from a neighboring village, famous for
its sweet tamarinds, invited Hua Paw to take his midday meal
on the very same day that he already had agreed to go to the
other village famous for its khaw mao dessert. Hua Paw,
thinking of the sweet tamarinds, accepted this invitation as
well. Hua Paw asked whether the sweet tamarinds were ripe
and were assured they were. On the day when he was supposed
to take his midday meal at the two villages, Hua Paw set off.
Soon he came to the intersection, with two paths, on leading to
sweet tamarind village and the other to the sweet rice village.
Hua Paw thought first of the culinary delights of sweet
tamarinds and started down the path to that village. Halfway to
the village, Hua paw’s thoughts turned to the mouth-watering
wonders of the sweet rice dessert and he retraced his steps and
turned down the path to the other village. Alas, half way to his
destination, the time for the midday meal had passed. Thus,
the immoderate craving for culinary treats led the erring Hua
Paw to miss both the green rice dessert and the sweet
tamarinds.
72

Story 2: Hua Paw Syk Wai

Hua Paw, being bored and disenchanted with worldly life, left
his wife and children to become a monk. His wife,
overburdened with farm work and caring for the children,
looked forward, with much anticipation, to the day her husband
would leave the monkshood and take up, once again, his family
responsibilities. Day followed day, week followed week; alas,
her husband showed no indication of returning to lay life.
Finally, the wife, in desperation, sent one of her children to tell
father that mother was going to sell the family’s buffaloes.
Hua Paw received this news with indifference and unconcern
and said, “So, sell the buffaloes.” The following day, the
mother sent one of the children to tell father that mother was
going to sell their house. Again, Hua Paw replied with
indifference, “So, sell the house.” Finally, the determined wife
sent one of her children to tell father that mother was about to
take a new husband. Hearing this, Hua Paw jumped up and
shouted, “Didn’t you tell your mother I was leaving the
monkshood right away?” Thus, the determined wife won her
battle with the erring Hua Paw still very much bound by family
ties and subject to worldly emotional attachments.
 IN-LAW TALES*
WILLIAM J. KLAUSNER

The oral tradition of northeast Thailand is rich and varied and

is best known and articulated in the bawdy, humorous,
informative and instructive chants of those professional
wordsmiths, the maw lam bards. However, several folktale
categories which both provide insight into social concerns and
anxieties, as well as serve as an acceptable institutional outlet
for suppressed emotions, are not part of the traditional
repertoire of the maw lam singers. Of particular interest and
significance are the hua paw tales which detail the cravings and
moral laxity of monks who have left their families to don the
saffron robe; the tales wherein the folk-hero, Siang Miang,
through guile and craft, defeats rich and powerful officialdom
in a never-ending battle of wits; and tales depicting the conflict
and tension between daughter-in-law and mother-in-law on the
one hand and son-in-law and father-in-law on the other. It is
this last category of tales which I will discuss in this present
paper.
Respect for one’s parents, elders, teachers and monks
has a high value-quotient in traditional Thai society. Respect is
often reified not only in special forms of speech and gesture but
in the performance of actual services. The relationship
between daughter-in-law and mother-in-law and son-in-law and
father-in-law in northeastern Thailand may be viewed in this

originally published in Reflections in a Log Pond Bangkok: Krung

Siam Press, 1972.
74

context of respect and service and the interpersonal tensions

and pressures resulting therefrom.
It is customary for the husband to live in the compound
of the wife’s parents and give service for a period of time
before establishing a separate compound or household. In
former times, this period of service often proceeded marriage
and such service may be construed as a portion of the bride-
price which is paid to the parents of the bride. The wife’s
father would naturally control his son-in-law’s behavior, tasks
and service and expect ritual respect to be given. Similarly, the
wife comes under the firm direction of her mother-in-law and
must serve her faithfully. As the wife does not usually live with
her husband’s parents, this relationship lacks the pressure of
continual tension. However, those folktales depicting the
strained relationship between the daughter-in-law and mother-
in-law find both living under the same roof. In these tales, the
husband and wife have gone to live with the husband’s parents
as there is no other son in the family or the father has died.
In the case of daughter-in-law and mother-in-law on the
one hand and son-in-law and father-in-law on the other there is
a natural tension as one chafes under the elder’s control and
direction. The tales usually stress the laziness of the daughter-
in-law and son-in-law. The repressed antagonism against
having to give unquestioned and continual service finds
expression either directly or indirectly in these stories. The
folktales provide an acceptable channel to give vent to these
suppressed feelings, a sanctioned vehicle for protest. At the
same time, there is an element of instruction as the correct
social relationship is described by inference and indirection.
One also suspects that these tales serve as a reminder to the
elders that they should not abuse their honored and repeated
positions.
 75

Another vital factor causing stress in these relationships

is the natural concern of the mother-in-law that her daughter-it-
law is an all too successful rival for her son’s affection. The
fact that the son leaves his parent to live in the household of the
parents of the wife further exacerbates the sense of loss felt by
the husband’s mother. In these folktales, one often finds the
daughter-in-law using her husband’s love against her mother-
in-law. Similarly, the father-in-law regrets the “loss” of his
daughter to his son-in-law.
The tension and stress in the relationships between the
daughter-in-law and mother-in-law is given stark expression in
the northeastern saying:
aw lug saphaj ma Hang yapan aw (phi) ha ma
sai hyan (to have a daughter-in-law come to take
care of her mother-in-law is like having cholera
germs introduced into one’ house)
Recognition of the emotional strain suffered by the daughter-
in-law as a result of the psychological and social pressures
inherent in the relationship with the mother-in-law can be seen
in the often-heard injunction:
Kawj od, Kawj jyn/jang is daj tawn kam
{Be patient-have fortitude, you will receive
(your reward, i.e. inheritance) in the evening
(after death of mother-in-law)}

Both daughter-in-law and son-in-law use the identical

special term of respect when speaking to mother-in-law or
father-in-law or father-in-law. The daughter-in-law and son-in-
law refer to themselves as kha-bad or humble slave. This
usage is limited to this relationship.
It is of interest to point out that the folktales do not
describe tensions between the son-in-law and mother-in-law or
between the daughter-in-law and father-in-law. Respect is
76

accorded. Apparently, there is little anxiety in these latter

relationships. Those folktales that concern these relationships
are most often in a humorous vein emphasizing the shyness of
a new daughter-in-law or the lack of skill in village tasks of a
new son-in-law.
Some representative samples of northeastern folktales
concerning this in-law relationship are herein presented.

Story 1 : Due to a pressing need for cash, an only son

went to seek work in Thailand (Bangkok). His wife was sent to
take care of her aged mother-in-law whose eyesight was
failing. The mother-in-law was most demanding, always
seeking attention and service. One day having heard that a cow
had died in a neighboring village, she told her daughter-in-law
that she wanted some of the dried beef that would be available
for barter. The daughter-in-law was both annoyed and lazy.
She also was busy with her new bom baby. She did not want
to walk several kilometers to barter goods for the dried beef.
After ignoring her mother-in-law’s requests for the dried beef
for several days, she finally said she would go and get some the
following day. The next day while washing her baby’s blanket
in a nearby stream, the daughter-in-law saw a leech, the
solution to her problem. She caught the leech, roasted and
pounded it and presented it to her mother-in-law, saying she
had been able to obtain the coveted dried beef. The mother-in-
law eagerly started to suck on the meat, but the taste was
strange and there was not the usual aroma. It was too tough to
chew. As the meat was unpalatable, the mother-in-law slipped
it in a slat in the wall. On her son’s return home, she asked him
to look at the uneatable dried beef she had been given by his
wife. He surprised his mother by telling her it was not dried
beef but as leech. The mother-in-law, full of bitterness,
invoked a curse on her daughter-in-law with a silent wish that
 77

when she died her daughter-in-law must carry her coffin to the
pyre and that she be unable to remove the carrying pole from
her shoulder. And so it was. When the mother-in-law passed
away, several sturdy men were unable to lift the casket and the
daughter-in-law had to come and help. Only when she raised
the pole to her shoulder were the others able to carry the
burden. When the funeral pyre was reached the daughter-in-
law was unable the detach the pole from her shoulder and was
thrown on the pyre to be cremated with her mother-in-law.

Story 2: A clever mother-in-law was always prodding

her lazy daughter-in-law to be more industrious. One day the
mother-in-law took her daughter-in-law into the forest to gather
food. On seeing a wild mushroom, the mother-in-law told her
daughter-in-law to pick it. The lazy girl disregarded her elder
murmuring “it’s only one mushroom”. The mother-in-law
picked it instead. A little farther on, another lone mushroom
was spied. And again the daughter-in-law refused to pick only
one mushroom. The mother-in-law gathered it as well. And
this charade continued throughout the afternoon until the
mother-in-law had a full basket of mushrooms. Later in the
evening after returning home, the mother-in-law prepared a
tasty mushroom soup. The daughter-in-law, having nothing to
eat and being very hungry, passed by her mother-in-law’s
house where a tantalizing smell filled the air. She asked “what
are you eating? The mother-in-law repaid with tongue in cheek
“I am eating rice and one mushroom.” The embarrassed and
chagrined daughter-in-law had to come, dish in hand, to ask for
some of the mouthwatering mushroom soup.

Story 3: A recently married village girl, diffident and

subdued in the presence of her mother-in-law, was offered a
dry kheng berry. Being shy and nervous, she politely refuses.
78

However, as soon as her mother-in-law left the room, she

greedily gobbled down a handful of the berries. Alas, the
berries stuck in her throat. When the mother-in-law returned,
she heard her daughter-in-law making strange sounds and
asked what was the matter. The daughter-in-law could only
make a choking sound eng-eng which sounded suspiciously
like kaen kheng (the kheng berries have stuck in my throat).

Story 4: A recently married son-in-law who was

exceedingly lazy, but thought himself to be most clever, tried
unsuccessfully to follow his father-in-law’s instruction to
weave a winnowing tray. The father-in-law next tried to teach
him to weave a bamboo chicken coop. Alas, the father-in-law
on finishing the coop found himself enclosed inside. He
wondered how he would ever get out and finally asked the help
of a young boy passing by. The child shook his head in
amusement and said “Why don’t you lift up one end and crawl
out?” The son-in-law, watching this episode, muttered in
disgust at his ignorant and foolish father-in-law. A few days
later, the father-in-law took his son-in-law out to gather leaves
to mend the walls of their village house. The son-in-law, being
lazy, decided to take advantage of his father-in-law and hide in
the basket with the leaves. His father-in-law called and called
when it was time to return. There was no answer, so the father-
in-law picked up the basket and struggled home carrying it on
his shoulder. The father-in-law saw his son-in-law sneak out of
the basket. He was very annoyed and plotted his revenge. A
few days later on a trip into the forest to gather more leaves, the
father-in-law hid himself in the basket expecting the son would
carry him home. The son-in-law was not fooled and decided to
punish his father-in-law. He put a lid on the basket, tied it
tightly and placed it on the brink of the bank of a nearby
stream. Moving away a few yards, he shouted “An elephant is
 79

chasing a mongoose; whoever left the basket by the bank of the

stream quickly move it.” The father-in-law was frightened and
tried to get out but couldn’t. While struggling, he toppled the
basket into the stream where he was drowned. When the son-
in-law relumed to the village, his wife asked where her father
was. The husband replied that the old man apparently had lost
his way in the forest.

Story 5: A newly married son-in-law was having great

difficulty in weaving a winnowing tray. Throughout the
morning he made little or no progress but was too shy and
chagrined to ask help from his mother-in-law. His mother-in-
law quietly observed his dilemma out of the comer of her eye.
Having pity, but wanting to avoid embarrassing him, she
solved the problem by chasing away the chickens nibbling on
the rice left to dry on the verandah to the cry of “Go away
chickens-jump over five go under two. Go away chickens-
jump over two go under four” (Kaj mae ka kuam ha yaw song.
Kaj ee yong kuam song yaw see). The son-in-law on hearing
the formula quickly solved the riddle of how to weave a
winnowing tray.
 TAI CREATION MYTHS:
REFLECTIONS OF TAI RELATIONS
AND TAI CULTURES

SIRAPORN NATHALANG

INTRODUCTION

Buddhism does not pay much attention to the creation of the

world, thus Buddhist Thai people generally do not believe in
God as world creators as Christians do. However, the rising of
the knowledge about the culture of the Tai speaking peoples
indicates that ancient Tai, before adopting Buddhism, did
believe that there were creators of the world and of human
beings.
This paper thus aims at studying and comparing various
versions of the creation myths of the Tai speaking groups
namely, Tai Ahom, Tai Yai (Shan or Tai Luang), Tai Lue, Tai
Khoen, Tai Yuan (Northern Thai), Tai lean (Northeastern
Thai), Tai Lao, Black Tai, White Tai, and Zhuang.
Approximately 50 versions of Tai creation myths, both oral and
written, were collected and were analyzed by using folklore
research methodology.
The analysis aims at, firstly, identifying the themes and
myth types of Tai creation myths; secondly, suggesting the
cultural relations among certain Tai groups based on each myth

originally published in Tai Culture 2 (June 1977): 56-66.

82

type; and thirdly, indicating certain aspects of Tai cultures as

interpreted by the content of the creation myths. This paper
will thus show how the Tai creation myths, as folklore
materials, can be used to indicate cultural relations among
certain groups of Tai peoples, Tai indigenous beliefs and
certain interesting aspects of Tai cultures.

BRIEF BACKGROUND OF TAI SPEAKING PEOPLES

If we just, simply for academic reason, forget the

border line in modem frame of reference from northeastern
India, Burma, Southern China, north and northeastern
Thailand, Lao, and Northern Vietnam, we would find various
ethnic groups and cultures including Tai speaking peoples
inhabiting in these mentioned areas. Therefore, besides Thai
people in Thailand, there are also many other Tai speaking
peoples living in India, Burma, South China, Laos and North
Vietnam. In Assam, India, there are Tai Ahom. In Shan State,
Burma, there are Shan (Tai Yai) and Tai Khoen. In China, in
Gwangsi, there are Zhuang; in Dehong, there are Tai Nua; in
Sipsongpanna, there are Tai Lue. In northern Laos, there are
Lao; and in northern Vietnam, there are Black Tai and White
Tai.
These Tai speaking peoples share common cultural
traits. While living in the midst of other ethnic groups
particularly hill peoples who tend to live on mountainous
slopes, Tai peoples everywhere in northern mainland Southeast
Asia tend to live in river valleys or plain areas where they can
do wet rice growing. Thus, we can find Tai peoples settling
along lowland river lines of four important rivers in mainland
Southeast Asia: Tai Ahom, Brahmabutra River in India; Tai
Yai, Irrawaddy-Salaween River in Burma; Tai Yuan and Lao,
 83

Mekong River; Black Tai and White Tai, Black and Red River
in northern Vietnam.
Rice have long been main subsistence such that one can
say that Tai ways of lives are primarily based on rice culture.
Concerning religious beliefs, these Tai peoples have their own
belief system in phii (spirits), e.g., phii fa (sky spirits), phii na
(spirits of the rice fields), phii nam ( water spirits), phii ban
(village guardian spirits), phii muang (town spirits), phii pu-ya
or phii pu-ta (ancestor spirits), etc. Together with the beliefs in
phii are accompanied by rituals. Apart from the belief in phii,
Tai peoples everywhere also believe in khwan (soul or sign of
life), e.g., khwan khao (rice souls or rice spirits).
Through a long period of time, these Tai peoples
gradually expanded to fertile rice lands in any possible
directions widespread around southern part of China, northern
Burma, Thailand, Laos, Vietnam. From the thirteenth century ,
Tai peoples started to establish their own kingdoms in the
northern part of mainland Southeast Asia, e.g., Sukhothai
Kingdom, Lanna Kingdom, Shan Kingdom, Lan Chang
Kingdom. These kingdoms adopted Buddhism as state
religion. Thus Tai peoples whether they are Tai Lue, Tai
Khoen, Tai Yai, Tai Yuan, Tai Isan, or Lao are all Buddhists,
with the exception of Black Tai and White Tai who remain
animists.
Each group of Tai peoples is not isolated from each
other. They retain relationship among each other. Historically,
Tai Ahom was an offshoot of Tai Yai, they then had certain
common cultural traits. Also, Tai Lue, Tai Khoen, Tai Yuan
have special relationship through their political and social
history. Lanna Kingdom and Lanchang Kingdom were once
intermarried, thus shared certain cultural traits. Lao Lanchang
and Lao in northeastern Thailand migrated from one side of
Mekong River to the other all the time. Lao in Laos and Black
84

Tai and White Tai also have certain connection. Black Tai and
White Tai in Vietnam are animists, thus share certain common
beliefs in Thaen ( Sky God) and pattern of ritual performance.
Not only that each Tai group contacted each other, each of
them also has had social contacts with other ethnic groups in
each country: Tai Ahom with Assamese; Tai Yai, Tai Khoen
with Burmese, Kachin, Karen; Tai Lue with Chinese, Akha,
Hmong, Yao; Lao with Khamu, Hmong, Yao; Black Tai and
White Tai with Vietnamese, Hmong and other hill peoples.
Through the long history of Southeast Asia, Tai peoples
of various groups who share common “Tai” language and
certain aspects of cultures have been interacted through war,
commerce, marriage. They have exchanged their cultural
traits, borrowed and given the culture from and to other groups.
Thus, it will be interesting to explore the versions of Tai
creation myths to see how, and to what extent, their myths can
tell us about the relationship among these Tai groups and the
way they exchange their folklore and culture.

VERSIONS OF TAI CREATION MYTHS

Approximately 50 versions of Tai creation myths, both oral and

literary, were collected. During my field trips to Sipsongpanna,
China; Kengtung, Burma; Luang Prabang, Laos between 1994-
1995, I had chances to directly interview Tai peoples in the
villages and collected their creation myths (and also other
stories). I found out that the Tai peoples outside Thailand do
have stories about the creators of the world and human beings.
Some groups believe in Pu Sangasa-Ya Sangasi (Grandfather
5'angasa-Grandmolher Sangasi) as the pairs of world creators,
others tell us that phii thaen (sky spirits) brought to the world
the giant gourd that contained human beings of various ethnic
groups.
 85

Among the collected versions of Tai creation myths, 2

are from Tai Ahom, 7 from Tai Yai, 4 from Tai Lue, 8 from
Tai Khoen, 20 from northern Thai, 3 from Lao, 2 from
northeastern Thai , 2 from Black Tai, one from White Tai and 2
from Zhuang.
The plot and content of these myth versions can be
categorized into three main following myth types:
1. Pu Sangasa-Ya Sangasi Myth type
2. The Giant Gourd Myth Type
3. Devada ( Buddhist deities) and the Fragrant
Soil Myth Type
Most of the versions fall into one myth type or the
other, except for the Tai Ahom, Tai Yai in Burma and Yunnan
and Zhuang versions which I will discuss later. Although each
version of the creation myths can be categorized into one of the
myth types, no two versions are exactly the same; there are
some variations from one version to another. Since there are
no room to lay out the 50 versions in detail, let me give some
examples of the stories of each myth type of the Tai creation
myths:

Pu Sangasa-Ya Sangasi Type:

“ Pu Sangasa and Ya Sangasi were the first creators of

the world. They had 12 children, six sons, six daughters. They
made 12 animal toys out of clay for their 12 children. The six
brothers and sisters got into pairs, became husband and wife,
and they later on had children to fill the world.”
(Pu Sangasa Ya Sangasi, a northern Thai
version)

“ In the beginning of the world, there was world fire

and world flood. Pu Sangsi - Ya Sangsai made a man and a
86

woman out of clay. The man and woman later on had children.
Pu Sangsi - Ya Sangsai made 12 kinds of animals out of clay.
Pu Sangsi-Ya Sangsai also ploughed the land to grow rice. By
ploughing the land, mountains and rivers were created.”
(Patama Kappa (The Beginning of the
World), a Tai Lue version)

“ Pu Sangkai- Ya Sangkai created the world. They have

13 children, six daughters, seven sons. They made 13 animal
toys out of clay for their children to play.”
(Pu Sangkai - Ya Sangkai, a Tai Khoen
version)

The Giant Gourd Type:

“ In the beginning, the sky and the earth were close to

each other and bound by giant creepers. Pu Thaen (Grandfather
Sky God) cut the creepers , thus made the sky up far from the
earth. Then Pu Thaen created the world flood. After the flood,
Pu Thaen brought 8 giant gourds to the world. In the giant
gourds, there were 330 types of human beings, 330 rice
species, 330 fish species. He had 7 sons, the seventh son is the
ancestor of Black Tai people today.”
(Kwam To Muang, a Black Tai version)

“ In the beginning, the sky and earth were bound

together. Later on there was world flood. After the flood, Pu
Thaen made human beings out of clay and put the human
beings into the giant gourd. Pu Thaen then pierced the gourd,
then came out Kha, Khamu, Viet, Lao, Lue, respectively.”
(Mak Tao Pung (The Giant Gourd), a
White Tai version)
 87

“Pm Thaen was angry that human beings did not

propitiate him with any offerings, he then created the world
flood. Later on he sent a buffalo to the earth. When the baffalo
died, a giant gourd emerged out of the buffalo corpse. Pu
Thaen pierced the gourd, then human beings came out. Pu
taught people how to grow rice and how to weaved Pu sent
Khun Burom to rule . Khun Burom has 7 sons, he sent each of
his sons to build and rule the town in various directions.”
(Lane hang Chronicle, a Lao version)

“There was a great gourd. Thaen pierced the gourd,

first came out the black skin people, later on came the lighter
skin people: Lao, Black Tai, White Tai and Tai Lue.”
(The Great Gourd, a Lao version)

Devada and the Fragrant Soil Type:

“ There was the world fire. After the fire, the earth
became fragrant. A male and a female devada came down from
heaven and could not resist tasting the fragrant soil. Then they
could not go back to heaven and stayed on to be the ancestors
of human beings.”
(a Northern Thai version)

“There was the world fire. After the fire, the earth
became fragrant. A male and a female devada came down
from heaven to earth and could not resist tasting the fragrant
soil after which they could not fly back to heaven. So the male
and female deities became husband and wife and gave birth to
human beings.”
(Kam Noed Manus (Human Origin), a Tai
Yai in northern Thailand version)
88

As mentioned before that Tai Ahom , Tai Yai in Burma

and Zhuang myths do not quite fall into any of the three myth
types since they told the stories in different ways. Tai Ahom
and Tai Yai in Burma told us that God created the world and
sent Khun Lu-Khun Lai to rule the world. Khun Lu-Khun Lai
together with Tai people descended to the world by a special
ladder and stayed on to live in the world. Accordingly,
although Tai Ahom and Tai Yai versions did not have the
concept of the pairs of world and human creators, they did
carry the belief that there was a world creator and that human
beings had certain relationship with the creator.
As for Zhuang versions, the stories are partly similar to
those of several other ethnic groups found in north Vietnam
since they also have stories of people escaping in the giant
gourd in the time of world flood. Then after the flood, only a
brother and a sister survived, later on they became husband and
wife and gave birth to human beings. Another version of
Zhuang myth told us about God who made buffalo out of clay
and taught the Zhuang how to grow rice. As one can see that
Tai Ahom, Tai Yai and the Zhuang versions do not quite
conform with other Tai groups’ versions, nevertheless, they
share some motifs with other Tai myths, e.g., human as
descendants of heaven, giant gourd containing human beings.
TAI CREATION MYTH TYPES AND THE IDENTIFICATION OF
TAI CULTURAL RELATIONS

Now let us analyze how Tai creation myths can tell us

about the cultural relations between Tai speaking groups.
Based on the myth types, it is found out that the Pu Sangasa -
Ya Sangasi type tends to be widespread among Tai Lue, Tai
Khoen and Tai Yuan explanation of the world. That means that
 89

Tai peoples in southern China, Sipsongpanna and in

northeastern Burma, Kengtung and in northern Thailand
commonly believe in Pu Sangasa-Ya Sangasi as world and
human creators. Besides, the motif of Pu-Ya making 12 animal
toys out of clay which represent the 12 animal years, i.e., rat,
cow, tiger, rabbit, naga, snake, horse, goat, monkey, chicken,
dog, and pig, is exclusively found only in Tai Lue, Tai Khoen
and northern Thai versions. This indicates special connection
between these three Tai groups.
Regarding the giant gourd myth type, this is often found
among Lao, Black Tai, and White Tai explanation. This type
of stories is particularly concerned with the relationship
between various ethnic groups in Laos and northern Vietnam.
As a matter of fact, the origin of human beings from the giant
gourd is found not only in Tai myths but also in Khamu, Yao,
Hmong stories. But in Khamu, Yao, and Hmong myths, it is
usually told that in the time of world flood, people escaped in
the giant gourd. It should also be observed that the giant gourd
motif is also found in Tai Ahom stories. In Ahom Buranji,
there is a story of the gourd that is broken and then came out
human beings. In Zhuang stories, the gourd is used as means
for escaping the flood.
Concerning the devada and the fragrant soil type, this is
found in northern Tai and Tai Yai in northern Thailand
versions. This type of stories in influenced by Buddhist
literature, Traibhumikatha (The Story of the Three Planes of
Lnwg)which mentions about devada who smelled the fragrant
soil and could not resist it, but after eating the soil, they could
not go back to heaven.
Given the stories of Tai creation myths, let me draw
certain interesting observations concerning what we learn about
the relations among Tai peoples through their creation myths:
90

1. Tai speaking peoples inhabiting outside Thailand,

e.g., Tai Ahom, Tai Lue, Tai Khoen, Lao, Black Tai, White Tai
and also Northern and Northeastern Thai in Thailand do have
indigenous beliefs in the creators of the world while this idea is
not quite carried on by central and southern Thai people in
Thailand.
2. The myth types of Tai creation myths indicate three
clusters of Tai peoples that have special or close cultural
relationship, namely, Tai Lue, Tai Khoen and northern Thai as
one cluster; Lao, Black Tai, and White Tai as the second
cluster; and Tai Ahom and Tai Yai in Burma and Yunnan as
the third cluster.
3. The different versions of Tai Yai myths reflect
something about Tai Yai people. It shows that if they live
closer to Assam or live in northern Shan State, or West of
Yunnan then they have the Khun Lu-Khun Lai stories. But if
they live in northern Thailand, they adopt the devada eating
the fragrant soil stories. So this tells us that Tai Yai beliefs and
cultural traits depend upon the location where they live.
4. As we find both the Pu-Ya myth type and devada
eating the fragrant soil type in northern Tai creation myths, it
indicates characteristics of northern Thai culture that, on the
one hand, they share certain indigenous beliefs with Tai outside
Thailand and, on the other hand, they share Buddhist
worldview inasmuch as Buddhism predominates Thailand.
As there are variation of Tai creation myths, given that
we set aside Tai Ahom’s stories of Khun Lu-Khun Lai and
Zhuang’s God named Pu Lo Tho, what we have left are the
three main myth types of Tai creation myths. To draw certain
insightful statement about the clusters of Tai peoples, we have
to focus on where the three myth types are evidently found. It
can then be seen that the area around Central Mekong River,
ranging from southern China, northern Thailand, northern
 91

Laos, is where the three myth types are clustered. Accordingly,

Tai creation myths, as folklore materials, tell us that the area on
both sides of Central Mekong River forms an interesting focal
point where one can perhaps call “The Junction of Tai Peoples”.
This area is inhabited by Tai Lue, Tai Khoen, Tai Yai, northern
Thai, Tai Lao, and northeastern Thai which cover broadly a
large number of Tai speaking peoples. It is then a significant
area where scholars on Tai studies should pay particular
attention to, if ones are to study Tai speaking peoples.

TAI CREATION MYTHS: REFLECTIONS OF CERTAIN ASPECTS

OF TAI CULTURES

In folklore studies, it is taken that myth is virtually a

kind of folklore genre that is sacred narrative, believed to be
true stories recording the beliefs, worldviews and history of a
given group or society. In this sense, we shall try to see how
Tai creation myths tell us about Tai beliefs, worldviews and
cultures.
Both the Pu-Ya and the giant gourd myth types reveal
Tai beliefs in Thaen which is the Nature God who is the creator
of all kinds of lives. This reflects the beliefs that human
beings, particularly the Tais, are luuk fa meaning “children of
heaven”. In the stories of Pu-Ya, Pu-Ya who were Gods acting
as the first pairs who gave birth to ancestors of human beings.
In the stories of the giant gourd, thaen either created lives and
put in the gourd or brought down to the world the gourd
containing human beings and other kinds of lives. In Tai
Ahom and Tai Yai myths, the God sent down Khun Lu-Khun
Lai to rule the world. This reflects the beliefs that Tai rulers
were “sent by heaven”. In Zhuang stories, the stone-eggs failed
from the sky and came out three brothers. All theses Tai myths
92

share the common worldviews that the Tais were descendants

of heaven.
This then fits well with the Buddhist idea of devada that
came later. That is why in northern Thai repertoire existed
both the stories of Pu-Ya and the stories of devada who ate the
fragrant soil and later became ancestors of human beings,
since the Buddhist ideas also imply that human beings were
descendants of devada, i.e., heaven. Thus, the Buddhist idea
that came later was well concerted with the Tai indigenous
beliefs in their heavenly origin.
The evidence of this syncretistic process of pre-
Buddhist and Buddhist beliefs is reflected in certain versions of
Tai creation myths. In some northern Thai versions, the status
of Pu-Ya is “upgraded” to be Brahman, a Hindu God, called
“Brahma Sangsi-Brahma Sangsai” though the theme remains
Pu-Ya type. In a northeastern Thai literary version,
Mulapatamapanna, it is told that the Lord Buddha took his
swet, mixed it with water and soil and hence, created Pu-
Sangasa Ya Sangasi. This is evident that Pu-Ya is claimed to
be Lord Buddha’s creation. The Tai indigenous beliefs were
thus well integrated into Buddhist explanation. Accordingly,
certain versions of Tai creation myths can then be used as
evidence of the syncretism between the Tai indigenous beliefs
and Buddhism.
Apart from the reflection of Tai religious beliefs, Tai
creation myths are also an important evidence of Tai tradition
of rice growing which has long been Tai main subsistence. In
Tai Lue and northern Thai versions, after Pu-Ya created the
world and human beings, they taught people how to grow rice.
In Lao version, Pu Thaen sent buffaloes to Na Noi Ooi Nuu,
riceland in Dien Bien Fu, northern Vietnam, and taught people
how to grow rice. Also in Zhuang versions, it is told that Gods
taught Zhuang people how to grow rice, how to fish and raise
 93

chicken. In Tai Ahom and Tai Yai versions, after KhunLu-

Khun Lai were sent to the world, it is explicitly mentioned that
they taught people to plough the land and grow rice in plain
areas in the rainy seasons.
This then can be interpreted that rice culture has been
an integral part of Tai lives to such extent that it is part of the
creation stories in the repertoire of Tai Ahom, Tai Yai, Tai Lue,
Lao, Zhuang, and northern Thai myths. Or, one can probably
say that, in Tai worldviews, rice culture is as old as the creation
of the world, or it came together with the origin of Tai peoples.
This reminds me of Malinowski ’s statement that “ myth serves
principally to establish a sociological charter of human
behavior”. In this case, it can then be seen that rice growing as
mentioned in Tai myths became the pattern of Tai ways of
subsistence. We can also infer here that Tai creation myth is an
evidence of rice growing tradition of the Tai speaking peoples.
Another interesting aspect of Tai culture revealed by the
creation myth is about the Tai relations with other ethnic
groups. The fact that Lao, Black Tai and White Tai creation
myths told us that Lao, Tai, Kha, Khamu, Viet, etc. were all
brothers bom from the same gourd indicates Tai attitudes and
perceptions toward other people they have to deal with.
According to Lao versions of creation myths, they classified
people into two main categories. The myth says that the first
category were people who came out of the gourd first and had
darker skin and considered to be older brothers, while the
second category were people who came out later, had lighter
skin and considered to be younger brothers. The first category
is composed of Kha, Khamu, Akha, etc. These are people who
actually live on hills or slopes of the hills. The second category
encircles Black Tai, White Tai, Tai Lue, Lao. This category is
in fact those who live in lowland areas or along river valleys.
94

Thus we can study Tai-Lao’s attitudes towards other

ethnic groups through their creation myths. The myths tell us
that Tai-Lao see themselves as lowlanders and wet-rice
growers which is different from those who are uplanders and
are slash and bum cultivators. Though the myth differentiates
“us” from “the others”, it is interesting to note that since both
of the two categories of peoples have to live and have certain
interactive relationship, they perceive themselves as “brothers”
who have common origin, i.e., from the same gourd. This kind
of explanation and perception created a relatively peaceful and
brotherly relationship between the hill and the valley dwellers.
This indicates that the Tais do not live in isolation but they
have interactive relationship whether in the form of bartering
system, commerce, or even marriage with people of other
ethnic groups in the areas.
In sum, one can see that Tai creation myths can be used
as evidence of Tai beliefs in supernatural beings as world and
human creators which existed before adopting Buddhism.
Certain versions, however, indicate the integration of
Buddhism and Tai indigenous beliefs. Besides, Tai creation
myths can be used as charter of Tai rice-growing traditions as
this was introduced to Tai peoples by the creators. And, the
myths can also be used to study Tai attitudes towards other
ethnic groups they have to interact with.

EPILOGUE

This paper does not aim at studying the origin place of

Tai creation myths nor the origin of Tai speaking peoples.
What I attempt to do is to illustrate how one can use folklore
materials, in this case, creation myths, to study the relationship
among Tai speaking groups and also to study certain Tai
indigenous beliefs.
 95

The body of knowledge of Tai studies has been

expanding. Scholars from multi-disciplines have tried to
create holistic views of Tai speaking peoples. Various kinds
of data. e.g. languages, scripts, costumes, house styles, textile
designs, ritual patterns, etc. have been used to construct the
knowledge of Tai lives. This paper thus hopes to add a little
more about Tai peoples from the angles of Tai folklore.
96

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 CONFLICT AND COMPROMISE
BETWEEN THE INDIGENOUS BELIEFS
AND BUDDHISM AS REFLECTED IN
THAI RICE MYTHS*
SIRAPORN NATHALANG

INTRODUCTION

Thailand is perceived to be a Buddhist as well as a rice

growing society. In growing rice, Thai villagers in the old
days had to depend on supernatural power to help assure the
success of the rice yield. Thus, there has always been
animistic rituals in rice growing process and in Thai popular
culture. It is then interesting to ask what happened when
Buddhism was introduced to the predominantly rice growing
area like Thailand and how could be the kinds of interaction
between the two sets of beliefs.
The issue of religious complexity between the
indigenous beliefs or animism and Buddhism has long been a
subject in religious studies and in Thai studies. 1 find three
kinds of argument regarding the issue of religious syncretism.
The first argument holds that we can identify the non-Buddhist
elements from the Buddhist elements. The non-Buddhist
elements can be variously called, e.g., animistic elements
(Kirsch 1977), supematuralism (Spiro 1967), spirit cults

Paper presented at the 7 th International Conference on Thai Studies,

University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam, 4-8 July, 1999.
100

(Tambiah 1970). These non-Buddhist elements may include

sorcery, possession, exorcism, shamanism and any other
magical rituals. This is in fact a structural-functional approach
which holds that non-Buddhist elements complement what
Buddhism lacks, therefore both have their own functions and
their own places in the society.
The second kind of argument which argues that we can
find syncretistic rituals which is composed of Buddhist and
animistic elements in the same ritual. Thus, this kind of
argument agrees with the first argument that there is a
structural- functional division of labor between Buddhism and
non-Buddhism. However, it maintains that there can as well
be syncretistic rituals in the religious system. Empirically,
Buddhist elements can be found in non-Buddhist rituals and
vice-versa.
The third argument maintains that we can never
separate the great tradition—Buddhism—and the little tradition
—animism from each other. This argument in fact takes a
holistic view and holds that to understand the entire system of
the religious beliefs, we have to understand the syncretistic
nature of religion. Obeyesekere (1963: 142) raises the
phenomena of Sinhalese Buddhist pantheon with the Buddha
as the head of the pantheon followed by other local guardian
deities and spirits but seen as one integrated system.
Accordingly, there is only a single and inseparable system.
This forms an extremely integrated view of a religious system.
In sum, the three arguments represent three different
perspectives. The first perspective, the structural-functional
approach sees two separate religious spheres, the second
perspective sees both the division and the integration between
non-Buddhism and Buddhism and the third perspective sees
one integrated religious system.
 101

In this paper, I intend to use folklore data, i.e., variation

of Tai-Thai rice myths to illustrate the patterns of interaction
between these two religious systems. Various versions of the
rice myth collected from various Tai speaking groups outside
and inside Thailand will be used as symbolic representation of
different kinds of interaction between Buddhism and the
indigenous beliefs. Such kinds of interaction can still be seen
in rituals in today Thai village life. Examples of village rituals
portraying each kind of religious interaction will also be
provided and discussed in the later part.

BRIEF BACKGROUND OF TAI SPEAKING PEOPLES AND THEIR

RICE MYTHS

Besides Thai people in Thailand, there are also many other Tai
speaking peoples living in India, Myanmar, South China, Laos,
and North Vietnam. In Assam, India, there are Tai Ahom. In
Shan State, Myanmar, there are Shans (Tai Yai or Tai Luang)
and Tai Khoen. In Dehong, Yunnan, China, there are Dehong
Tai (or sometimes known as Chinese Shans) and in
Sipsongpanna, Yunnan, there are Tai Lue and in Gwangsi,
there are Zhuang. In Laos, there are Lao. And, in northern
Vietnam, there are Black Tai and White Tai.
Everywhere Tai peoples reside, they are wet rice
cultivators settling down in river valleys. They have their own
belief system in phii (spirits), e.g., phii faa (sky spirits), phii
naa (rice field spirits), phii nam (water spirits), phii baan
(village spirits), phii muang (town spirits), phii pu-ya or phii
pu-ta (ancestor spirits). Apart from the beliefs in phii, Tai
peoples everywhere also believe in khwan (soul or sign of life),
e.g., khwan khao (rice souls or rice spirits), etc. So one would
say that the belief in phii and khwan are Tai indigenous beliefs
102

before Tai peoples adopted Buddhism. These Tai peoples do

have myths and folktales about phii and khwan.
Usually, myths are sacred narratives encoding
community’s beliefs acting as charter for people’s behavior
(Malinowski 1954). A myth is used to explain the identity of
a group, e.g., myth about jaguar told among people who take
jaguar as their totem. Likewise, myth about rice goddess is
told among people who grow rice as their main staple. We thus
find myths, beliefs and rituals about rice goddess in Tai
cultures. Rice goddess in these societies may be called khwan
khao, Mae khwan khao (Mother Rice), Ya khwan khao
(Grandmother Rice), Mae phosop but she is the same rice
goddess in Tai beliefs.
Versions of the rice myths used as data here, some were
collected from written document and some were field collected
between 1994-1996 from Tai peoples: Black Tai, White Tai in
northern Vietnam, Lao from Luang Prabang, Laos, Tai Lue in
Sipsongpanna, Dehong Tai in Dehong, Tai Khoen from
Chiangtung , Shan State, Tai Yuan in northern Thailand and
Tai Isan in northeastern Thailand.

THREE MYTH TYPES OF TAI RICE MYTHS

Among all the versions collected, I categorize them into three

myth types, they symbolically represent three types of religious
interaction: the beliefs in rice spirits which represent the
indigenous beliefs, the conflict between the indigenous beliefs
and Buddhism, and the integration between the indigenous
beliefs and Buddhism.

Myth Type I: the State of Beliefs in Rice Goddess

A Black Tai version:

 103

Long time ago, a rice grain was as big as a melon (mak

fak). It was so big that a mother and her seven children could
not eat all of the grain in one meal. At that time, rice would fly
to people’s houses, there was no need to go out to get rice, fish
and other animals. One day, rice flew to a widow’s rice bam.
The widow hit the rice with a big knife. The rice grain was
broken to pieces, since then rice never came to people’s houses
again. People had to grow rice by themselves, (told by Cam
Cuong, Son La, North Vietnam, January 1996)

A White Tai version:

Long time ago, people did not have to grow rice, rice
grew by itself in the field. The rice grain was as big as a boat.
It took a whole month to eat up a single rice grain. A widow
said the rice grain was too big to pound she therefore beat the
rice grain with a heavy stick. Mae Khao (Rice goddess) felt
humiliated and resentful so she went back to the rice field and
since then people had to go to invite her from the field to their
houses (su khwan khao}.(told by Hoang Luong, Muang Tac,
North Vietnam, January 1996)

Analysis of myth type I

These two versions of the rice myth belong to Black

Tai and White Tai who are non Buddhists. The stories indicate
the remote past when ‘rice would fly to our houses’—the stage
of wild rice. The main theme of the story is that rice goddess
was angry because she was beaten thus she flew away and
since then man had to grow rice. The White Tai version also
explains why we now have to perform a su khwan khao ritual
in order to invite the rice goddess to protect the rice field.
104

Myth Type II: The Conflict between Rice Goddess and the
Buddha

A Tai Yuan (Northern Thai) version:

At the Buddha’s time, while the Buddha was sitting in
the midst of all the monks, there was a rice grain emerged from
the earth and transformed herself to be a lady standing in front
of the Buddha. The monks and the thewada asked who she
was, she said, “I am greater than any other beings, even greater
than the Buddha. Since all of you do not recognize me, I will
go away.” She then went away and there was world famine
and starvation. Finally the Buddha had to seek for her and
asked her to come back. ( a summarized palm leaf written
versions from Wat Puak Taem, Chiangmai, Thailand)

A Tai Lue version:

At Muang Rajakrue. while the Buddha was preaching, a
rice grain emerged from the ground and transformed herself to
be Ya Khwan Khao (Grandmother Rice). Ya khwan khao was
the only person who did not wai (pay respect to) the Buddha.
The Buddha asked why Ya khwan khao did not wai him. Ya
khwan khao felt being belittled and resentful that the Buddha
did not recognize how she had long been feeding the Buddha
and the people in the world so she flew away, since then people
had no rice to eat. The Buddha then seek for her and asked her
to come back. Ya khwan khao came back and transformed
herself to be a rice grain and became a staple food for human
beings, (told by Khanan Jom Saeng, Chiang Rung,
Sipsongpanna, Yunnan, China, May 1994)

A Tai Khoen version:

While the Buddha was preaching, Ya khwan khao came
to see him but did not wai him. She said that she had done a lot
to human beings including feeding the Buddha, so she must
 105

be superior to the Buddha. She felt that she was belittled

because people expected her to wai the Buddha so she flew
away to live in a dark town for 12 years. During the 12 years,
there was no rain, the Buddha and the people did not have rice
to eat. The Buddha then went to search for Ya khwan khao
and asked her to come back. When Ya khwan khao returned,
there was rain and everyone was once again happy. People
held a ritual to praise Ya khwan khao and since then they had
to hold a khwan khao ritual every year to invite Ya khwan khao
to take care of the rice fields, (told by Nan Sam Kae, Chiang
Tung, Shan State, Myanmar, November 1994)

A Dehong Tai Version:

While the Buddha was preaching, Pu khwan khao
(Grandfather Rice) came to listen to the Buddha’s preaching.
The Buddha did not know who he was so he wondered why
Pu khwan khao did not wai him. Pu khwan khao was angry
that the Buddha did not recognize him so he went away to stay
in a dark town. The Buddha asked the monks who that man
was and the monks told the Buddha about him. When
realizing that that man was Pu khwan khao, the Buddha rushed
out to seek for him. The Buddha asked Pu khwan khao to
come back. Pu khwan khao told the Buddha that he for years
had been feeding the Buddha and the people. The Buddha
therefore should respect and wai him. The two great men
competed who should be the greater. Finally, the Buddha
accepted that Pu khwan khao had made a great contribution to
the world and that he would not forget how important Pu
khwan khao was. Likewise, Pu khwan khao also accepted that
the Buddha was equally important. Pu khwan khao then went
back to feed the Buddha and human beings, (told by Phaka
Maan Saeng, Muang Khon, Dehong, Yunnan, China, May
1994)
106

Analysis of Myth Type II

These rice myth versions belong to Tai Yuan, Tai Lue,

Tai Khoen, and Dehong Tai who are Theravada Buddhists.
We can see that these versions still carry the same theme of the
rice goddess getting angry or resentful and flying away, but the
cause of her anger is different from the Black and White Tai
versions. In the versions of the Buddhist Tais, the Buddha did
not feel grateful for the contribution of the rice god or the rice
goddess to the world and that is the cause that makes the rice
god or the rice goddess go away.
What is interesting in these versions is that the rice god
or the rice goddess and the Buddha are put in the
confrontational situation, one being the protagonist and the
other being the antagonist. Moreover, these two characters
symbolically represent two systems of beliefs. One is the
belief in the rice goddess which, I would say, represents all the
indigenous beliefs and the other is the belief in the Buddha
which represents Buddhism adopted later. What the story
recorded is that when the two systems of religious beliefs met,
there was conflict. The indigenous beliefs still wanted
recognition and so was Buddhism. This is symbolically
shown by the competition who is greater by demanding the
other party to wai or pay respect to. Since, in the story,
Buddhism did not recognize the importance of the indigenous
beliefs, the result was no rain and starvation followed. In order
to gain back the balance of the nature, the Buddha had to go
and asked the rice god or the rice goddess to come back. Thus
the conflict is eventually compromised by Buddhism
recognizing the contribution and the importance of the
indigenous beliefs.
 107

These stories are orally told and passed down from

generation to generation. They recorded the conflict between
the indigenous beliefs and Buddhism. The stories show that
there was once a clash in ideologies. The clash was made
concrete by creating two conflicting characters, i.e., Ya khwan
khao or Pu khwan khao and the Buddha competing who shall
be the most respected one. By recording in the form of a story,
it is easier for the people to remember, thus the conflict
between the two religious beliefs was noted by the means of a
myth.

Myth Type III: The Integration between the Rice Goddess

and the Buddha
A Lao and Isan (written) version:
At the garden of Phraya Wirupphaka (a Hindu-
Buddhist world guardian deity), rice grew by itself and the rice
grain was seven times bigger than the size of human fist. Rice
was used to feed Phra Chao Kukusantho (the first Buddha) for
30,000 years. Later in the era of Phra Gonagamano (the
second Buddha) the rice grain became smaller— four times
bigger than the human fist. At that time there lived an old
widow who had been married seven times. She decided to
build a barn and rice grew under her barn. She was annoyed
with the growth of rice, so she hit the rice grains with a stick.
The grains broke into pieces, the broken grains scattered
around. Some pieces became khao doi (mountainous rice) and
some fell into the water and was called Nang Phrakosop. Rice
became angry with people and did not return to them. People
were thus starved for 1,000 years.
There was then a son of a rich man, lost his way in the
forest. He sat down and cried. A fish heard the weeping of the
108

young man and told him that it would bring Nang Phrakosop to
him so that he would have something to eat. The rich man’s
son tries to persuade her to go back to feed human beings but
she refused. There was then two thewada (Buddhist deities),
one transformed himself to be a golden deer, the other a
parrot. They persuaded Nang Phrakosop with sweet words:
“Dear Nang Phrakosop, please return home; don ’t live in the
forest. Please go and sustain life and religion. ” When Nang
Phrakosop learned that she was being asked by thewada in
disguise, she agreed to accompany the rich man’s son. When
she returned to the town, she still smelled fragrant and she
sustained people and religion ever since.
There was then the time of Phra Chao Kassapo (the
third Buddha), the rice grain had diminished in size -three times
bigger than the human fist. Phra Chao Kassapo lived for 4,000
years and entered nirvana. It was now the time of Phra Chao
Sakkayamuni Godhom (the fourth Buddha). The rice grain
became even smaller — one and a half time the human fist. One
thousand years after Phra Sakkayamuni Godhom entered
nirvana, there was a man of high rank whose heart was filled
with greed and jealousy. He ordered his men to build a barn to
store a large amount of rice, and sold the rice. Nang
Phrakosop felt humiliated that she was sold so she went away
again. As a result of her departure, people died of starvation
and this continued for 320 years.
There was an old couple who suffered from hunger.
The thewada gave the couple some sacred verses, Nang
Phrakosop felt she wanted to go with the couple. She divided
herself into various forms of rice, i.e., khao kam (dark rice),
khao khao (white rice), khao niow (glutinous rice). She then
held her breath and died. The couple grew the many kinds of
rice and distributed rice to people. From that time on, the
method of growing rice has been known to people, (simplified
 109

from an Isan written version reported by S.J. Tambiah in

Buddhism and the Spirit Cults in North-east Thailand, 1970)

Analysis of myth type III

Lao and Isan versions in the first part carry the same story as
the Black and White Tai versions that is the rice goddess being
beaten by a widow and then in the latter part develop into
another episode of the rice goddess being sold due to the greed
of a noble. We can still see that all the versions mentioned in
this paper carry the same basic theme of the rice goddess
getting angry and being humiliated and then flying away
causing drought, and famine to the world. I would say that
these versions are of the same story but with variation.
While the first myth type indicates the belief in people’s
indigenous beliefs and the second myth type reflects the
conflict between the indigenous beliefs and Buddhism, the
third myth type reflects the integration between the two
religious systems. The last case is supported by the fact that
the story parallels the history of the size of rice grain together
with the history of the four Buddha’s. The hidden message is
the recognition of the importance of rice which feeds the
Buddha’s and the world, and the acceptance of the long history
of rice. If we compare the third myth type with the second
myth type, we will get the ‘binary opposition’ since the rice
goddess in the second myth type did not get recognition from
the Buddha whereas in the third myth type, she was treated
with more respect, and the history of rice is then intertwined
with the history of Buddhism. The third myth type thus
symbolically indicates the integrated stage between the
indigenous beliefs and Buddhism.
110

DISCUSSION

Now let us turn to look at the variation of Thai rice myths in

analogy with the three academic arguments I posed earlier in
the beginning. As I have mentioned that the first myth type -
rice being beaten—represents the state of Tai-Thai societies
with indigenous beliefs or non-Buddhism. The second myth
type indicates the existence of both Khwan Khao and the
Buddha, and reflects that both parties recognize the
significance of each other, thus stand separately, but side by
side, in Thai societies. The third myth type—the history of
rice in parallel with the history of Buddhism—indicates the
more integrated and syncretistic state between the two religious
systems. Accordingly, I would argue that the first and the
second myth types correspond closely with the first academic
perspective, i.e., the structural-functional view of the division
of non Buddhist and Buddhist elements. And the third myth
type corresponds closely with the second and the third
perspectives, i.e., the integration between non Buddhist and
Buddhist elements.
Now, if we look at the rituals performed in Thailand, I
think we can find various kinds of rituals fitting all the three
academic perspectives or the three types of ritual existence the
rice myth trying to show. For the first kind of rituals, we can
find purely animistic ones pervasive in all regions of Thailand
—the rituals about khwan, or the rituals concerning all kinds
of spirits, e.g., phii pu-ya, phii pu-ta, phii naa, phii ruan, phii
baan, phii faa, phii nam, etc. This corresponds with what the
first myth type represents—the animistic stage.
Regarding the second kind of rituals, we can find
certain rituals that non-Buddhist and Buddhist elements stand
separately but side by side. For example, the Bun Baang Fat
(The rocket firing ceremony) in Isan which is the rain-making
ritual with the parade and the firing of the rockets. Though the
 Ill

Baang Fai ceremony is considered to be non Buddhist, one

often find the Buddhist monks chanting in cooperation with
such rain-making ritual. In Baang Fai ceremony, the
Buddhist ritual usually takes place one day before the non-
Buddhist part or sometimes the chanting may take place in the
morning and the non-Buddhist ritual takes place in the
afternoon. Such ritual performance can be matched with what
the second myth type reflects—animism and Buddhism
standing separately but side by side.
As for the third kind of rituals, we can see a more
integrated religious phenomena such as in the northern part of
Thailand, we can find the Suep Chata ceremony which in fact
is an animistic ritual since it aims at extending the lives of
people, rivers, cities. Etc but it is usually performed by
Buddhist monks. Or, the Bun khao pradap din in the northeast
which is usually held in the ninth month in the calendrical
rituals. Bun khao pradap din is the ceremony that laymen
would prepare food and put the food in small kratong (banana
leaf baskets) and then place the kratong on the ground by the
temple wall. These food are given to their dead relatives.
These two rituals can be seen as a more integrated kind of
rituals that is composed of both animistic and Buddhist
elements. The ritual performers are Buddhist monks, the
venue is usually in the Buddhist temple, but the purpose is for
the spirit cults. Another good example would be the part of any
merit making ceremonies when people present food to the
Buddha (called khao phra puddh) prior to the food offering to
the monks. This part of the ritual reflects that the Buddha is
treated as a phii or a ‘living God’. This illustrates a full
syncretism of animistic belief into Buddhist merit making
rituals. This type of rituals corresponds with what the third
myth type tries to portray—the integration and syncretism
between the two sets of religious beliefs.
112

CONCLUDING COMMENTS

I have discussed the phenomena of religious complexity in

Thailand by using various versions of the rice myth as symbolic
representation of various types of religious interaction between
animism and Buddhism which can be well matched with various
kinds of rituals still performed in Thai villages today.
Religious complexity and religious syncretism is a
cultural phenomena always found in any Buddhist societies.
Spiro (1967: 3) observes that “Wherever it is found, Buddhism
is accompanied by some other religious system.” Kirsch (1972:
242) similarly notes “It has frequently been observed that
Theravada Buddhism is never the sole component in these
societies: Sri Lanka, Burma, Cambodia, Laos and Thailand, that
there are invariably ‘non-Buddhist’ religious elements present as
well.”
Time, technology and modernity do not seem to change
people very much when it comes to religious beliefs. Animism
and Buddhism have long been standing side by side in some
spheres, and integratively in other spheres. Whether Thailand
is an agricultural or an industrial; a sakdina, democratic or
approaching a civil society, the religious beliefs and rituals are
likely to be syncretistic in nature. Though being a Buddhist
country, the needs for animism, supernaturalism or spirit cults
have never been less, if not more, for most people today. It
would be interesting to further investigate whether folklore
evidence in other societies, Buddhist or non Buddhist, can be
used to explain the religious phenomena similarly to what is
found in Thai societies as analyzed in this paper.
 113

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Kirsch, Thomas. Complexity in the Thai religious system: an

introduction. Journal of Asian Studies 36 (2): 241-266, 1977.

Malinowski, B. Magic, science and religion. New York: Anchor Books,

1954.

Obeyesekere. The Buddhist pantheon in Ceylon and its extension.

Anthropological studies in Theravada Buddhism. Ed. By Manning
Nash. Southeast Asia Studies Cultural Report series 13. New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1963.

Spiro, Melford. Burmese supernaturalism. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall,

Inc., 1967.

Tambiah, S.J. Buddhism and spirit cults in northeastern Thailand.

London: Cambridge University Press, 1970.
 NANG NAAK:
THE CULT AND MYTH OF A POPULAR
GHOST IN THAILAND

KA F. WONG

INTRODUCTION

The night has fallen. The golden radiance of the Mahabute

temple slowly merges into a vague deep blue after a long sultry
day. The heat lingers. Everything seems too heavy to move.
The street venders, fortunetellers, and lottery-ticket sellers in
the marketplace have left. The lampposts flicker in dim yellow
like feeble candles. A stray dog wails and wanders aimlessly in
circles. Wrapped in colorful sashes, an old takian tree stands
still, smiling with an enigmatic glow yet remaining indifferent
to the little creature’s dance number. The sacred tree has seen it
all. Life and death, love and hate, good and evil are indeed two
sides of the same thing, inescapable and inexplicable nature. A
long shadow is cast on a green-tiled wooden house next to the
small klong. The flowing water looks black, like the blowing
long hair of a young lady. Lush paper and plastic flower
garlands hang and twist on the house’s front fence. Nobody is
home, but the television is on. Finally, the sullen wind blows,
humming a peculiar tune that sounds like a lullaby. The
darkness deepens. A silhouette against the sala in front of the
canal resembles a woman holding a baby. Is it Mae Naak, or
just an illusion of light and shade?
Although more than a century has passed, the legend of
Nang Naak—a lovesick ghost who longs for her human
124

husband—has neither aged or faded. From the popular stage

play Likay during the reign of King Rama VI (1910-1925)' to
the recent block-bluster film version of Nang Naak (1999) by
Nonsree Nimibutr, this eerie tale has been retold again and
again. Yet the infamous ghost continues to terrify and bewitch
the Thais generation after generation. There must be something
about her that captures the very hearts of the Thai folk.
Highlighted by modem yam spinners such as movies,
television series, radio shows, vernacular literature and comic
books, Mae Naak evokes profound, enduring, and contradictory
sentiments in the Thai consciousness. She is horrible yet
humane, a murderous ghost yet a motherly goddess. If myth
and folk beliefs are clues to understand the social, cultural, and
spiritual aspects of a community, then the tale of Nang Naak
reveals not only a personal tragedy of a woman but also the
collective psyche of the Thai people.
This paper, therefore, will first examine the history and
background of this ghostly myth and the cult that it created,
then interpret the mores and social function of the lore within
its historical as well as contemporary context, providing
reasons for Mae Naak Phra Khanong's popularity and
explaining the significance of this otherworldly icon in Thai
culture.

THE STORY OF NANG NAAK

There is no Thai who does not know Mae Naak. While

mentioning her can make young children run and scream
hysterically in the “Nang Naak game,”2 mothers invoke Mae
Naak’s name to quiet their crying infants; otherwise, the ghost
might break their necks and eat their heads with chilly sauce.
The gothic tale of Mae Naak Phra Khanong has been filmed
more than twenty times; moreover, every one of them is a box-
 125

3
office hit. Thai youths grow up watching her ghostly tale on
television, and the most recent series for the new generation
begins on Channel Three in late 1999.
Whether Nang Naak was a real person or just a
fabrication is still as mysterious as the myth itself. There is no
historical evidence of her existence. However, most Thais tend
to believe her story is genuine, or at least some parts are.
Popular legend tells that she was bom in the Phra Khanong
area of Bangkok about a hundred and thirty years ago during
the later period of King Rama IV (1851-1868) and died of
childbirth complications some eighteen years later in the early
part of King Rama V’s regime (1868-1910). Others assume that
she lived during the reign of King Rama III (1841-1851). Some
believers even date her presence back to more than two
hundred years ago in mid eighteenth century Ayutthaya.
Likewise, the detailed background of Nang Naak also
varies from one tale to another, from being an ordinary farm
girl to the daughter of the village chief. Nonetheless, her
doomed fate and horrible deed stay the same. It begins as a
love story. A teenage girl named Naak falls deeply in love with
a handsome young man, Nai Maak. Some sources state that the
couple are childhood lovers who grow up together, while
another version takes on the more tragic flavor of “Romeo and
Juliet” in which their romance is opposed by Nang Naak’s
wealthy and powerful father, for Maak is of poorer and lower
origin. No matter how harsh or smooth the situation is, they
eventually manage to be together. Shortly after they get
married, Nai Maak is conscripted for military service,
involuntarily leaving his pregnant bride behind with tear and
fear. The dutiful wife waits for her lover’s return, but that day
never comes in her lifetime. Haplessly, Nang Naak dies during
labor along with her unborn child. Although they are buried
instantly according to local tradition, her strong spirit refuses to
126

perish. When Nai Maak comes back from the war, the ghost of
Nang Naak disguises herself and her “infant son” as humans.
Their uncanny reunion is sweet but brief. Despite her arduous
effort to blind Nai Maak to reality, Nang Naak cannot prevent
him from learning the truth of her death. The revelation itself
provides one of the most memorable scenes in the story when
Maak sees his wife grotesquely stretches her arm through the
floorboard of their elevated house to pick up a fallen lime, or a
knife in another version, on the ground.
The supernatural romance then transforms into a
macabre horror. The terrified husband runs away, and the scary
ghost follows. There are many gory accounts of how Nang
Naak chases, harasses, and even kills whoever comes between
Maak and her. In order to get rid of the gruesome spirit, the
villagers resort to all the possible religious means including
exorcist and voodoo shaman, which soon prove to be futile.
Another rendition states that Maak remarries after the death of
Nang Naak. The jealous ghost is enraged, and she terrorizes the
new couple along with the miserable community. In all
versions, Maak finally takes refugee in the Mahabute temple.
Defying the monks, Nang Naak persists and pursues. At last, a
gifted young novice from far away comes to the village and
rests her tormented soul. Certain versions claim it is the
venerated Somdej Phra Puttajan from Thonburi who seizes the
fierce spirit, whereas some editions combine the two together
as the heroes. In all cases, the Buddhist representative
imprisons Nang Naak in a ceramic pot and drops it in the river.
In some of the renditions, the skull of Nang Naak is made into
a belt buckle by the monk, which passes into the possession of
the Prince of Chumpom and then disappears. Maak,
nevertheless, becomes a monk in some versions, and in others,
he begins a new family and lives happily ever after. Yet this
otherworldly saga of love and revenge does not end there.
 127

Numerous stories about Mae Naak’s reappearances are widely

and frequently spread, from Bangkok to Pattani,4 casting her in
many roles from being a guiding angel to an enraged ghost.

THE CULT OF MAE NAAK

As the rural rice field of Phra Khanong has now become part of
the brisk city, Nang Naak has also transformed herself from a
killing corpse to a revered “deity”. The Mae Naak shrine,
which is supposedly her burial place, is located at the edge of
the Wat Mahabute compound in On Nut, Sukhumvit Soi 77,
Bangkok. Her famed shrine attracts visitors from far and near,
and the close by monastery as well as the neighborhood
peddlers all benefit from her great popularity.
Sweet incense and flower garlands perfume the air in
the front part of the shrine when one enters her “home”. With a
donation of twenty baht, an offering package including stick
incense, a piece of paper with a stamp-size gold leaf, and a
yellow candle is available; a bundle of orchids and bottles of
fragrance can be added by paying a little more. Pious
worshippers, of course, would prepare their own floral wreaths,
fresh fruit, and khanom as extra oblation. Colorful dresses,
cosmetic products, together with various accessories presented
by her believers fill every inch of the chamber. Toys, diapers,
and milk bottles are heaped up as gifts for her child.
The devotees kneel and pray to her statue, which sits at
the rear of the room and faces a television that is kept on all the
time. After paying their respect or registering their requests,
some would go to the back of the house and apply squares of
thin gold leaf to her statue. The Nang Naak figure is reputed to
be made from soil gathered from seven different cemeteries
under local auspicious belief.5 The shrine attendants,
128

moreover, regularly lather the statue with ointment to make her

“skin” softer and more real.
Nang Naak has brought fortune and guardianship to
many individuals along with the local community, so her
devotees believe. Apart from general blessings and protection,
Mae Naak is benevolent at giving out winning lottery numbers.
On the eve of the lottery draw, the shrine is particularly busy.
Ticket sellers, fortunetellers, and merit-offering vendors of fish
and bird flock the area, and they all seem to enjoy lucrative
business. Mae Naak, furthermore, is popular among young men
who are going to attend another “lucky draw”, the so-called
“red bean black bean” draft. Since Nang Naak’s grief and
misfortune was caused by military conscription, she is believed
to detest the call-ups and naturally becomes the patron deity for
those who want to get out of it. Notwithstanding, bestowing
fertility and pregnancy are not her specialty. Expectant mothers
are often advised to avoid visiting her for obvious reason.
Next to her shrine arise two tall, ancient takian trees,
swathed with resplendent fabrics and spotted with yellow
candle wax. Thais always relate aged large trees to ghosts or
spirits, and in this case, these lumpy old takiens that shade the
resting place of Nang Naak are particularly powerful.6 With the
natural latex from the cracks and constant rubbing from
worshippers, the surfaces of the tree are uncannily smooth.
Through scrubbing the wood, the fortuitous devotees will find
winning lottery numbers revealed by the spirit. On the other
hand, Nang Naak has other mighty and magical neighbors who
can also grant wishes and offer comforts. In a nearby wihan,
enthusiastic worshippers pray and shake the fortune siemsee in
front of not only the Lord Buddha images but also a glass
coffin in which lies the corpse of a kuman thawng—“golden
child”.7 A wooden altar behind Nang Naak’s shrine houses a
trio of deities ranging from Hindu gods to a Chinese Goddess.
 129

Along with the Mahabute temple, the whole compound has

become a spiritual wonderland of different religions and
indigenous beliefs.

REASONS FOR NANG NAAK’S PREVALENCE

The fascination with Nang Naak among the Thais is more

complicated than their love for an exciting or tragic tale.
Everyone loves a good ghost story, for it deals with
supernatural forces that concern important parts of nature and
human existence, such as death and after-life, good and evil,
together with phenomena that science cannot explain fully.
Besides, ghost stories also embrace the taboos and codes of a
particular community in order to render a sense of unity within
the “livings”. Nang Naak, hence, provides us some interesting
insights into the Thai psyche. Her popularity lies in not only a
Theravada Buddhist culture that tolerates, if not still believes in
animistic spirits, but also derives from a prevalent female
archetype that embodies timeless themes which are keen to
Thai culture now and then.

Traditional Beliefs in Ghosts and Spirits

The spirit world has always been imprinted in the minds and
impinged on the lives of the Thais. The idea of a deadly yet
motherly deity may seem odd at first in a Buddhist realm;
however, the cult of Mae Naak harmonizes the very culture that
is meaningful to the Thai people. Buddhism, tinted with colors
from Hinduism, animism, as well as many native and foreign
beliefs, becomes the popular religion for the masses. Not all
Thais believe in spirits (phii) but most of them are aware and
afraid of these mysterious forces. For better or for worse, phii
are everywhere and in every form, from the deities abiding in
spirit houses and old trees to family ancestors to renowned past
130

kings. Whether Thai Buddhism has accepted and absorbed these

faiths into its pantheon is disputable and deserves in-depth
study. Tolerance, however, is indubitably shown towards the
supernatural phii beliefs.
Among all the various phii apparitions in Thailand, it is
a common belief that Phii Tai Hong, the spirits of those
suffering violent death or unexpected cause, are the most
vicious fiends, especially women who die painfully in childbirth
with the baby still undelivered. 8 In fact, the tenet of Phii Tai
Thang Klom, dead pregnant women who become fierce ghosts,
is an ancient one. It can be traced back at least to the
seventeenth century Ayutthaya. Journals of foreign merchant at
that time recorded that the gateways of this former Siamese
capital were constructed under the sacrifices of gravid women,
as they would turn into frightful yet powerful spirits who could
protect the structure from evil. 9 Therefore, this spine-chilling
belief of Phii Tai Thang Klom justifies Nang Naak’s baneful
power. Her eerie story, on the other hand, complements and
continues this time-honored inheritance in Thailand.

Nang Naak as a Universal Paradox of Femininity

In the patriarchal world, men’s attitudes towards women are
confusing and contradictory at times. Women are
underrepresented in Thai myths and folktales. When they do
appear, they are usually depicted as minor characters, such as
wives of the heroes, be they beautiful and dutiful princesses or
hideous and vengeful giants. Dividing female characters into
two extreme categories, the good wife/mother who jealously
follows her man and the evil seducer/monster who jealously
tricks or even threatens the hero, this practice illustrates the
traditional love-hate complex that men have towards women.
 131

Combining these two opposite qualities into one, Nang

Naak is a feminine symbol that universally and timelessly
bewilders men. Like those great Hindu goddesses, Nang Naak’s
identity accords with Durga or Kali, whose sublime
manifestations always come with a dark noisome side.10 Mae
Naak is both a malicious killer and a maternal guardian. She is
a man’s dream as well as his worst nightmare. As a human
being, Nang Naak is fragile, dutiful, and loyal. She is the ideal
“virtuous” wife who totally depends upon and devotes herself
to Maak. The sole purpose of her physical and spiritual
existence is for love, or more precisely, to serve and care for
her husband forever. Death, nonetheless, changes and reverses
everything. After she dies, Nang Naak metamorphoses herself
from a feeble victim to a fearful demon. She becomes
powerful, vicious, and savage. In order to hold on to Maak, she
turns into a murderous ghost that daunts the whole village. Yet
Nang Naak is feared for the exact same reason why she is
favored. Hence, love seems to have a dual nature. Or it is men
who hold a dubious standard towards women. Embracing this
paradox of femininity coined by males, Nang Naak thus
becomes the ultimate “femme fatale” who is good yet bad,
weak yet strong, beloved yet feared. As long as men are still
insecure about women, the spirit of Nang Naak will always
haunt men.
Furthermore, this sexist demeanor towards Mae Naak,
like many otherworldly stories and myths, functions as a moral
agent to buttress social values and stability in the patriarchal
society.11 The annihilative power of Nang Naak projects the
fear of and ambivalence towards females in the conventional
society. Women should be constrained within the orderly world
defined and designed by men—being a faithful wife and a
dutiful mother. According to many Thais, the two most
terrifying incidents in the Nang Naak story are when she
132

reaches for the lime with her lengthened arm as well as when
she confronts the monks and leaves wet footprints on the wat’s
ceiling. Indeed, these two episodes are not particularly bloody
or grisly compared to her ruthless killings. The reason why
they are so memorable is not because of their graphic brutality
but their latent messages. These two events disclose the two
most undesirable attributes of women in a man’s eyes, namely
laziness and aggressiveness. A woman should not be indolent;
Nang Naak can pick up the lime by walking down from the
house instead of just stretches her arm. Likewise, she should
not confront the monk—the authority of the community—for it
is totally out of a woman’s place. Different versions of the
story all emphasize these two episodes of taboo-tumed-terror,
subconsciously teaching not only girls how they should
conduct themselves but also boys how they should see the
opposite gender.
The reverence towards Nang Naak clearly comes from
her loyalty to and love for her husband, reinforcing the
conventional relationship between the two sexes. Men albeit
can find this affection and attention suffocating. They enjoy the
faithfulness from their spouses but at times are intimidated by
the overwhelming attachment and perpetual commitment with
only one woman in a polygamous culture, especially when she
fails in her duty to bare a child. The wife’s ceaseless pursuit for
the sake of love, hence, turns into devouring peril. This notion
is particularly exemplified in the version that Maak remarries
after Nang Naak’s death. Her menace is the jealousy and
anguish of a first wife, which is condemned as destructive by
the patriarchal society. Mae Naak represents a powerful
conviction that a woman can follow her heart boldly too. Since
social rules or material obstacles can no longer restrain a ghost,
she becomes a hazard to the community. Not only her “spirit”
literally kills men but also challenges the principle of “men”—
 133

the patriarchal laws and orders. Destroying her is the only

acceptable solution to keep the man’s world intact.
Accordingly, the story prevails, passing on the moral “lesson”
that ratifies male domination and discourages female ambition.

Nang Naak as a complement to Buddhism

In the chaotic world of Mae Naak Phra Khanong, Buddhism
becomes the only remedy for the untamed woman and the
ultimate refuge for the jeopardized man. Nang Naak’s tale thus
strengthens the supremacy of the state religion over other
animistic or native beliefs and safeguards the ideology of the
community. Furthermore, her intense yet tragic love story also
elucidates the Buddhist philosophy, such as the “Four Noble
Truths” and karma. The secular attachments, be they material
or emotional, are causes of suffering. Everyone should follow
his or her own deeds. It is the way it ought to and should be.
Even “love” can be negative and destructive if one does not
learn when or how to let go. Correspondingly, the ending in
which the monk captures the raging ghost and rests her spirit
glorifies the legitimacy of Buddhism as the sole authority in the
society.
Mae Naak as a cult goddess, nevertheless, reveals there
are still emotional divides and spiritual gaps waiting to be
acknowledged in Thai Buddhist world. In the male-dominated
tradition, the opportunity for women to express their aptitude,
aspiration, and ambitions is sparse. Their spiritual roles are
often degraded to witchcraft or animistic rituals. Pursuing a
religious calling, such as ordination, is infeasible. Hence, the
female deity or spiritual figure is rare, if not devoid, in the
panoply of Thai Buddhism. After all, Nang Naak’s return to the
secular world as a “goddess” despite the incarceration of the
Buddhist monk discloses that there are still emotional and
spiritual unfulfillments among the folks. Although the ghost of
134

Nang Naak is violent and lethal, her earnest refusal to be

banished from her love receives warm empathy from people.
The conviction and passion in her soul seem too strong to be
ignored and must be admired. To some devotees, especially
among women, her spiritual stamina empowers them at times
when they feel helpless against the puissant and unyielding
social hierarchy. Comparably, there are a few festivals and
occasions, such as Bunbangfai, in which the edifice of
patriarchy is loosened temporarily. Women, who are allowed
to behave crassly and badly like men, can liberate their
frustrations for a day or two. Besides Mae Naak, many female
legendary figures, such as Princess Supankalaya from the
Ayutthaya period and Kuen Yin from China, gain significant
followers in contemporary Thailand, filling certain spiritual
vacuum in the patriarchal religious realm.

Nang Naak as the Ai/gu/Earth Goddess

Not only does Mae Naak Phra Khanong empower people as a
spiritual icon and a romantic heroine, but the cult itself may be
an ancient goddess belief that have pervaded Thailand long
before Buddhism arrived. Goddess worship like Mae Posop,
the rice goddess, has been embedded in the agrarian world of
prehistoric Thailand.13 Although the role of female deities
became subservient since the introduction of male-dominated
faiths such as Hinduism, Brahmanism, and the official religion
Buddhism, the power of matriarchal spirit has never totally
vanished. Hence, it is not surprising that the legendary Nang
Naak, a determined young woman turned diabolic ghost,
receives religious appropriation and widespread credence.
Michael Wright points out that Nang Naak is related to
a prehistoric myth concerning human sacrifice.14 Mae “Naak”,
whose name can be interpreted as naga, is the serpent or earth
goddess. She demands human blood or sacrifice—taking man
 135

with her to live in the underworld—in order to replenish the

earth. The introduction of Buddhism, represented by the monk
or novice who captures her, halts this spiritual practice and
revises it into merit making, and as a result, banishes her from
terrorizing people.
Certainly, the story of Nang Naak resonates a mythical
tune; nonetheless, whether the tale is associated with human
sacrifice is debatable. An alternative interpretation is that, Nang
Naak, as the naga goddess, is the fertility symbol that was
commonly worshipped during the ancient times. The mother
goddess and the “man” live intimately until the advent and
adoption of the more sophisticated and systematized
Buddhism. The goddess worship is then condemned by the
state religion. Hitherto, the serpent goddess loses her religious
dominance, symbolized by her death in childbirth. The fertility
deity is no longer fecund and functional to her people. Being
cast out of the main stream society, the goddess worship is
abased into the cult of black magic or witchcraft in order to
hold on to her people. To the official religion, the goddess
creed becomes a ghostly existence—a threat that keeps
haunting the authority of the Buddhist faith, and therefore, the
stability of the community. The conflict is eventually resolved
by a gifted young novice—a new generation of Buddhist
representative—who makes peace with the cult, allowing merit
making for the goddess and finally rests the dispute. The
version in which the monk makes Nang Naak’s skull into a
belt-buckle, furthermore, suggests that Buddhism has
recognized the goddess belief and allowed her to transform into
a small part of the orthodox religion. Hence, the story of Mae
Naak Phra Khanong denotes not merely a ghostly romance or a
gruesome horror but also a lost myth that has rooted in the
collective psyche of the Thai people.
136

CONCLUSION

Spiritual beliefs, or in their organized and theologized form as

religion, provide human beings the most fundamental
mechanism to deal with the unfamiliar, unknown, and
uncontrollable forces of nature. While death is frightful yet
fascinating, life after death doubtlessly captivates the
imagination of the living. The belief in ghosts still penetrates
the daily lives of the Thais from pastoral villagers to genteel
elite. Although Nang Naak’s enduring story may be a fantasy
woven in the fabric of myth and superstition, the implication of
this ghastly yet poignant tale is more than just another
supernatural thrill.
It is not easy to be a woman, but it is even more
difficult to be a ghost. Nang Naak’s life is a tragic one, trapped
in and unable to transcend the tyranny of fatal convention.
Tales of two beings who are tom apart simply because they are
different— Nang Naak and Maak, the prince and the mermaid, a
lad and the serpent lady, or the beauty and the beast—is a
universal theme.15 Human should be with human, and the
“others” should stay with “others”. As a spirit, Nang Naak is no
longer allowed to be with her husband even though she still
whole-heartedly loves and serves him. The line between life
and death is rigid, and so is the man-made hierarchy. Crossing
different classes is prohibited, and breaking the norms is
doomed. Social order is thus secured. In this case, Nang Naak
symbolizes all the outcasts who are punished by the traditional
society for being different. They are labeled as dangerous and
destructive. They are despised and detested for their
“otherness”, their challenge to prejudice, and their
determination to fight for their beliefs. On that account, Nang
Naak is truly a heroine and a goddess. And her legend, if not
her ghost, will always live on.
 137

Notes
1
Nang Naak is the only ghost featured in the traditional
Thai play called likay which was toured all over the country. The
play basically involves an actress who plays Mae Naak, a coffin, and
screaming people. However, her story was dropped from the likay
repertoire in the 1940s because it was too frightening to audiences
and some feared it would bring bad luck. Marlane Guelden,
Thailand: Into the Spirit World, (Bangkok: Asia Books, 1995), p.
79.
2
Suvanna Kriengkraipetch, “Thai Folk Beliefs about
Animals and Plants and Attitudes towards Nature”, Culture and
Enviroment in Thailand. (Bangkok: Siam Society, 1989), pp 195-
212.

3
'UNijFn, uuvntj, (Ed.), fftrnjowfiaffiaiW

ihnk 1999)

4
About twenty years ago, a Nang Naak film came to
Pattani, the southern city of Thailand, and ended up in a catastrophe.
Since the theater owner did not offer any ritual to honor Mae Naak
before running the show, her angry spirit was said to haVC COHIC OUt
from the screen, reached into and grabbed the audience. The
frightened moviegoers rushed out like crazy and refused to go back
to the cinema after then. The building was closed and never used as
a theater again. Guelden, p.79.

5
Ibid., pp. 79-80.

6
The belief in the power of the plants and trees in Thailand
is a complicated mixture of animism together with religious
influences from Buddhism and Hinduism. Large trees are regarded
spiritual in Thailand. They are usually considered feminine, and
therefore, people ribbon them with colorful sash or clothe in
138

addition to offering incenses and candles. Takian tree is especially

well known, for Thai believe that a powerful female spirit called
Nang Takian resides in it. Misfortune will fall on the person who
destroys her abode; hence, this kind of tree is often planted in temple
area instead of residency.
-y
The golden child, human thawng, is one of the more
favorable and felicitous spirits in Thailand. However, he has rather
gory origins. Traditionally, the golden child or called phi noi (little
spirit) is created from the fetus tom from a murdered pregnant
woman. Mixed with special herbs, the fetus is then roasted while
chanting magical incantations until it turns “gold” in color. This
customary method of creating such a mesmerized spirit is
widespread through literature such as Khun Chang Khun Phaen, an
indigenous story of love and pathos, humor and black magic, among
three childhood friends. The “golden child” is believed to have the
ability to make its master invisible. It is also well known of always
protecting its master and warning him of forthcoming disaster. Ibid.,
p.56-57.
8
Tapanee Nakomthap, Essays on Cultural Thailand.
(Bangkok: Office of the National Culture Commission, 1990).
9
Jeremias van Vliet was the head of the VOC— Dutch East
India Company—from 1629-1634, and was appointed as deputy at
the Dutch factory in Ayutthaya from 1633-1636. He wrote two
books about Siam: The Short History of the Kings of Ayutthya and
Description of the Kingdom of Siam. In this later book, he
describes a ritual of throwing in pregnant women “with the stomach
turned upwards” under each post in the foundation of palaces and
towers. He writes: “the people, who are very superstitious, believe
that these women after dying turn into terrible monsters or devils,
who defend not only the post below which they are thrown but the
whole house against misfortune.”
 139

10
Durga is the great Hindu goddess of life and death, love
and justice. She is said to be the core energy of the universe and
stronger than any of the gods who emanate from her—in the male-
oriented versions of the myth, she emanates from them. Durga is
usually portrayed as a warrior who defeats evil with female helpers
such as Kali, who is often considered as her demonic manifestation.
On the other hand, Kali, the “black mother”, is the goddess of life,
death, and rebirth. She kills everything in the world to which she
gave birth. This blood-drinking and skulls-playing goddess is one of
the most frightening deities in Hindu pantheon.
11
According to Mr. Sujit Buapim, the author of Jao Nok
Krawao and Banthuek jaak thaai rai, “the more [a person] forbids
Thais to do something, the more determined they are to do exactly
that. There is no use trying to use reason against this tendency...
[One has to] use threats and trick warnings instead. The three types
of threats that work best involve ghosts, being struck by lightening,
or the fear of personal or family decline.” Bangkok Post, July 22,
1999.
12
S. J. Tambiah, “Myth and Rite: The ‘Naga’ Symbol and
the Rocket Festival,” Buddhism and the Spirit Cults in North-East
Thailand. London: Cambridge University Press, 1970.

13 •
Sirapom Nathalang, “Conflict and Compromise between
Indigenous Beliefs and Buddhism as Reflected on Thai Rice Myths”.
A paper presented at the 7 th International Conference on Thai
Studies at Amsterdam, Netherlands, July 5-9, 1999.
14
Michael Wright writes in an article titled “Sacrifice and
the Underworld: Death and Fertility in Siamese Myth and Ritual” in
the Journal of the Siam Society (Bangkok: The Siam Society, 1990)
that Nang Naak’s story associates with human sacrifice in the
prehistoric time. He argues that “there is the Virgin/ Mother/
Lover/Murderess who seeks the life of a handsome young man. The
threat is death; the promise is new life. But the drama is cut short
140

and fate changed by the action of the little Samanera (a novice

monk) who represents the coming of Buddhism which introduced
merit-making to replace the human sacrifice, and gradually
transformed the ancient system of exchange between the world of
the living and the world of dead.”
15
Love between human and other being has long been a
universal theme in literature and folklore. “Beauty and the Beast,”
“Swan Lake” and “The Little Mermaid” are just a few of many
examples of forbidden-love fairytales in the West. While the western
versions often end “happily ever after”, their eastern counterparts are
usually less fortunate. In Asian traditions, such as in China and
Japan, one of the most famous stories is “The Legend of the White
Serpent”—Nang Phyya Ngoo Khao in Thai. This tale resembles
Nang Naak’s story in which a white serpent lady falls in love with a
handsome young man. However, their romance is opposed by an old
Buddhist monk who represents the religious and social morals of the
time. The man becomes confused and at last betrays his bride.
Assisted by the perplexed man, the monk finally captures the serpent
and imprisons her for eternity.
 141

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Campbell, Joseph, The Masks of God: Primitive Mythology. New York:

Penguin Books, 1976.

Coombs, Andrew, Folktales from the Land of Smiles. Bangkok: D.K.

House, 1994.

Graham, Lanier, Goddesses in Art. New York: Abbeville Press, 1997.

Guelden, Marlane, Thailand: Into the Spirit World. Bangkok: Asia Books,
1995.

Jumsai, Manich M.L., Thai Folktales: A Selection out of Gems of Thai

Literature. Bangkok: Chalermnit Press, 1977.

King, Ursula, (Ed ), Religion & Gender. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1995.

Klausner, William J., Reflections on Thai Culture. Bangkok: The Siam

Society, 1993.

Thai Culture in Transition. Bangkok: The Siam Society, 1997.

Kriengkraipctch, Suvanna, “Thai Folk Beliefs about Animals and Plants

and Attitudes towards Nature”, Culture and Environment in
Thailand. Bangkok: The Siam Society, 1989.

Mack, Maynard, (Ed ), The Norton Anthology of World Masterpieces,

Volume 2, Expanded Edition. New York/London: W. W. Norton
& Company, 1995.

Nakornthap, Tapanee, (Ed.), Essays on Cultural Thailand. Bangkok:

Office of the National Culture Commission, 1990.

Nathalang, Siraporn, “Conflict and Compromise between Indigenous

Beliefs and Buddhism as Reflected on Thai Rice Myths.” A paper
presented at the 7* International Conference on Thai Studies at
Amsterdam, Netherlands, July 5-9, 1999.
142

National Museum Volunteers, Writing from Asia: Treasure Myths and

Traditions. Bangkok: National Museum Volunteers, 1996.

Pajee, Parinyapom, “Ghost in Love”. The Nation, June 8, 1999.

Sukphisit, Suthon, “Words of Wisdom”. Bangkok Post, July 22, 1999.

Tambiah, S.J., “Myth and Rite: The ‘Naga’ Symbol and the Rocket
Festival,” Buddhism and the Spirit Cults in North-East Thailand.
London: Cambridge University Press, 1970.

Wright, Michael, “Sacrifice and the Underworld: Death and Fertility in

Siamese Myth and Ritual”, Journal of the Siam Society. Bangkok:
The Siam Society, 1990.

d /=!</ o a/
umi u , mia, (Ed.), ■ui v i n . WJJOWfiOTfiQNfiff ra,
1999.
 FOLKSONG AND SOCIO-CULTURAL
CHANGE IN VILLAGE LIFE*
SUVANNA KRIENGKRAIPETCH

INTRODUCTION

When they found themselves helpless, it was natural for

them to turn to magic things for aids, with doctrines and
conduct handed down traditionally,... They are still
people who do this; it is deep in their bones, they must
perform one thing and another to be happy.1

In olden times people who depended upon farming as

their major source of income had knowledge and experience in
planting. However, they still could not control such factors as
weather and crop pests. Nothing was more frightening to them
than natural disaster or the failure of crops. Because of such
fear, ceremonies of making offerings to spirits and gods, and
fertility rites were created, rites and ceremonies that still reveal
evidence of original beliefs, behavior, and conduct. At the
present time, even though modem technology has invaded the
traditional farming system with advanced knowledge such as
the selection of new improved breeds, the use of fertilizer, and
modem irrigation systems, sometimes they still find themselves
‘helpless,’ and they naturally turn to ‘magic things for aids,’ as
their ancestors did in the past. For example, people sometimes
turn to traditional rain-making rites, Hae Nang Maeo (the

originally published in Asian Review 2 (1988): 111-131

144

Procession of a Cat), or Pan Mek (Shaping the Cloud). People

learn from their ancestors about the rituals and also the
ceremonial songs which accompanied such rituals. Such songs
have been transmitted from memory through generations
without any written record.
It is not only in times of economic trouble that people
turn to magic for help; they occasionally resort to traditional
beliefs in magic in life crises, as well. Country people still
carry out many ceremonies in order to ensure happiness and
productivity in life. Also, in times of fun and relaxation, such
as during village festivals, people oftentimes play games or
perform certain types of entertainment that reveal a belief in
animism through ceremonial games and songs. The words and
content of such songs may not convey any significant message
about their beliefs, but one cannot deny the significant role
these songs play in people’s socio-cultural life. It will be
interesting to see if changes in society will affect the function
of these songs in the new environment.
This paper will focus mainly on two particular types of
folksong: ceremonial songs and social songs. The analysis is
based mostly on my field research on oral tradition in the
village of Ban Hua Khao, Doembang Nangbuat district,
Suphan Buri Province, form October 1982 - August 1983. The
physical description of the village will be roughly given in
order to provide some background about village life for anyone
who may be not familiar with such lifestyle.

BAN HUA KHAO: ETHNOGRAPHIC SETTING AND HAMLET

ECOLOGY

Ban Hua Khao is located in Hua Khao sub-district, Doembang

Nangbuat district, which lies in the mountainous area in the
northwest of Suphan Buri Province. It is approximately 50
 145

kilometers from the city of Suphan Buri. Administratively,

Hua Khao sub-district comprises ten named hamlets (or
villages). All are quite close to each other and there are no
formal village boundaries. Only villages no.2, 6, and 10 which
were the first settlements are called Ban Hua Khao. The three
villages cover an area of about 16 square kilometers, with five
irrigation canals and two natural ponds. During the dry season,
people from these three villages voluntarily join laughter to
dredge and clean these two ponds which constitute their water
supply.
No written documents of the history of the village are
available. However, most elders of Ban Hua Khao say that
about 300 hundred years ago, the people of Ban Hua Khao
moved from Ban Don Krabuang, Muang Samchan because of
an epidemic. In the past, this village was really a forest but
their ancestors decided to stay because of an epidemic. In the
past, this village was really a forest but their ancestor decided
to stay because the land was very fertile and productive, There
is water in the big pond all year round.
The census of 1980 showed 148 households with a
population of 1,048 in village no. 2; 162 households with 694
people in village no,6; and 58 households with 247 people in
village no.10.2 Most of the villagers are Thai. It is worth
noticing that, while the other districts of Suphan Buri have a
large number of Laotian people, there are very few Laotian
families in Doembang Nangbuat district.
The village has its own temple and the village school is
located in the temple. The first abbot of the Hua Khao temple
was very revered for his virtues. People also believe that he had
the gift of prophecy.
Living standards in Ban Hua Khao are quite good
compared to most villages in remote rural areas in the central
region. As in most village in the central region, farmers
146

represent the great bulk of the population in Ban Hua Khao.

Due to irrigation and the regulation of water supplied to the
fields, the harvest in Hua Khao always produces a large yield.
Nevertheless, the villagers have to spend large sums of money
for fertilizer which has now become the major problem of the
village.
The result of good harvests has affected village life in
many ways. First, people can afford modem luxury items such
as transistor radios, electric fans, and motorcycles. Secondly,
since villagers have extra income from their harvests, they can
hire laborers to work their fields, thus allowing their children to
go to school beyond compulsory sixth grade education.
However, these children are trained to help in the fields during
busy transplanting and harvesting times. Actually, more than
fifty percent of the teenagers who finish the junior level in
secondary school come back to work in their families’ fields.
Most of them are girls.
Thirdly, when people earn more money from their
crops, they become more generous in supporting the temple.
Despite the fact that monks are very well supplied, the number
of monks who stay permanently in the Hua Khao temple is
quite small. The number of monks peaks during February-
March when there are quite a few newly ordained monks added
to the permanent ones. In 1982, the village committee and the
temple committee agreed to raise money for the construction of
a new crematorium. When it is finished, the temple will charge
a fee for any cremation ceremony held there. This is modeled
after the practice found big cities, especially in Bangkok.
Due to improving economic conditions, the simple way
of traditional village life is changing. Modem technology will
increasingly affect the whole community.
 147

CATEGORIZATION AND PERFORMANCE OF FOLKSONGS

FROM BAN HUA KHAO

Altogether, fifty-four folksongs have been collected from Ban

Hua Khao, including the tham khwan texts which are not
actually sung but recited. These fifty-four songs are classified
into two main groups as follows:
Ceremonial songs: There is no general term in Thai for
ceremonial songs. Some folklorists and anthropologists use the
tern 'phieng phithikam but people generally call a ceremonial
song by its sub-category or by its specific name. Such as, ‘lae
khwan’ (tham khwan text), ‘phleng anchoen ’ (an invitation
song sung in spirit possession games), or phleng hae nak’ (a
celebration song for the ordination ceremony). These
ceremonial songs are sung in ceremonies or performed as an
accompaniment to a rite of passage on different occasions. Also
songs accompanying an agricultural rite or a fertility rite are
grouped in this category, including the song sung in the rain-
making ceremony, i.e phleng hae nang maeo.
Social songs: Social songs are generally sung in
festivals as a form of entertainment. They require no special
occasion; however, people tend to choose a certain type of song
to be sung on different occasions or at different types of
festivals. Songs sung while working in the field or while
working in groups are considered social songs since their
purpose is fundamentally entertainment. Social songs may be
sub-categorized into two groups: songs sung for entertainment
in festivals, and songs sung for entertainment during the
harvest.

SIGNIFICANT ROLES OF FOLKSONG IN VILLAGE LIFE

Folksong is perpetuated by oral tradition. Even when the folk

singers, become much more literate, they rarely use writing
148

either for keeping texts for their own use or for teaching their
students. Thus, a good memory is most necessary for folk
singers all over the world.
Folksong is thus learned and transmitted orally from
generation to generation. The only way one can achieve the
skill is to become a student of an expert of a virtuoso. Folk
singers do not talk about the creator or the owner of any
particular song, but they will give credit to the expert teacher of
that song. It seems impossible for folksingers to dictate the text
of their song. They have to sing it. All these fact lead to the
general qualifications of folksong: first, the simplicity of
content and form; and second, the melody as a means of
conveying the message.
In this paper, the folksong’s content will be analyzed
within two main contexts: the relationship between man and
the supernatural world, and the relationship between and the
socio-cultural world.

Man and The Supernatural World

In nursery rhymes, children learn to assimilate themselves into
the natural world of flora and fauna. In folksong, the
supernatural world is introduced as a part of nature that the
adult has to cope with. Supernatural beings are generally
classified into two main groups: the benevolent spirits and the
malevolent spirits. Among the benevolent ones are the
guardian spirit of the city pole; the guardian spirit of the village
proper (in the case of Ban Hua Khao, the village guardian spirit
is Chao Pho Khao Long or the spirit of the Long Hill), and the
various territorial spirits, such as, the spirit of the forrest {Chao
pa), the spirit of the hills and mountains {Chao Khao) the spirit
of the rice {Mae Phosop or the Rice Goddess) and the spirit of
the house compound (Phra Phum). This group also includes the
 149

heavenly spirits of Thewada, but they are usually referred to

collectively, with no identification of individual spirits.
The malevolent spirits are those which tend to harm or
cause trouble to people. They are identified either a spirits of
people who died accidentally or violently or a sub-type of evil
spirit such as Phi Krasue, Phi Krahang, or Phi Pop, which
occasionally possesses and kills a person by eating his viscera.
Most benevolent spirits are referred to as individual spirits
while the malevolent ones constitute a group or sub-type. It is
believed that when someone dies suddenly or violently, that
person’s spirit wanders around in this world because it still
wants to fulfil its role in this world.
The relationship between man and these spirits may be
specified in terns of dependence and reciprocity. The
benevolent spirits are supposed to give assistance and
protection to human beings and receive sacrifices and offering
in return. In some situations, negotiation takes place between a
human being and a spirit. For example, when a man gets sick,
his relatives may have to promise a special offering to a
particular spirit. If that offering cannot satisfy the spirit, more
offerings will be made. Sometimes, when a person needs
specific help from a particular spirit, he may promise that spirit
a special offering. This seems to be a kind of bribery.
However, villagers do not regard it as such. The spirit is liked a
human being; if you can please it, you have a better chance of
getting help or favor. Since the way or please the spirit is to
offer a sacrifice, it is therefore an exchange or a reciprocal
promise, not bribery. As the villagers justify this promise of
offerings, the interesting point is that they deal with the spirit
as they do with human beings, except that the spirit has no
visible body but more power, a supernatural power which
human beings cannot possess or match.
150

In the case of malevolent spirits, the offering is made

first. If it does not work, then the high-ranking benevolent spirit
will be asked to give assistance. In some cases, the Buddhist
elements or some sacred objects involved with Buddhist ritual
will be utilized to solve the problem.
It is noticeable that, in Ban Hua Khao, the distinction
between benevolent and malevolent spirits is not clear cut.
People believe that if a person behaves improperly towards a
benevolent spirit, whereto intentionally or not, the benevolent
spirit may turn into a malevolent one. and thus can harm that
person. This often happens in the case of the guardian spirit of
the village. Sometimes, out of ignorance, a child may offend the
guardian spirit and consequently gets sick. The parents have to
make offerings to Chao Pho, after which the child recovers.
Hence, one may conclude that whether a spirit will be
benevolent or malevolent depends on how it is treated. In
general, however, spirits are classified by their nature of origin
as good or evil.
Most ceremonial and social songs collected in Ban Hua
Khao concern benevolent spirits and the guardian spirit. These
texts were originally part of the invocation song sung to the
spirits to invite them to receives offerings or to witness rituals.
From these texts, the relationship between man and the spirit
world can be observed as follows:

Man and The Agricultural Spirit

As Ban Hua Khao is an agricultural community, the spirit of
the rice or Mae Phosop is the most important one. She is
respected as a great benefactor, not only as the protector of the
crops but also the food provider, since the main staple in
Thailand is rice. Thus, Mae Phosop is addressed as “mother”
(mae), the protector and provider of food for her children.
People call themselves luk (child) when talking to Mae Phosop
 151

in ceremonial songs. They respite her and act with the same
proper behavior as they would toward their human mother.
Children are taught not to drop the rice off their plate because
such behavior will make Mae Phosop feel sad, and it is not
good to treat the mother with such disregard. In brief, people
feel grateful to Mae Phosop and behave properly in order to
show their gratitude and respect.
In addition, when farmers perform rites to pay respect
to Mae Phosop, they generally do not address her only as “Mae
Phosop". They will specify many sub-types of rice, for
example Mae Khua Nak (the rice which yields a harvest later
than other kinds), Mae Khua Bao (the rice which yields in a
short time), Mae Inthanil, Mae Maha Manpu (two special
breeds). This personification reveals that farmers think of the
different types of rice as human beings with a special identity.
Thus they call their rice by individual names and try to please
each individual kind. It also shows that farmers have a close
relationship with the rice, not just a relationship between man
and the soil, but a more personal one.
The agricultural rites concerning Mae Phosop
demonstrate also that villagers regard their occupation as the
most important aspect of their lives. Whatever brings good
results to their work will be given full attention.
Another point of interest is that since Mae Phosop is the
symbol of fertility, most rituals linked to her are traditionally
performed by women. Moreover, some rituals, such as the rap
khwan khao (greeting of the spirit of the rice), are forbidden to
men. This concept may be considered as one criterion for the
division of labor in traditional Thai agricultural society.
Specifically, since the women of the family perform most
agricultural rites, it is through them that the ritual process and
texts become transmitted, knowledge from which men are
excluded. In fact, there is no actual taboo against teaching
152

these texts to the men of the family. However, since men do

not have to take up such duties, they seem to have no interest in
learning them. There is no rule about the status of the woman
who performs the rite; any woman in the family can do it if she
has time or is assigned to do so.

Man and The Guardian Spirits

In actual life, there are many types of guardian spirits linked to
the villagers’ well-being and safety. However, only one type of
guardian spirit is mentioned in the folksongs under
consideration: the guardian spirit of the house compound, or
Phra Phum. Even though there is only one reference to him,
the concept of the relationship between this spirit and human
beings is clearly revealed. In one phleng choi ( a special type
of social song), it is stated that:

If you (a widow) have a husband,

It is like having a san Phra Phum.
Wherever you go,
He will follow and protect you.
and earlier in the same song,
If you (a widow) have no husband,
It is like a fence with no thorns.

Thus, the thorn-fence, the husband, and the Phra Phum

are compared to good and efficient forms of protection,
specifically protection of the family or household. In a house
compound, these three kinds of protection should not be
lacking. A fence is a physical protection for both the house and
the inhabitants, a Phra Phum provides spiritual protection, and
a husband combines both physical and spiritual protection for
a woman. However, this does not mean that the Phra Phum
will protect only the woman in the house. Actually, the Phra
 153

Phum is more like a fence, protecting the whole house and the
people within, including guests who stay overnight, Thus,
when villagers have to stay overnight at someone else’s house,
even that of relatives, they have to ask for approval and
protection from the Phra Phum of that house. Failure to
inform the Phra Phum may cause trouble, or, at the very least,
nightmares for the guests.
From the villagers’ point of view, the Phra Phum is
like a senior family member. He should be informed about
whatever happens in the house. He is given offerings of food
and flowers daily or at regular intervals.
The relationship between the family members and the
Phra Phum is similar to that between younger and older
relatives. However, the Phra Phum is not an ancestor spirit or
phi ban/phi ruan that is well-know among the northern and the
northeastern people.

Man and The Other Spirits

There are three categories of spirits discussed here; the heaven
spirits or thewada, the territorial spirits, and the spirits invited
in spirit possession games. The ancestral spirits and the house
spirit will also addressed on special occasions. They will
usually be invited in the first part of the invocation text to come
and receive offerings.
The spirits invited in spirit possession games are
naturally of the lowest type, since they are spirits of animals
and household utensils. Such spirits possession games are, for
example, the monkey possession, the elephant possession, and
the spirit of the wicker tray possession. The language used in
these invitation songs clearly indicates their statuses and also
the villagers’ attitude toward them. The relationship between
man and these spirits is a ‘casual’ relationship, much less
formal than that between family members and the Phra Phum.
154

In conclusion, the relationship between man and the

supernatural beings that are expressed through folksongs
concern two major factors: the origins of spirits and the roles
and statuses of such spirits. More intimate relationships are
marked by the frequency of offerings made. And finally, the
relationship is conceptualized as a family relationship. Kinship
terms are commonly applied to these supernatural beings and
thus, they are addressed as if they were human.

Man and The Socio-cultural World

In this socio-cultural world, man has expanded the patterns of
relationship from that of the immediate family during
childhood to the more complicated pattern involved with
people of different groups, with different roles and statuses.
During the stage of life as a member of society,
occupational and economic awareness becomes the significant
issue expressed through folksongs. The other issues are the
relationships between a man and his family between the monk
and the layman.

Occupational and Economic Awareness

The topic of occupational and economic awareness becomes
one of the main issues in folksongs. In fact, folksongs clearly
reveal the village life and attitudes of an agricultural society.
Even the language villagers use in their daily life and in these
songs reflects images of an agricultural lifestyle.
Occupational problems and economic status are
frequently illustrated as a conversational topic in everyday life
and in songs. When a man starts his dialogue song (phleng
choi), he usually asks a woman about her occupation:
Where is your house? Do you grow rice?
Or do some other type of farming?
Are you a vendor, Carrying goods for sale?
 155

Are you a child of a folk singer, or of a dancer?

Do you earn your living by dancing or farming?

The first interesting point is that everyone is assumed to

have a job. It does not matter what kind of job it is, but
everyone should have one. Both men and women are assumed
to work, to be self-supporting.
Since most villagers are peasants, the next questions
about occupation continue in more detail about rice growing:
Do you grow wet rice or highland breed?
How many bundles have you this year?
And after threshing, how many have you got?

These are simple questions which farmers are

accustomed to asking their friends, neighbors, and strangers as
well. These questions are not regarded as being rude,
interfering in other’s business, or violating their privacy.
Farmers realize that they have to depend on their crops as the
major source of subsistence; therefore, to ask someone about
their crops shows concern for that person’s well-being and
demonstrates an attitude of friendliness. The woman
understands the cultural meanings of these questions, so she
answers:
The broadcasting fields did not get enough
water;
The transplanting fields have become dry.
All the paddy fields are withering,
There is only disaster everywhere.
Only a few bundles are left at the comers
of the fields,
Just enough to feed the guests who drop by.
156

Throughout these folksongs, agricultural knowledge is

regularly illustrated. Each step of rice-growing, particular types
of rice, and problems occurring during the cultivation season
are mentioned in songs.
And because of their realization of the hardship
involved in their work, they identify themselves as belonging
to the same group. They have the same problems and, in a
broader sense, the same lifestyle. As a woman says:
Your rice and mine are exactly the same.

This does not mean, however, that villagers do not

recognize occupations other than their own, and there is no
negative attitude towards other people’s work expressed in
folksongs. Nevertheless, farming is the major occupation of
this community, influencing not only their actual lives but also
the language they use in everyday life, including their figures
of speech as well.
Because farmers realize that their work is hard and that
they cannot completely control factors such as nature, when
they perform a benediction song or blessing song, they invoke
an easy life without the farmers’ hard-working activities:

May you become the master’s wife;

Sitting all day on a chair,
Swinging your legs,
Not needing to do any work.
May you become a successful merchant,
Possessing cars and boats loaded with goods,
at your own harbor.
May you be a general or a colonel,
May you be raised higher in rank.
 157

Man and His Family

Given the fact that most of the folk singers are usually of middle
age, issues of relationships between men and women are
undoubtedly the major topic of interest in these songs. Three
main topics concerning relationships within the family context
are as follows:
- ideas on the proper mate and the roles of a
husband and wife;
- attitudes toward marring and staying single;
- family conflicts
The selection of a proper mate for a man basically
focuses on the most visible qualification, appearance, while a
woman gives more attention to the qualifications expected of a
leader of the family. However, the criteria of age and
appearance are mentioned for both sides. The special
qualification of a desirable husband is linked also to ordination
as an important means of gaining knowledge and being trained
as a mature man.
Connected closely to the topic of selection of a proper
mate are the expected roles of a husband and a wife. This topic
is clearly mentioned in the tham khwan texts for the wedding
ceremony and in social songs such as phleng choi. For
example, in the tham khwan text, the woman who now becomes
a wife is taught to be well behaved, to be humble, and not to
criticize the husband’s faults in front of others. The husband is
taught to be nice to his wife, to speak nicely to her, not to get
angry with her, and not to beat her. Interestingly enough, while
the wife is taught to be afraid of the husband, he is taught to be
considerate of his wife’s feelings (or Kreng Chai). Both are
taught to compromise with each other. One may conclude that
the concept of compromise is the basic ground for married life,
as it is expressed through songs.
158

Since most folksongs concern courting and marriage,

attitudes towards marriage and staying single, including being a
widow or widower, frequently appear in these texts. The
general attitude shown in songs is that marriage is an important
phase of life which everyone should complete. Marriage is
important not only for an individual but also for his family
since usually in an agricultural society, a family needs labor for
work in the fields.
The next issue following the concept of marriage is how
the villagers feel about staying single and how they perceive
the widow and widower in their community. Usually a person
who remains single, either by choice or for other reasons, is not
thought of as unusual. It is generally said that if a person can
earn his living without trouble and does not depend too much
on other people, he should have full authority to choose his
own lifestyle.
Family conflicts expressed through folksongs generally
focus on the problems of polygamy. This problem is reflected
in the particular serial songs such as phleng choi and phleng
khorat. In these songs, a dispute or quarrel between the first
wife and the minor wife in one of the highlights. This is
understandable since in actuality, there are many cases of a
husband having two wives or more, whereas a wife with a lover
is very rare. Villagers regard the latter as a serious breach of
social and cultural norms.
In conclusion, man-woman relationships as expressed
in songs are mainly concerned with situations and events
occurring in real life. While the concept of a proper mate
generally remains an unobtainable ideal more than a practical
goal, when it comes to the roles of husband and wife the ideal
has a much more solid basis in reality. Moreover, these roles
clearly underline the status of the man as an authority figure, a
leader of the family, as opposed to that of the woman as a
 159

follower. When there is conflict between husband and wife,

relatives on both sides get involved, since marriage does not cut
a family member off from family ties. In fact, the force of other
people’s opinions, relatives or not, is such that villagers are
concerned more with what other people think of them and their
behavior than with their own moral concepts. In other words,
social control is ultimately a more significant influence on
behavioral patterns than is self-control.

The Relationship Between The Monk and The Layman

The content of folksongs frequently deals with knowledge and
conceptions of Buddhism because village activities are usually
centered around the temple. Moreover, the villager’s concepts
and attitudes towards life are basically conditioned by Buddhist
concepts such as the Law of Karma, reincarnation, and the
merit-demerit dichotomy. These Buddhist concepts are
normally mixed with Brahmanistic and animistic elements,
becoming “popular religion” or “popular Buddhism,” not
“sophisticated Buddhism”.
In many songs (dialogue song) the singers utilize their
knowledge of Buddhism to test their opponents’ level of
knowledge. Interestingly enough, the woman singer tends to
use her knowledge of Buddhism specifically for this purpose
when a man courts her in dialogue songs.

Woman: I would like to ask you, my dear

brother,
But I’m afraid you may feel
offended
What kind of man do people call
“phi thit”?
Man: They are those who know
what is right and what is wrong.
160

Is that right?
Woman: “Pandita” really means a
“scholar”
According to the scripture.
Don’t you know that?
Well, you have been ordained,
But have learned nothing.

The woman not only tests the man’s knowledge; she

also criticizes him for being in vain. The songs also show the
relationship between the layman and the monk, who are not
separated from each other by the strict rules of the monastic
life. The temple is the center of village activities and the monks
traditionally act as the villagers’ consultants in almost every
aspect of life.
In phleng hae nak some small notions about the monk’s
conduct are revealed. For example, the monk-to-be is taught
not to kick (play) takro (a wicker ball) because he is supposed
to be self-collected. In another song, the monk is satirized for
being unable to divorce himself from his secular life and desires,
the attraction of sexual relationships. A monk who is ordained
after marriage is always the particular target of such teasing,
because his wife usually stays in the same village and they can
meet very often but must abstain from sexual relationship.
The above discussion shows the intimate relationship
between the layman and the monk as well as the layman’s
criticism of the monk’s conduct. While it is possible for the
layman to criticize a monk, the monk’s given high, respectful
status.
In conclusion, folksong play a significant role in
adulthood socialization, both in the performing and the content
of such songs. Patterns of relationships with the supernatural
 161

world which are rarely mentioned in childhood socialization

are introduced through ceremonial and social songs. Their
content shows both the patterns of relationships and expected
roles for society members to perform, for their immediate
family and their society as well. Social songs have significant
roles, not only in bringing villagers together in public
entertaining activities, but also in introducing to them a system
of values and relationships with their fellow villagers. Through
these songs, villagers learn to live with others and help
maintain their community. At the same time, they assimilate
and adjust the ideal norms they learned at an early age in order
to cope with the present situation, conditioned by the modem
way of life which is gradually invading the traditional one they
used to know.

FOLKSONG AND SOCIO-CULTURAL CHANGE

When we say that folksongs are perpetuated by oral tradition, it

does not mean that all folksongs necessarily originated this
way. A folksong can be developed from a popular city song
and be sung in the folk setting. However, for the purpose of
this study, folksong is defined as “songs which are current in
the repertory of a folk group.” The influence of inspiration
may be exchanged between country and city people in both
directions. George Herzog, a well-known scholar of folksong
and folk music, gives his principle criterion for determining a
folksong: “Whatever the sources, however, it is oral circulation
that is the best general criterion of what is a folk song.”3
As mentioned before, folksingers are rarely aware of
origin, form, construction, or any aesthetic of analytic theory.
They sing for their own pleasure as well as for their group and
nearly everyone in the group knows the song very well. Even
though not every one can sing, they can participate and
162

appreciate this treasure together. Certainly there are some

skillful singers whom people appreciate and respect as the
virtuosos of the village or the leaders of the singing group.
However, in most cases, one will find difficulty in distinguishing
the performer and the audience. Almost everyone, including
the children, can participate by singing the refrain, or usually by
clapping their hands to help reinforce the rhythm. Only in some
particular types of song has the performance been developed
into a stage-show for which a real expert is needed. Thus,
while lullabies are more properly sung by women and children’s
songs are monopolized by children, other categories of folksong
do not exclude any performers on the basis of age, sex, or
special aptitude.
On a professional level, an individual singer or a group
of singers may be called in on a special occasion, for example,
to celebrate a wedding or ordination ceremony. These
performers may get paid in cash. But usually, they will get a
“...modest gift, feasting, and drinks rather than pay...” 4 This
also proves to be true among the folksingers of Ban Hua Khao.
Few of them are professional singers. They may be farmers,
gardeners’ craftsmen, or vendors, and they will perform
folksong singing as an occasional or seasonal job in their free
time, such as after the harvest, but they usually cannot survive
by money gained from singing alone. They sing because they
“love to sing and cannot give up singing.” 5
Folksong texts are re-created through performance and
transmission. Each singer naturally adds small modifications
in his own style. This process of modification leads of
variations in localities and regions, both in style of singing and
in text. The process usually takes more than one generation
and the possession of a song becomes a matter of locality or
region than of a single person. People generally say that this
song or that song belongs to this province or that village,
 163

which implies that such a modified version or style is well-

known and appreciated by people in that particular area.
However, “every person has got a bom right to sing it his own
way...”6

PERFORMANCE OF FOLKSONG IN VILLAGE LIFE

As already mentioned in the part concerning the ethnographic

setting and hamlet ecology, village life in Ban Hua Khao is
changing quite fast and people follow the lifestyle of the city
people in many ways. This has affected the performance of
folksong in the village in many ways too. For example, a
variety of the spirit offerings concerning rice growing, or
ceremonies concerning Mae Phosop as well as other fertility
rites, were performed in the past. Most of these rites have
already died out. Some are combined into one rite such as rap
khwan khua and tham khwan young (gretting the spirit of Mae
Phosop and blessing the bam); some have been revived in a
slightly different form, usually with more Buddhistic elements.
For instance, tham bun kieo and tham bun lan (offering before
the harvest and making merit for the threshing ground) in
which monks are invited to receive alms at the field or at the
threshing floor. Now only remnants of the elaborate rites
remain, in the form of food offerings to the spirit of the rice and
also to the guardian spirit of the field. Usually there is no
elaborate text, only simple invocations made as an invitation to
the spirit.
Another significant change concerning ceremonial song
is the tham khwan nak or calling the spirit of the monk-to-be
which used to be one of the most important elements in the pre-
ordination rite. Generally this rite is performed in the
afternoon before the day of ordination. On this occasion, an
expert performer (mo khwan) was traditionally called. Since it
164

is very expensive, including the feast for relatives and

neighbors and the wages for the mo khwan plus the ceremonial
items, people now invite a monk to preach to the nak about the
virtue of gratitude and preparation for entering the monastic
life. This new practice, which began about ten years ago, has
spread so fast that only one-third of the pre-ordination
ceremonies in Ban Hua Khao were performed in the traditional
style. However, people still spend a large sum of money for
the feast on the eve of the ordination. Thus, this new idea has
helped cut costs and at the same time it makes them feel that
the ordination is perfectly complete. It is probable that the
traditional tham khwan nak rite will die out soon in rural areas
as it has in urban areas.
In the case of the social song, since modem agricultural
techniques have influenced the traditional methods of farming,
most activities have been changed. For example, many farmers
rent a threshing machine which can finish the threshing within
half a day instead of the several days it took in the past. They
bring the machine right to the paddy fields. Thus, they no
longer need a threshing floor. The threshing songs are sung no
more. They also hire laborers during the harvesting; no one
wants to sing reaping songs while working since they are paid
by the amount harvested each day, not by the hour.
These songs have almost died out form the fields;
however, they are still occasionally sung for entertainment in
festivals. People have shifted from phleng choi (a particular
type of dialogue song), phleng song khrung, or phleng sam
mai, which are long dialogues and need special talent in
singing, to these reaping and threshing songs which are shorter
and which most people can sing together. In brief, these
agricultural songs have been taken from the fields to the temple
and house compound. Their function as a diversion while
working has also been changed to that of public entertainment
 165

during festivals. Thus, it is likely that, in the future, two

particular groups of social songs (songs sung in festivals and
songs sung during the harvest) will become one, that is, those
sung during festivals.
One observation about the content of phleng choi
should be mentioned here. The content of phleng choi, one of
the most popular types of dialogue song, does not, at present,
deal only with courting or sexual relationships but also with
other topics such as historical and contemporary events, as well
as stories from folktales and legends. In one particular phleng
choi from Ban Hua Khao, the main character is a member of
parliament, a politician. Evidently, phleng choi not only
records the villagers’ lifestyle but also provides an outlet for
the pressures in their lives.

CONCLUSION

Through folksongs, men and women talk to each other,

introducing themselves, making friends with each other,
teasing and attacking as part of entertaining each other. During
festivals, these social songs are sung as the essential part of the
villagers entertainment. Thus, they really function as the
means of social interaction among villagers. At the same time,
they reveal the idea of social control and patterns of behavior in
many aspects. More interestingly, these songs become an
outlet for pressures caused by rules of social control. They
give people an opportunity to express their feelings, thoughts,
emotions and also their attitudes towards others as well as
toward their own lives. Nowadays, such functions may be
changing, as modem technological advances and new lifestyles
affect the traditional lifestyle. These songs, as already
discussed, reveal both continuity and change in form and
content. They may become the folksongs of the new
166

generation, but what is obvious about these songs is that they

reflect the deepest traditions and uppermost concerns of village
life

NOTES

1
Phraya Anumanrajdhon, Essays on Thai Folklore.
(Bangkok; Social Science Association, 1968), p. 324.

2
National Statistical Office, 1980 Population and Housing
Census. (Bangkok; National Statistical Office, 1983).

3
George Herzog “Song” in Maria Leach (ed.), Standard
Dictionary of Folklore, Mythology, and Legend. (New York:
Harper & Row, 1950), p. 1033.

A
Ibid., p. 1034.

5
Anek Nawikkatnul, Phleng Nok Satawat (Song of the Past
Centuries). (Bangkok: Karawek 1978), pp. 98-99.

6
Marie Campbell, “Regular Song Ballads with the Tunes Set
Down,” Tennessee Folk-Lore Society Bulletin 3 (1937); 3.
 167

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Anumanrajdhon, Phraya. Essays on Thai Folklore. Bangkok: Social

Sciences Association Press of Thailand, 1968.

Attakara, Kingkeo. The Folk Religion of Ban Nai: A Hamlet in Central

Thailand. Ph.D. dissertation submitted to the Institute of Folklore,
Indiana University, 1967.

Campbell, Marie. “Regular Song Ballads with the Tunes Set Down,” in
Tennessee Folklore Society Bulletin, Vol.3, No.3, Sept. 1937.

Dundes, Alan. The Study of Folklore. New Jersey: Prentice Hall Inc.,
1965.

Herzog, George. “Song,” in Marie Leach (ed.,) Standard Dictionary of

Folklore, Mythology, and Legend. New York: Harper & Row
Publishers, Inc., 1950.

Komin, S. & Samackam, Sanit. Thai Values System. Bangkok: Research

Center, NIDA. 1979.

Mallikamas, Kularp. Khati Chaoban (Folklore). Bangkok: PEN

Association of Thailand, 1966.

Nawikkamul, Anek. Phleng Nok Satawat (Song of the Past Centuries).

Bangkok: Karawek, 1978.

Phatthrachai, Sukanya. Phleng Patiphak: Kansuksa Nai Choeng

Wannakhadi Wikhro (Dialogue Songs: An Analytical Study).
M.A. thesis submitted to the Department of Thai Language,
Chulalongkorn Graduate School, 1980.

Pongsapich, Amara, et al. Traditional and Changing Thai World View.

Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University Social Research Institute,
1985.

National Statistical Office, 1980 Population and Housing Census

Bangkok: National Statistical Office, Office of the Prime
Minister, 1983.
168

Posakritsana, Pha-op et al. Kanlalen Khong Dek Phak Klang 16

Changwat (Childres’s Games in Central Thai Provinces).
Bangkok: The Office of the National Identity Promotion Board,
1979.

Ruangdet, Sumamal. Phleng Phunmuang Chak Phanom Thuan

(Folksong from Phanom Thuan District). Bangkok: Department
of Teacher Education, the Ministry of Education, 1975.

Samacharn, Sanit & Atthakorn, Wiwatchai. “Perception Values and

Attitude of Thai Farmers in Relation to Adoption of Modern
Technology” in Saleem Ahmed and Mohammad Sadiq, (eds.)
I.N.P.U.T.S. Honolulu: East-West Food Institute, 1976.

Wongthet, Pranee. Phunban Phunmuang (Folk Culture and Urban

Culture). Bangkok: ChaoPhraya, 1982.
THAI FOLK BELIEFS ABOUT ANIMALS
AND PLANTS AND ATTITUDES
TOWARD NATURE*
SUVANNA KRIENGKRAIPETCH

A belief is any simple proposition, conscious or unconscious,

inferred from what a person says or does, and capable of being
preceded by the words “I believe.” The content of a belief may
describe an object or situation as true or false, evaluate it as
good or bad, or advocate a certain course of action as desirable
or undesirable. All beliefs are thus predisposition’s to action or
sets of interrelated presuppositions to action organized around
objects or situations, and these beliefs form attitudes (Rokeach
1968: 450).
This paper attempts to examine Thai folk beliefs about
animals and plants, as expressed in the nursery rhymes,
folksongs, riddles and old sayings of the Thai people. The basis
of the approach is the recognition that folk beliefs about animals
and plants are implanted in the child’s mind through nursery
rhymes, games and play, and form the child’s attitude toward
nature. As the child grows up, such sets of beliefs or
predisposition’s develop into more complicated forms which are
reflected in the relationship between adults and nature.
The analysis is based partly on my field research in oral
tradition as a means of socialization in Central Thai villages in
Suphan Buri Province from 1982 to 1983, and partly on my

originally published in Culture and Environment in Thailand

Bangkok: The Siam Society, 1989, pp. 195-212.
170

experience as a Thai who grew up with all these beliefs.

However, I do not make a clear distinction between the data
from my field research in Suphan Buri and my own experience
as an inhabitant of Bangkok, because the folk cultures of both
Suphan Buri and Bangkok belong to the same ethnic category:
that of the Central Region. In some cases, I will give full
information about the data to indicate significant differences
between these two locations. Otherwise, the data should be
taken as “Thai folk belief’
Man’s assumptions about nature, the physical world he
sees around him, can take many forms. Most anthropologists
classify these forms into three main types: man’s domination of
nature; his subordination to nature; and man as part of nature,
neither dominant nor subordinate (Honigman 1963: 191). The
man-nature relationship that I choose to examine through Thai
folk beliefs on animals and plants falls into the third category.
Among the Thai, who view animals and plants as part of their
lives, a successful person in one who is able to live in harmony
with nature.

NURSERY RHYMES AND THE CHILD’S WORLD OF NATURE

In the early stage of life, the Thai individual belongs exclusively

to the family, and his immediate world consists of family
activities. The child grows socially, culturally, and physically
under the protection of this family. In an extended family, not
only the child’s mother but every member of the family takes
care of the child. He is never left alone, neither in his waking
nor sleeping hours; this is confirmed in nursery rhymes,
especially in lullabies.
In this discussion of nursery rhymes and children’s
socialization, I do not mean that the child’s experience and his
perception of the environment can be gained only through
 171

nursery rhymes. Certainly, no single aspect of one’s social or

cultural life can be seen as the primary source of one’s learning
about one’s culture (Wanni Wibulsawat Anderson 1982).
Nursery rhymes are only one aspect of socialization during the
early stage of life when the child learns to assimilate, adjust to,
and perhaps negotiate with the reality of his social and cultural
world.
When the child grows up, his immediate world within
the family expands into the society to which he belongs. He
learns to live not only with his kin but also with other people
who are not related to him by blood. He learns to act properly
with others under the control of behavioral rules enforced by
society. He learns more about different roles and status’s
outside his family circle. Animals, plants and natural
phenomena become part of his life.
A great many lullabies and amusing or teasing rhymes
deal with the natural environment and natural phenomena.
Listening to these nursery rhymes, or singing them by himself,
the child learns numerous details about animals and plants,
their appearances, habits and habitats. He learns also about the
peculiar relationships between animals, such as the wall-gecko
(tukkae), the green snake, the myna bird (nok iang) and the
buffalo, the crow and the coel. He learns of imaginary animals
like the tuttu, the characteristics of which are derived from
those of the bamboo lizard. In the game song chamchi (Point
and Touch), which has many variations, the child learns about
different kinds of fruits and vegetables. He also learns about
the moon, its waxing and waning, and the effect of such natural
phenomena on human feeling, as follows:
Phra chan chao kha Oh, Dear Moon,
Ichan tham khao I would like to hear from you.
Phra chan sok sao If you are sad,
Ichan pen thuk I feel awfully bad
172

Phra chan sanuk If you rejoice,

Ichan sabai I’ll feel happy.
Phra chan duan ngai When you shine brightly,
Ichan thio ten I’ll go for a walk;
Duan mut mai hen When your light is darkened,
Ichan non sia I’ll go to sleep.

Nursery rhymes discussed in this paper include 3 main

types: lullabies, fun or teasing rhymes, and games song (Pha-Op
Posakritsana 1979). The descriptions and details about wildlife
and the natural environment in the nursery rhymes are not based
on scientific observation but on simple observation of animals’
appearances and habits. The animals mentioned are usually
domestic ones, or common house pets such as dogs, cats, and
birds. The plants mentioned are those found in the house
compound, garden, or in the fields. Some of these songs refer
to what the Thai consider peculiar types of animals, such as nok
krathung (the pelican), but they are not intended to explain such
peculiarities seriously. They come from the singer’s
imagination and are based on keen observation of the natural
surroundings. For example:

chao nok kra thung oei Pelican,

tham tut tung tung You bulge out your buttock,
nok kra thung chao cha khat Ready to lay an egg.
san phom bai yai yai Let’s weave a big basket,
ao wai sai khai nok hra thung For the pelican’s egg.
khai man to lua to The egg is so huge,
sak thao taeng mo As huge as a water melon
Bang Lamung From Bang Lamung.
cha wa chan pot ko mai dai Well, you cannot say that I lie,
hon thang man klai koen krung Since the district is so far away.

It is through these rhymes, which are rich with

imagination, that the child associates himself with the
surrounding world, which seems to be a very pleasant one, and
 173

friendly animals like the tuttu. In this well-known lullaby, it

offers betel to people who walk past his hole.

Tuttu Tuttu,
yu nai ru kra bok mai In the bamboo clump, you live
hen kon doen pai Watching people walk by,
riak hai kin mak You call them to have betel with
you
tuttu phuan yak My dear friend Tuttu,
kin mak duai kan Let’s have betel together.

The offering of betel is a way of greeting guests in Thai

culture. Setting an example for children, the behavior of this
tuttu confirms another Thai popular saying that “Whoever
comes to the house must get the best welcome.” The ability to
be friendly with people is a necessary qualification for being
well-liked, a quality which the Thai greatly admire.
Furthermore, through symbolic expression, the child is
introduced to the harder facts of life in the outside world. For
example, in Kawao (The Malayan Coel), the tragic end of the
mother crow may inspire the child to question injustice in life.

yang mi nai phran A hunter

thio yiam yiam mong Came and saw them.
mong
y o k ao p u n k h u n ma Raising his gun at the mother
song crow,
chong ao mae ka dam He speculated:
tua nung cha tom “Will she taste good boiled,
tua nung cha yam Or will she taste better with
kin nang mae ka kham vegetables?”
wanni u mae na Poor mother crow, oh, poor
mother crow

The above nursery rhyme puts questions in a child’s

mind: why did the hunter shoot the mother crow? Who will
174

take care of the baby coel? The child may ask similar
questions in Nok lang: The myna bird does its job fairly, so
why do people curse it?

nok lang oei Nok iang,

ma Hang khwai thao You come looking after the old
buffalo.
khwai kin khao When the buffalo eats rice,
nok iang hua to Poor nok iang’s head is getting
bigger.
chap ton pho pho ma It flies to rest on the pho tree,
ton sai crying,
chap ton khing Then goes to the ginger clump;
khao ko ying long ma People shoot it down
chap ton kha Go to the galingales;
khao da mae hai They curse its mother badly.

Through personification in these rhymes, the child may

identify the mother crow and the baby coel with his mother and
himself. He may feel pity for the myna bird as if it were his
friend. At some point in his life, the child is told by an adult,
“You see, birds and other animals also have families. They
have parents and babies, like us. Be kind to them. Do not treat
them cruelly. Animals also have feelings and they have hearts.”
Eventually, the adult may add, “It is a sin to be cruel to
animals.”
Thus, the child is introduced to the teachings of
Buddhism regarding merit and sin; and perhaps to the Law of
Karma (The Law of the Cause and the Effect). Usually, parents
give simple explanations because they think that the child is
still too young to understand these concepts. However, he has
already learned about cruelty and mercy. He is taught to be
kind to animals and to think of animals as if they were human
beings with sensed and feelings. To torture or kill an animal is
as bad as to kill a man. There is another popular Thai saying
 175

that “Killing a cat is equal to killing a novice” (although there

is no clear or reasonable comparison between the two).
Kindness is thus assigned through nursery rhymes to
interaction between man and animals.
Through simple questions about injustices and unhappy
events in these nursery rhymes, the child begins to form his
attitude toward life and nature and, moreover, toward the
discrepancies between the ideal world and the real world.
Besides lullabies and nursery rhymes of various types,
game songs also give clear examples of the child’s assimilation
into the natural world (Wanni Wibulsawat Anderson 1982).
Games such as Tiger Crossing the Creek, Crocodile, Snake
East Its Tail, and Mother Crow Hatching Her Eggs all point to
the fact that, prior to being able to play these games, the child
has developed his knowledge about animals and plants as parts
of his surrounding environment. He puts his familiarity with
nature to maximum use for his entertainment by reciting riddles
about animals and plants. For example:

arai oei What is it?

ton thao kha Its trunk is as big as a leg,
bai va dieo (kluai) The leaf is only one wcz long.
(A banana tree.)
and,
arai oei What is it?
ton thao khaen Its trunk is as big as an arm,
bai laen sieo (oi) The leaf is divided into two halves.
(Sugarcane.)
and,
arai oei What is it?
ton thao khrok Its trunk is as big as a mortar,
bai prok din (takhrai) Its leaf reaches down to the ground.
(Lemongrass.)
176

The plants in such riddles are usually cultivated in the

house compound of kitchen garden. Animals mentioned in
these riddles are domestic ones or household pets, or those that
are familiar to the child. For example:
arai oei What is it?
si tin doen ma Four legs walking,
lang kha mung kra buang (tao) Under a tiled roof. (A turtle.)

and,
arai oei What is it?
wing ma thong thong Running around,
mi thong yu khang thai (ma) With a flag behind. ( A dog.)

And

Arai oei What is it?

mua koet mai mi kha When it is born, no legs,
mua tai mai hi hang (kop) When it dies, no tail. (A frog.)

These riddles, which can be considered family games

between child and adult, or among children of different ages,
bring the child closer to nature in the form of domestic animals
and house plants. At the same time, these riddles form the
child’s attitude toward nature as part of his life, since the
relationship between man, animals and plants is that of
cohabitants.
After this discussion of the child’s perception of nature
and his familiarity with it, it may provide some balance to
discuss nursery rhymes that may make the child feel that animals
and plants are strange or to be feared. In a special type of
lullaby called phleng khu (threatening song), some animals are
shown to be fierce of harmful. For example, Maeo Mieo (The
Cat), Maeo Ngao (Tomcat), Tukkae (Gecko), and Mae Pai Rai
(Mother Goes to the Field), all give the idea of animals as
harmful or are used to force the child to go to sleep.
 177

The Cat
maeo mieo oei Oh, Maeo Mieo,
yaek khieo ying fan You grin and bare your teeth,
sua pla na san The short-face fishing-tiger,
kat kan thi theo wa Come fight with each other now
khrai non mai lap Whoever cannot sleep,
kin tap sia thi theo wa His liver will be eaten up

The Gecko
tukkae oei tua man lai Tukkae, its skin is so spotted.
phroi phroi
ngu kieo tua noi The little green snake
hoi hua long ma Hangs his head down
khrai non mai lap Whoever cannot go to sleep,
kin tap sai thi theo wa Let the snake eat his liver

Mother Goes to The Field

mae chao khao pai rai Your mother has gone to the farm;
khao cha ao khai kai She will bring back to you an egg.
ma ha
mai chao khao pai na Mother has gone to the field;
khao cha ao khai ka ma
hai She will bring back a crow’s egg
lan on on ya rong kin nom Dear grandchild, don’t cry for milk.
mai lap yieo cha chik ta If you do not go to sleep,
hai lap ika cha chijk sai The hawk will pluck out your eyes
non sia na lan oei The crow will pluck out your intestines.
Sleep, my grandchild, sleep.

The aim of these songs is clear. If the lullabies of

endearment fail to have the desired effect of lulling the child to
sleep or getting him to stop playing or fidgeting, then the
threatening lullabies are used. It is worth noting that these
threats are not intended to terrify the child; horrors are rarely
mentioned. Pets that become wild or fierce, or animals with
ugly, unpleasant features are more frequently mentioned.
178

At the same time, there is no mention in nursery rhymes

of the ghosts, spirits or supernatural beings that make up the
system of Thai animistic beliefs. Specialists in child-rearing
and scholars of child psychology often accuse parents of
threatening their children with ghosts and the terrors of
darkness. But nursery rhymes, at least, never mention ghosts,
spirits or any supernatural power.
However, the absence of ghosts and spirits in nursery
rhymes does not mean that the child will have no conception of
such supernatural beings. The child learns of the supernatural
world from older children or overhears tales told among adults,
and then invents games based on what he has heard. In one
common children’s play , which is considered the scariest of
Thai ghost stories, the ghost of a woman called Nang Nak
comes to ask other children (or players) to go to a movie with
her. The dialogue between Nang Nak illustrates the simple
imagination of children with regard to ghosts:

talok tok task Knock! Knock!

ma thammai Why do you come?
- ma chuan pai du nang - To invite you to the movies.
ruang arai What movies?
- ruang mae nak phra - The story of Nang Nak
khanong
pai yang ngai How will we go?
- pai duaikan - We’ll go together.
thammai mu yen Why are your hands so cold?
- phro chan lang mu - Because I wash them.
thammai lep yao Why your nails are so long?
- phro chan wai lep - Because I keep them long
thammai phom yao Why is your hair so long?
- phrase chan wai phom - Because I wear it long
thammai na khao Why is your face so white?
- phro chan phat na - Because I powder it
thammai ta bo Why are your eyes hollow?
- phro chan pen phi - Because I am a ghost!
 179

In nursery rhymes such as the lullabies, fun rhymes,

game songs, and riddles explained above, beliefs about animals
and plants are implanted in the child’s mind, simple and
naturally. Such beliefs suggest to the child that the relationship
between man and the domain of plants and animals is one
between friends. Even though he may find some injustices and
bitter facts in nature he finds that the simplest way to cope with
nature is to live in harmony with it.

FOLK BELIEFS AND THE ADULT’S ATTITUDE TOWARD

NATURE

In ceremonial songs and popular sayings, the

supernatural world is introduced to the adult as a part of nature
that he has to cope with. Folk beliefs about animals and plants
expressed through these types of oral tradition are grouped into
six categories, as follows:
1. A gourd as the origin of mankind
2. The Rice Goddess as the guardian spirit
3. Spirits residing in particular kinds of animals
and plants
4. Auspicious and inauspicious animals and
plants
5. Animals and plants in dietary habits
6. Animals and plants as omens and weather
forecasters

1. A gourd as the origin of mankind. One Thai myth

about the creation of the world and mankind relates that there
was once a big, green gourd lying on the ground. When it was
ripe, the shell broke and the different races of mankind poured
out. They varied in skin color, other physical features and in
180

their ways of life, and because of these differences, some races

became inferior to others. There are hundreds of versions of
this particular myth of creation, each with slight differences,
but the main theme is that all the human races have one origin,
which is believed to be a fruit or vegetable. Thus, man and
plants (which represent nature), are interrelated.

2. The Rice Goddess. Mae Phosop is the spirit or

‘soul’ of rice, which is the main staple of the Thai diet. It is
believed that without rice, a person cannot live long. In the
myth of Mae Phosop, she is badly mistreated by an old widow,
so she flees and stays with her friend, a fish, deep in the forest
where no other human being can reach her. All human beings
suffer from her absence and try hard to find her. At last, the
fish tells her that she should go back because the next Lord
Buddha will soon come to the world, and that he will not be
able to fulfill his duty on earth without Mae Phosop. So Mae
Phosop returns to the community of human beings to stay
forever. But before returning, she asks for a promise that
mankind treat her with great respect forever after, and she
pledges to bring mankind abundant crops. Man keeps his
word, and so does the Rice Goddess.
This story explains most Thai fertility rites concerning
the cultivation of rice. Thus the relationship between man and
the spirit of rice may be described as mutually dependent. It is
worth noting that there is an old saying that “The virtues of rice
are 69, while the virtues of the Lord Buddha are only 59.” This
proverb, as some scholars have remarked, may reveal the
conflict between indigenous animistic beliefs and Buddhism,
especially in the North where this saying is found. However, it
also shows a deep relationship between man and what sustains
his life. It is possible that the Buddhist element in the story of
 181

Mae Phosop is a trace of a past effort to combine indigenous

and Buddhist beliefs.
In the invocation or ceremonial song used in the ritual of
bringing spirits or calling khwan to Mae Phosop, the person
performing the rite will address her with sweetness and respect
(Kingkeo Attakara 1967: 41), using the following words:

khwan oei mae phosi mae phosop

mae nop data mae chan the wi
mae si dusada ma theo mae ma

Dear Spirit o f Rice, Mother Phosi, Mother

Phosop,
Mother of the Nine Stars, Mother Chanthewi,
Mother Si Dusada, come, please, come.

Mae Phosop is addressed by the title of mother (mae),

the protector and provider of food for the children (i.e., human
beings). People call themselves luuk (child) when talking to
Mae Phosop in ceremonial songs or texts. They respect her and
act with the same proper behavior as they would toward their
human mother. Children are also taught to wai (to put their
hands in the position of obeisance) after they finish their meal.
In brief, people feel grateful to Mae Phosop and behave
properly to show their gratitude.

3. Spirits residing in particular kinds animals and

plants. People believe that in a big tree there is a spirit that
protects it from harm caused by men or animals. Thus, people
dare not cut down a big tree. If they must cut it down and there
is no way to avoid doing so, they offer a sacrifice to the spirit of
the tree to ask its permission (Kingkeo Attakara 1967: 43-45).
They believe that if such sacrifice is not offered, the spirit
182

will cause harm to the person who cuts down the tree, or that a
disaster will befall the person’s community or the community
where the tree is located.
Tree spirits can be generally classified into two
categories: benevolent spirits and malevolent spirits. Among
these spirits, the most well-known to the Thai are Phra Sai (the
spirit of the banyan tree) and Phrase Pho (the spirit of the pipal
tree). These are often mentioned in Thai literature and are
included in the group of heavenly spirits or thewada (Anuman
Rajadhon 1972). Thai people normally call the spirits of big
tree theparak (guardian spirit).
The other two famous spirits are Nang Tani (the woman
spirit of the banana tree) and Nang Takian (the woman spirit of
the hopea tree). Notably, these spirits are female, while those
of the banyan and pipal trees are male. The gender
differentiation may have something to do with where these
trees are found. The banyan tree and the pipal tree grow
naturally in the forest. Their spirits have a higher rank than the
spirits of the banana and hopea trees, which are found in the
environs of the house. The banana tree is a house plant, and
the hopea tree is usually used for houseposts; their spirits hold
a rank perhaps equivalent to that of a nymph.
The relationship between man and these spirits is one of
dependence and reciprocity. These spirits are supposed to
render protection and assistance in return for sacrifices and
offerings In some situations, negotiation takes place between a
person and a spirit. For instance, when one needs help from a
particular spirit, one may promise it special offerings. This
would seem to be a kind of bribery, but people tend to
rationalize it as an exchange or a reciprocal promise. The
significance of this is that people deal with spirits as they
would with human beings. In this context, spirits are
considered different only in that they have no visible body and
 183

have supernatural power that human beings cannot possess or

match.
Another significant notion concerning tree spirits is that
people tend to speak of Nang Tani and Nang Takian as if they
were women. They believe that there are magical charms that
can be used to call Nang Tani and Nang Takian out of their
dwellings. Moreover, the male homeowner who possesses a
special magical power can put Nang Tani under his spell and
make her his wife (Anuman Rajadhon 1987). Anyone who can
marry Nang Tani can use her supernatural power to fulfill his
needs. However, he has to make sure that he can control her,
or else she can harm him.
The concept of benevolent and malevolent tree spirits is
not clear enough to separate them into two distinct groups. If a
person misbehaves toward these spirits, intentionally or
otherwise, the benevolent ones become malevolent and cause
trouble. For example, a naive child who urinates under a big
tree will, according to traditional beliefs, get sick in
consequence. But, after offerings are made to the spirit to that
tree, the child will recover.
Such things also occur in the case of animals especially
big ones in which people believe a spirit resides. But spirits of
animals are not as well-known as those of trees. Only the
spirits of animals and large animals like elephants, buffaloes
and tigers (and only special types of these spirits) are widely
known among the Thai.

4. Auspicious and inauspicious animals and plants.

Beliefs about auspicious and inauspicious animals and plants
normally depend on three special characteristics. One is the
name of a plant species, and another the physical makeup,
special properties, visible features of miscellaneous features of
plant and animal species. The third characteristic, which
184

applies only to animals, is the habits of a species that are

considered undesirable.
Most Thai people prefer to plant trees or house plants
with auspicious names. Thus, mayom (goose-berry), khanun
(jackfruit, genus Artocarpus), ratchaphruk (golden shower or
Cassia fistula), fuang fa (bougainvillaea) and other plants with
names that have auspicious meanings or pleasant sounds are
very popular and can be found in the compounds of most Thai
houses. Plants with inauspicious names are not cultivated. For
example, phutsa, which sounds like the work is (meaning to
decay or deteriorate), is not supposed to be grown in the house
compound. Similarly, no homeowner would grow mafai,
which sounds like the Thai word for fire, for fear of perpetual
danger.
However, some plants with symbolically auspicious
names are believed capable of bringing harm to the homeowner
if they are grown in the wrong part of the house compound.
For example, khanun (jackfruit) must be grown behind the
house if the homeowner is to receive good fortune as a result
(Thai Studies Institute 1968).
Some plants are favored for their physical
characteristics. Sugarcane and banana tree, for example, are
favored because they can be cultivated with little effort. Thus,
they symbolize prosperity and success. Other plants are
believed to have supernatural properties. The leaf of the taptim
(pomegranate), for example, is believed capable of driving
away ghosts and protecting the house from all evil. According
to another belief, plants or trees that are normally grown in or
around temples, such as phikun (mimusops) and the po (pipal)
tree, should not be grown around the house.
There are Thai textbooks on the physical fractures of
dogs, cats, elephants, buffaloes, horses and other animals, and
also of plants. According to these texts, a dog with a flat back,
 185

upright ears and a flag shaped tail is believed to be the best

kind of dog (Prakong Nimmanhemindh 1981). There are
numerous other descriptions which, due to limitations of space,
cannot be discussed in detail here. They represent a keen
observation of nature and indicate intimacy between man and
his natural environment.
Although beliefs concerning names of animals are not
so prevalent, there are few taboos against certain animals
entering the household compound. For example, if a monitor
lizard (hia) happens to enter the house or if a vulture lands on
the roof, the owner must perform a ceremony to drive out the
animal’s evil spell (Chirapom Phattharaphanuphat 1985). One
reason that these animals are inauspicious in the Thai mind
may be that they feed off rotten carcasses and thus have
unpleasant odors.

5. Animals and plants in dietary habits. The most

well-known notion about plants as part of dietary habits in
Thailand is that a man who possesses magical charms must not
cat bamboo shoots or bottle gourd. The Thai say that bamboo
shoots and this type of gourd will take away his magic powers.
Although there is no popular supernatural belief regarding the
eating of plants by women, Thai women believe that after
giving birth, a mother should eat some green vegetables and
gourds to produce good milk for her baby.
There are no popular Thai beliefs or prohibitions
against eating the meat of animals. Dietary habits depend
mostly on an individual’s upbringing and his personal taste.
But in some areas, there are local folk beliefs about eating
certain animals.

6. Animals and plants as weather forecasters. When

Thai people see ants move out of their holes or march in lines
186

with their eggs, they say it will rain soon. The sight of several
dragonflies flying together provokes the same prediction. Such
weather predictions using animals as forecasters is very
common in agricultural societies like Thailand’s. However, to
gain this type of knowledge, keen observation and experience
must be accumulated over generations.
It is worth noting that the people of Northern Thailand
still hold a belief that the drumstick of a chicken can foretell
one’s future and, moreover, a city’s future. This ritual involves
the sacrifice of a white chicken and is mentioned in many
Northern legends and tales (Thai Studies Institute 1986).

CONCLUSION

From the folk beliefs discussed above, we can see that Thai
people treat animals and plants without apprehension or
condescension. They establish relationship, communicate, and
negotiate with animals and plants almost as friends, and even
make requests for help as they do with their fellow men nursery
rhymes implant folk beliefs about animals and plants in the
child’s mind and thus form the child’s attitude toward nature.
The adult develops these beliefs into more complicated forms
that reflect his attitude that man is a part of nature and that
nature is a part of man’s life.
 187

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Amara Pongsapich, et al. Traditional and changing Thai world view.

Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University. Social Research Institute,
1985.

Anuman Rajadhon, Phya. Essays on Thai folklore. Bangkok: Social

Science Association Press of Thailand, 1968.

. Muang sawan lae phi sang thewada (Heaven and spirits, and
angels). Bangkok: Bannakhan Press, 1972.

Chiraporn Phattharaphanuphat. Sathanaphap khati khwamchua khong

thai (The state of the study Thai beliefs). Bangkok: Institute of
Thai studies, Chulalongkorn University, 1985.

De Young, J.E. Village life in modern Thailand. Berkeley and Los

Angeles: University of California Press, 1966.

Dichinson, P. Khatichon chaoban: kansuksa nai dan manutsaya-

witthaya (Folklore: an anthropological approach). Bangkok:
Phraephitthaya Press, 1978.

Dundes, A. The study of folklore. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:

Prentice Hall, 1965.

Honigmann, J.J. Understanding culture . New York: Harper & Row, 1963.

Kingkaeo Attakara. The folk religion of Ban Nai: A hamlet in Central

Thailand. Ph.D dissertation Department of Folklore, Indiana
University, 1967.

Kularb Mallikamas. Khati chaoban (Folklore). Bangkok: PEN

Association of Thailand, 1966.

Pha-Op Posakritsana, et al. Kanlalen khong dek phak klang 19 changwat

(children ’s play and games in 19 Central Thai provinces).
Bangkok: The Ministry of Education, 1979.
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Prakong Nimmanhemin, et al. Khatichon suksa 1 (Folklore study 1).

Bangkok: Faculty of Arts Chulalongkorn University, 1981.

Rokeach, M. The nature of Attitudes. Vol. 1 of International

encyclopedia of Social Sciences, ed. David L. Sills. New York:
Macmillan and the Free Press, 1968.

Suthiwong Phongphaibol. Sarattha phleng klomdek phak tai (Motifs on

Thai lullabies of the South). Songkhla: The Institute of Southern
Studies, Srinakharinwirot University, 1981.

Thai Studies Institute, Chulalongkorn University. Watthanatham

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University, 1982.
 RELEVANCE OF THE TEXTUAL AND
CONTEXTUAL
ANALYSES IN UNDERSTANDING FOLK
PERFORMANCE IN MODERN SOCIETY:
A CASE OF SOUTHERN THAI SHADOW
PUPPET THEATRE
PARITTA CHALERMPOW KOANANTAKOOL

Traditional performing arts have become a matter of concern in

many Asian countries. It is generally assumed that rapid social
and technological change may affect these arts to the point of
extinction, or else they may be forced to change beyond
recognition. Using nang talung, the puppet theater of Southern
Thailand as a case study, this paper contends the folk
performances have always been changing, and to understand
such changes as a result of technological factors alone is
inadequate. A model suggested here tries to account for the
presence of particular genre of performance as an interaction
between the text, defined as the basic structure of a dramatic
form, its limitation and potentials for change, and the context,
defined as the sociocultural factors which function to create an
environment of such performing art. In this way stylistic
variations at a particular time can be explained. The paper will
first give a brief description of the southern Thai shadow
puppet theatre, then accounts for the text in terms of its visual

originally published in Asian Folklore Studies 48 (1989): 31-57.

190

form and form of presentation and for the context in terms of

the instructor-entertainer tension, and commercialization of
performance. Finally, it shows how the text and the context
interact in the styles of two puppeteers.

THE SHADOW PUPPET THEATER

The shadow puppet theater, known in Thai as nang tailing,' is

one of the traditional folk performances of southern Thailand.
It is known in all the provinces in the South, but concentrated
on the eastern coast, particularly in Nakhon Si Thammarat,
Songkhla, and Phattulung. Material presented in this paper was
collected in 1976-77 and 1982 from the district of Hua Sai,
Nakhon Si Thammarat, by closely observing and following the
troupe of Nang Prathum, or Mrs. Prathum Somchan.
The performance can be described briefly as follows.2
Nang tailing puppet shows are performed by a group of eight to
twelve people, one of whom is a puppeteer or nai nang,
laterally master of puppets, who is the leader of the troupe, the
others are musical accompaniers. There may be up to two
hundred puppeteers all over southern Thailand.3 Most
puppeteers are men from a peasant background with low level
of formal education usually up to lower primary grade 4
(prathom 4). The popular ones tend to live in large towns and
market towns in the three provinces mentioned above. Musical
accompaniers live in nearby villages and gather at the
puppeteer’s house before a performance. Places of
performance are usually some distance away and the group,
including the puppets, musical instruments, and other
equipment, travel in a converted pick-up van. A theater is a
temporarily built booth of about two meters wide by one and a
half meters deep, on four posts of two meters high. The
wooden board floor is only large enough for the group to sit on.
 191

There are palm-leaf roof and two-sided walls, the back is open,
the front covered with a screen made of piece of white sheet
(Figs. 1-3).
A performance takes place when a person or an
institution commissions a puppet troupe to perform. The fee
varies according to the distance they have to travel, the
popularity of the group and, to a lesser degree, the purpose of
performance. The puppeteers will distribute this fee among his
musicians according to prearranged rates.
Several occasions call for a performance. In general
they fall into two types; household celebrations and
commercial fairs. The former consists of ordination,
cremation, vow-releasing ceremony, and other merit-making
occasions connected with a household. In all these occasions, a
well-to-do household sponsors a troupe to perform in order to
entertain his guests as well as enhance his reputation in the
community. As for commercial fairs, temple committees,
district offices, schools, or private promoters organize a fair as
a profit-making activity. In this case, a puppet troupe performs
as part of the entertainment offered to spectators who pay for
tickets of enter the fair ground.
Performances take part in all these occasions as night-
time activity. For household celebrations a puppet show starts
around seven to eight o’clock in the evening and goes on until
dawn with a one-hour break around midnight. In large fairs
where there are several types of competing entertainment a
puppet show normally starts at a later time, around midnight or
one o’clock when the noises from other shows already subside.
Again it continues until dawn. A performance is given by
using puppets of depict characters in a story. The narration is
rendered in a combination of chanting, speeches,
commentaries, jokes, and songs. It is virtually a one man show
since all the puppet manipulation and vocalization are given by
192

one puppeteer. Nang talung puppets are made of cow’s hide

which has been dried and flattened. A craftsman uses a special
cutter and punches of various shapes and sizes to cut chisel it
into a desired figure, which is then colored and banished.
Finally two pieces of bamboo sticks are tied to the figure, one
functioning as a central skeleton for holding it, the other is tied
to the moveable arm. For the clowns, both arms and the lower
lip can be articulated.

THE TEXTUAL ANALYSIS

The degree of openness to innovation of an artistic tradition is a

crucial factor in deciding the manners in which that tradition
adapts itself in new circumstances. In his comparative study of
hill-tribal handicrafts in Northern Thailand, Cohen (1983) notes
that the Meo (Hmong) craftsmen have greater freedom in
combining basic motifs than those of the Yao. When they create
new designs for tourist products, the Hmong designs show a
greater variety than those of the Yao. Comparable to the Meo
products, a theatrical art such as nang talung consists of several
components: puppets, manipulation techniques, music, poetry, a
story which can be combined and recombined. It is impossible
to discuss all of them in detail, so they will be arranged in two
complexes, the visual form and form of presentation. Although
these topics are not exhaustive, they provide a useful frame for
the more basic components to be analyzed.

THE VISUAL FORM

On comparing old sets of puppets with contemporary ones/

several points of similarity and difference stand out. The
continuity and change in a hundred years of puppet making and
 193

performing will be approached from two perspectives: the

technical and the iconographic aspects.
On the technical side, theatrical genres in Thailand are
known to be identified by the material and technique involved.
Hun [a model] is a word for doll puppet show, nang [skin] is
for hide puppet show. The unique characteristic of a nang,
albeit hang (the large-sized puppet show), or nang talung, is
the use of two-dimensional puppets made of carved and
chiseled hide. These flat figures are placed against a white
screen illuminated by the light from bonfires (in nang yai), an
oil lamp, or an electric bulb (in nang talung) behind the screen.
Nang yai puppets are held in front of the screen most of the
time, while nang talung puppets are always behind the screen.
Therefore one can say that, once the term nang is used it can be
expected that the visual image will be created by shadows or
projections on a screen.5 It appears that once this is fulfilled, a
number of technical variations and modifications are allowed.
First the type of hide used has been changed. The thick,
opaque, home treated hide is replaced by that bought from
factories which comes in thin and translucent pieces already
treated and flattened. This new hide is used for making most
categories of puppets: human kings, princes, ladies, ogres,
villagers. A notable exception is that of the clown figures.
They are still made of thick hide. The reason why the
conventional technology is more appropriate is that the clown
figures appear in every performance and are therefore used
more frequently than other classes. In addition clown puppets
often experience rough handling because of their action-packed
role in play. So the more robust thick hide remains the choice.
The availability of artificial dyes enables contemporary
puppets to be more colorful. After the thin hide is carved and
chiseled, it is painted with ink or other water-based pigments in
bright colors. The colors show through clearly, particularly in
194

a strong, unwavering light of a powerful light blue which has

replaced the traditional oil lamp. The application of bright
colors on principal characters is welcome by puppet-makers
and puppeteers because it enhances the regalia on the outfits of
the royal characters and distinguishes them more sharply form
the black, peasant clowns. Finally, size too can vary. In an
ordinary set, puppet heights range from one foot to two and a
half feet. Specially large sets which double the normal size
have been made and used particularly by Nang Phrom Noi, the
most popular puppeteer in the late seventies whose audience,
according to one report (Sathit Niyomyat 1987: 4) reached
thirty thousand people.
On the iconography aspect, continuity of certain
characteristics: composition of a set, basic shape of a figure,
and the male-female distinction can be noted. A set consists of
one hundred fifty to two hundred puppets which are arranged in
groups. Each group represents a certain type of character in a
play. These are kings, queens, princes or young men,
princesses or young ladies, ogres, village characters such as old
villagers, bandits, headmen; minor characters such as hunters,
monks: deities and spirits; animals, trees, various stage props;
and finally the principal clowns (Figures 4-11). Comparison
with offer set shows that this composition follows a long
tradition. Most likely it is structured in accordance with typical
characters of the Ramayana and other folk tales which from
the basic repertoire of traditional Thai theatres. Broadly
speaking, for the groups that represent traditional royal
characters, new clement are introduced only in the form of
change of decorative motifs such as outfit, hairstyle,
ornaments. In the villagers and commoners groups, new
puppets can easily be invented. So one may find bandits in
cowboy outfits, military officers, gangsters, singers, dancers,
and many other modem looking puppets.
 195

A closer examination of puppets both traditional and

modem, from the one and contemporary sets, shows
persistence of a unique body outline. The characteristic shape
of the body is similar to that of an S figure, consisting of the
thrust forward chest, small waist, and accentuated hip. The
upper part down to the waist of the body is in full view (or
almost): from the waist down the body is twisted somehow so
as to show the side view of hip and legs. The legs are in
walking position, except the ogre’s leg which sticks up to
represent a flying pose. In the older sets of puppets, the
distinction between male and female faces is very obvious.
The male heads are always presented in profile while the
female are almost in full view. This distinction is retained to a
large extent in the contemporary puppets. Those that depict
kings, queens, princes, princesses, male and female ogres, and
most of the supporting characters are presented as described
above. Overall one can say that the characteristic S shape and
the male-female distinction have been modified only little.
Some contemporary figures may look more straightened up the
basic structure has not been challenged.
While the traditional outline is strongly preserved, other
parts o f the body-hairstyle, consume, decorative elements-are
subject to considerable modifications. The heroes, for
example, appear in three styles of costume: traditional style, li-
ke style, and modem style. The traditional style shows the
headdress, and traditional dance-drama costume. The li-ke
style, whose name is derived from a genre of popular drama, is
less ornamented. The heroines’ hairstyles and costumes appear
to be an area where puppet makers enjoy catching up with the
latest fashion most.
The above observation of puppet manufacturing, image-
making technique, and iconography shows that while certain
elements such a s the use o f hide, composition of a set. and
196

basic body structure have continued, other areas are allowed to

be affected by technological inventions and cultural change. So
there is room, as far as the visual form is concerned, for nang
tailing, to adapt itself to meet contemporary requirements. A
similar pattern is found in the next section-the presentation.

low

W»|#rr

Fig. 1. Front view of nang tailing theatre.

 203

THE PRESENTATION

Performances consist of two major parts: the ritual and the

dramatic. The first one occurs at the beginning of all
performances and consists of a series of short episodes in the
following order.
Rusi Figure of a hermit is placed on the screen and
danced to the music. This style of articulation is described as an
imitation of an old man walking and flying.
Shiva igure of a deity riding a black bull, referred to
simply as the “bull figure” and interpreted as the figure of Phra
Isuan, a Thai name for Shiva. The bull figure is articulated to
the rhythm of the music.
In the middle of these two episodes there is a pause
during which the puppeteer recites some magical formula
silently.
Rup na hot This is a figure of a young man holding a
lotus flower in his hand. It is described as a symbol of the
puppeteer showing his gratitude to many people such as his
parents, his master, his host. There is little manipulation in this
episode except occasional gestures of paying respect. During
this episode the puppeteer chants a long poem in which he lists
the names of people to whom he is grateful.
Rup bok rueng The final figure of the series is a clown,
typically Kaew, but other clowns can also be used. There is
neither chanting nor manipulating. The figure greets his
audience and announces the title of the play.
The above is a set series of episodes which together
form the opening ritual of a performance. Observations of
some fifty performances show no case of a puppeteer altering
the form, the sequence, or the style of manipulation and
chanting. What can be altered is the duration which is
shortened by some puppeteers, especially the younger ones.
204

But it is evident that over a long period of time certain episodes

can be omitted. Old puppeteers and spectators can recall certain
episodes, such as the monkey episode, which have been
dropped in all normal present day performances. They also say
that the articulation used to be longer and more sophisticated.
However, what can be said is that, comparatively speaking, the
ritual part much less dynamic than the dramatic part.
This second part has seen a great deal of modifications.
It is said by many puppeteers and informants that in the past
nang tailing performed the Ramakian (Thai version of the
Ramayand) story. In 1976-77, however, no Ramakian
episode was performed although its influences can still be felt.
Present day stories are made up by puppeteers out of themes
from various sources, the Ramakian, jataka tales, folktales, as
well as modern mass media. Modern stories may resemble
scenes from movies, showing villains in cowboys outfits or girls
in miniskirts. Characters in traditional stories are typically
princes, princesses, ogres, hermits, whereas in modern stories
they are district officers, school-teacher, rich merchants; even
presidents and army generals appear in some performances. The
settings also change from palaces, forests, and hermitages to
villages and towns. It should be noted, however, that the
distinction between traditional and modern stories is not clear-
cut. Most stories alternate between both settings with various
degrees of emphasis. S o characters and settings can be adapted
to make them more contemporary. New themes have been
included too. Traditional stories often tell of adventures of
princes and princesses-they leave the court to study with a
hermit, they receive some magical weapons or formula, they are
captured by ogres, they seduce ogre princesses. Modern ones
are concerned with village life, conflict between poor villagers
and rich influential merchants, conflict between good and bad
sons.
 205

While there is room for adjusting to current situation in

the form of characters and themes, detailed comparison of all
of stories performed indicates that they share some common
narrative structure. One well-known method for analyzing
folktale morphology is that of Propp (1968). His model has
been applied of nang talung stories with limited success
(Chalermpow 1981: 199-240). There is no space here to
present the analysis in details. Suffice it to say that Propp’s
functions do not fit actions in nang talung stories precisely.
Nevertheless the exercise reveals that all nang talung tales
share a common structural pattern at a broad level. Events can
be seen as forming a chronology consisting of three parts: the
initial complication, the adventurous middle part, and the final
crisis. The initial complication in traditional stories often takes
a form of departure, an abduction, or an eviction of an innocent
person. The adventures consist of such events as transference,
acquisition of help, courtship, unrecognized encounter,
temporary reunion, misfortunes. The final part is the
development of a crisis which is always unsolved, such as a
hero in danger, a quarrel between co-wives, or a fight. In
modem stories, the initial part may be an arrival of a selfish
merchant in a village. His evil plan then triggers a series of
actions that follow. In addition to the structural pattern, two
more peculiar characteristics of nang talung stories persist. The
first is the appearance of several principal characters whose
adventures we are to follow simultaneously. Some of them are
connected by blood or marriage, often unbeknownst to
themselves. Each scene change is a switch from one character
to another. While these protagonists may meet each other and
go away in the course of the story, there is a common
assumption that finally they will all be reunited. Such grand
finale, however, is never reached by any performance. This
forms the second characteristic of these tales. As has been
206

mentioned earlier, a performance invariably ends in

commotion, a quarrel, a fight-in brief, an unresolved crisis.
This ending has the same function as familiar “cliff-hanging”
scenes in serialized novels which keep the readers waiting
anxiously for the next issue. Some puppeteers explain that a
performance in the old days lasted several nights and such a
dramatic device was employed to keep up the audience’s
enthusiasm. Such device appears to have persisted into present
day performances even though they are scheduled to perform
only for one night.
Having considered the ritual and the dramatic sections
of a performance, it seems appropriate at this point to take a
brief look at the narrative modes employed, and observe the
area into which innovation can take place. Narration falls into
three modes: verse, dialogue, and clowns speech which
includes songs and jokes. A typical scene begins with a
chanting of one or two stanzas describing the physical and
moral circumstances of the characters involved in that scene.
Then comes a dialogue between the principal characters,
conducted in the central Thai language. In between, more
chanting may be heard such as admiring flowering trees in the
forest, lamenting the loss of a loved one, each rendered in
specific poetic composition and tune. Next is the elaboration
of the previous dialogue but this time in the southern Thai
dialect, through the voices of the clowns who join in to give
comments and crack jokes. The scene is closed by another
chanting and music which leads on to the next scene.
These modes of narrative presentation and the sequence
described are preserved in present-day performances to a large
extent, although it is commonly agreed that the emphasis is
placed more and more on conversation rather than chanting.
It is evident that a great deal of improvisation is at work
in dialogues and jokes. They function together as a channel for
 207

the puppeteer to communicate directly with his audience, and

most importantly in their mother-tongue. Thus it is of no
surprise that this part is exploited to the full to reflect on
national and local current issues. In one story, for instance, a
clown joked about a certain abbot whose dubious conduct was
widely known and criticized in the district. Many stories
performed during M.R. Kukrit Pramoj’s administration made
fun of how his rural development fund found its way into
pockets of many local-level government officials. The style of
humor can also be tailor made to suit the audience’s taste.
Some puppeteers report that their jokes for the uneducated
villagers and those for the sophisticated townsmen are
purposely made to differ. The distinction between the simple
and the sophisticated is often referred, to although in practice
village performances and town performances of the same by
the same puppeteer can be identical.
The above analysis of the formal aspects of nang tailing
suggests that already inherent in this performing art is a
considerable degree of dynamics. There is room of different
kinds that can be manipulated to meet the requirements of the
changing social environment. At the same time there is a
continuity of some basic structures that make it unique. Two
factors have contributed to such characteristics of nang talung.
One is the fact that it has always been operated in an royal
tradition. Play scripts have been written down only recently.
All along there has been no codification in written form, no
development of a formal organization such as a school or a
system of patrons that might have functioned to control or steer
performances in any one direction. A second factor is the fact
that nang talung is, to a large extent, a one person activity.
Except for the help of the musical accompanies, puppeteers
perform independently of any other performers. They manage
their troupes, make up stories, manipulate puppets, and perform
208

all by themselves. So puppeteers enjoy a relatively high degree

of freedom to control and manipulate their art.
While artistic forms can be and have been manipulated,
the question remains as to why certain performers present their
performance in a certain way. The problem cannot be fully
understood in terms of personal preference alone. The
contention is that analyses of some relevant social structural
factors can offer a fruitful perspective for approaching this
problem. The paper will focus on two such factors: the
instructor-entertainer tension and the commercialization of
performance.

THE INSTRUCTOR-ENTERTAINER TENSION

The perception of a performer of his relationship to his

community has an important consequence on the manner by
which he designs his performance. In the case of nai nang, his
role can be seen as embedded in the tension between being an
instructor and being an entertainer. On the one hand
puppeteers, especially the ones who have trained several
pupils, are regarded as khru (teachers). On the other hand they
earn their living by simply giving pleasure.
The role of teacher arises out of the body of knowledge
a puppeteer has in his possession and can pass on to others by
various methods. His knowledge is of two kinds, cultural
knowledge and spiritual knowledge. As for the former, a good
part of a performance is spent on emphasizing cultural values-
obligations to parents, adherence to the law of karma, the virtue
of gratitude. Such values are presented throughout a
performance in many forms. Characters tend to appear as
stereotypical persons who embody specific moral qualities. A
prince hero is brave, well versed in martial arts and magic,
grateful: a giant is amoral, brutal: a step mother is jealous, and
 209

so on. Puppeteers’ commentaries, either direct or disguised in

clown speeches and jokes, often assume a didactic tone.
Along with the content of performance, a puppeteer’s
way of life also enhances his teacher’s role. Not only is he a
teacher of his pupils who aspire to become puppeteers in their
own right, but he is also a respected member of his community.
This respect grows out of his special knowledge in religion,
language and literature. According to one elderly puppeteer,
Nang Prawing, some forty years ago when he was in his prime,
nobody in the district except himself could speak the central
Thai dialect. Such ability, which he relates with pride, must
have been a considerable achievement. This particular
puppeteer also has a wonderful gift of poetry and has won
admiration from his audience and all those who know him. His
talent represents a special quality which is valued and
remembered. Puppeteers in the past who attained the status of
“masters” are usually remembered for their poetic mind. One
notable example is the celebrated Nang Pan Bod, who was
blind from birth but became a successful puppeteer with some
help from his assistants. The ingenuity of his composition is
still remembered long after his death.
In addition to personal accomplishments, successful
puppeteers tend to be financially better off than others. In the
district of Hua Sai, a market town, where the fieldwork was
carried out, out of the three puppeteers who lived around the
market place, one owned a pickup van and another was having
a second house built. Their children received high education.
Nang Prawing’s children, for example, all have a university
degree.
The second form of knowledge is concerned with the
puppeteer’s special ability to contact the spirit world. The
ritual specialist role of marked in the kae bon (vow-releasing)
performance. The making of a vow is a common practice in
210

Thailand. A person who is about to engage in an important

undertaking, who suffers from misfortunes of persistent illness,
in brief a person who is anxious to secure for himself a bright
future, can appeal to a spirit of other sources of power and offer
a contract that if his wish is granted will present a gift to the
spirit in return. Such a present takes many forms depending on
the stake involve. It can range from a garland of flowers to
entering monkhood temporarily. A performance of nang
talung functions as one such gift, usually for an important deal.
It is during a vow-releasing performance that the puppeteer’s
ability to contact the spirit world becomes crucial. Prior to a
normal performance, a special ritual has to be performed as an
announcement that the promise has been fulfilled by the host.
To end the contract ritually, the puppeteer has to “break off’
the contract, orally in some cases by reciting some magical
formula, or in other cases he has to perform the cutting with a
special knife. Unless the ritual is performed properly, the host
remains in danger of being punished by the spirit for not
honoring the contract.
By virtue of his cultural and spiritual knowledge, the
puppeteer is singled out as a special person in the community
and placed in a position which commands respect. But
ambiguity is inherent in the puppeteer’s role. While he is well
respected, some of his behaviors can give rise to dubious
attitude towards him. Regarding his performances, humor is an
indispensable part which is largely communicated in clown’s
speech. The nature of jokes is varied but one which is found
among all Troupes is sex. This characteristic is an integral part
of the appearance and personality of the clowns themselves.
Some part to their body, Thaeng’s forefinger in particular (see
Fig.10), is cut out in the shape of the male sexual organ. Their
jokes play on sex both implicitly and explicitly. On another
level there is a sense that puppeteers, the majority of whom are
 211

male, are not trusted by women. Because they are clever with
words, women can easily be attracted to them. It is not unusual
to find a puppeteer who has two wives simultaneously, each
living in a different village. This may be a consequence of his
popularity among his audience but it presents an image which
stands in contradistinction with his instructor’s role.
It is difficult to say whether at any one time, one role is
more predominant than the other. Both may have always
existed side by side, but one is chosen as the acceptable role at
a particular time according to particular circumstances. What
can be said is that the instructor entertainer tension forms a
rationale which is much cited by the puppeteers themselves
when they explain the difference between the “traditional” and
the “modem” puppeteers. They argue that traditional
puppeteers are the ones who aim to instruct the public whereas
the modem ones aim of entertain and please. In 1976-77 the
puppeteer who was much cited as a leading example of a
modem puppeteer was Nang Phrom Noi. At that time his
popularity in terms of audience size and income was
unmatched. His style of performance emphasized modem
setting, criticism of the establishment, particularly on the issue
of cormption among government officials, and political and
sexual jokes. Nang Phrom Noi declared that he is a sinlapin
(artist), whose aim is to earn his living by giving pleasure to his
audience.
In connection with this tension between the traditional
and modem forces, it is interesting to note the role of education
institutions in attempting to rediscover what is thought to be
the authentic tradition. One implementation of the national
policy of cultural preservation is the setting up of cultural
centers which are operated by personnel from Teachers
Colleges. Their role is to collect, preserve, and promote local
cultural items. Performing art becomes one such item which
212

has to be consciously preserved and directed. It leads to

movements to rediscover the truly traditional way of
performing. The attempt to promote the traditional-style nora
at the Songkhla Teachers College, or the teaching of nang
talung as a course in Performing Art college in Nakhon Si
Thammarat, are some such examples.
Having considered the instructor-entertainer tension
which constitutes one crucial framework out of which each
puppeteer perceives his role and relations to others in the
community, we can now turn to another factor which is equally
important in shaping the style of each performance, the
commercialization of performance.

COMMERCIALISATION OF PERFORMANCE

The socio-economic organization of nang talung is

experiencing a transition from being part of a peasant way of
life to that of a commercial enterprise. All puppeteers used to
be, and many still are, part-time performers who bring
spectacles to a rice-growing community during the dry,
agricultural off-season months. The rest of the time they are
engaged in rice farming like any ordinary peasant.
The traditional context of performance arises out of
household celebrations. Some of these are associated with
transitional rites, particularly cremation and ordination. In the
case of cremation, performers take place during the nights
following death when the body of the deceased is kept at his
house to receive monks’ prayers and last respects from friends
and relatives. A similar situation is repeated before cremation
and there may be more performances then. As for ordination,
on the nights before a man enters monkshood there is a large
gathering of relatives at his parents’ house in order to help
prepare the food for the next day and participate in this
 213

important merit-making occasion. On these occasions, a well-

to-do householder prefers to engage a puppeteer to perform for
his relatives and guests as a way of showing his gratitude to
them as well as increasing his prestige in the community. Apart
from these two popular occasions, other merit making
ceremonies connected with a household such as moving into a
new house, after harvest ceremony, or the offering of water to
the elderly ceremony can all give rice to a performance.
Commercial fairs are more recent phenomena which
have become regular features of rural life. There are various
types and sizes of fairs. Each province and district usually
organizes an annual fair during the after-harvest months
(February through May). These are large fairs which feature
hundreds of stalls selling food, clothings, consumers goods, as
well as entertainment including performances such as like
(popular dance drama in the central-Thai style), ramwong
(dancing), movie shows, nora (popular dance drama in the
southern Thai style), and nang talung. Villagers come in from
near and far to enjoy themselves. Temple fairs form another
important category. They are organized in order to celebrate.
Buddhist festivals as well as raising funds for the temple. In
addition to district and temple fairs, there are fairs organized by
private promoters purely as a profit-making activity.
At present puppeteers perform for both domestic
occasions and fairs of all kinds. Statistics are difficult to obtain
but a recent study reports that the type of occasion in which
they perform most frequently is temple fairs (Sathit Niyomyat
1987,14). From my own study of Nang Prathim in 1977, the
troupe tended to perform in temple fairs and cremation rites
more than other occasions. Although we cannot conclude that
nang talung is moving out of the ritual sphere into the
commercial one, one indication that the number of household
performances is on the decrease is the continual rise of the
214

performing fee. In 1977 a troupe of average size and

popularity demanded around 1,500 baht (approx. US$75) per
night (Chalermpow 1981,114), in 1987 an average fee is 2,200
baht (approximately US$90) per night (Sathit Niyomyat
1987,20). Householders will find it harder to hire a troupe as
the fee keeps rising.
The advent of commercial fairs has given a new
direction for nang talung. As one form of entertainment
among many on the same occasion, a sense of commercial
competitions enters into it. No longer is nang talung a sole
spectacle in a peasant village; in a fair it must compare with
new forms of entertainment, particularly the motion picture.
The tastes of the audience have also changed. They are speedily
exposed to national and international cultures. In 1977 a few
shop houses in Hua Sai already possessed television sets; on a
second visit in 1982, people were watching Benny Hill on
video tape. There is an indication too that the shadow play is
losing its audience to other shows. In most fairs, all shows
start around seven o’clock in the evening, except nang talung
which begins around midnight after the others have already
closed down. An explanation given is that the slow pace of
nang talung cannot compete with the others and therefore
should be reserved for a quieter part of the fair. What this
points to is the fact that puppeteers may feel increasing
pressure to keep up with contemporary taste as their popularity
wanes more and more.
Popularity becomes an important issue since financial
returns depend on it. One consideration that determines the
choice of performers to be engaged in a fair is the size of
audience they can attract. This does not necessarily mean that
the most popular ones will always be sought after as other
considerations such as type of fair, location and budget will
have to be taken into account. In general, however, the popular
 215

ones demand higher fees and have a busier schedule all the year
round. The concern for popularity seems to be indicated by a
number of nang tailing contests. The province of Nakhon Si
Thammarat organizes the biggest contest annually. The winner
is given a large sum of money and other prizes. Troupes that
have won a prize will proudly display the title on the screen.
A parallel trend is an increasing dependence of some
puppeteers on income from performing. While traditional
puppeteers are village peasants, contemporary ones become
more varied. Some of them, especially the ones who have just
started performing, may still live in villages and farm their
land. The better known ones tend to live in towns rather than
villages and no longer do the farming. It is still very common
for them to have other sources of income—small trading,
teaching, puppet-making-but for the popular ones their main
income derives from performing. An exceptional case is that
of Nang Phrom Noi who in 1977 claimed that he performed
every single night of a year. His troupe is more professionally
organized than any other. Musicians are paid monthly salaries
instead of being paid only when they perform.

CASE OF NANG TALUNG VARIATIONS

Having investigated the internal structure of nang talung

performance and the socio-economic context of the puppeteers
and troupes, we can begin to see that the situation cannot
simply be described as a direction towards extinction or
revival. Performing art in the oral tradition is an ongoing
process where the tension between the traditional and the
modem operates in different dimensions. The result is an non
uniform development, a combination of options available in
both the textual and contextual aspects. This is a framework
out of which stylistic variations existing among nang talung
216

performances can be understood. In other words, these

variations cannot be adequately explained in terms of purely
artistic differences, or purely results of social and technological
change, but in terms of an interaction of the two. The cases of
Nang Kan and Nang Phrom Noi will be used to illustrate the
ununified manner in which each puppeteer, influenced by
different contextual factors, presents his art.

Case 1 Nang Kan (1910 - 1988)

Awarded the title Folk artist of the Nation in 1985 after over
sixty years of performing, Nang Kan or Mr. Kan Thonglo, has
a special place in the history of nang talung. Bom in 1910 in a
village within the province of Songhkla, he began a career of a
puppeteer around the age of 20 after having been attracted by it
since his childhood. His uncle, Nang lat Pakpon, himself a
famous puppeteer, showed him the necessary techniques, but
the masterly performances since and early age seemed to have
been a result of his personal talent.
As his reputation spread, aspiring youths sought him
out and offered themselves as his pupils. At one time over fifty
pupils stayed in his house and helped doing some household
chores including farming. In his life-time Nang Kan trained
over a hundred puppeteers and was referred to by the title pho
(Father) and treated with great respect. Owing to his success,
he could save up enough to buy a large piece of rice land near
his house. He lived in his home village till his death in 1988 at
the age of 78.
In his own view his success is due to two things. First ,
he describes his style as “gentle, good-mannered, and avoiding
impropriety” (Pinyo 1986, 14). The description alludes to the
style of another puppeteer, Nang Phrom Noi whose jokes are
much criticized as morally corrupting. Secondly, he always
 217

aims to instill moral points as a guide to good conduct for his

audience. Among these values, gratitude and social harmony
are emphasized.
Although Nang Kan’s performances and life style have
a conservative outlook, he too initiated some practices which
set new standards for nang tailing. He improved on the music,
introduced the use of a microphone and a loudspeaker, dropped
events which were considered too imaginary, and finally began
to offer reflections on rural problems in his plays.
In 1977 when the fieldwork was conducted, Nang Kan
was already approaching 70 but came to perform in Hua Sai
once for a cremation. In 1986 he said he still gave
performances for vow-releasing occasions. The performance in
Hua Sai in 1977, entitled Prince Thinnawong, was fully
recorded and transcribed. It was a story of a prince-hero who
leaves his palace to seek a mentor, and encounters a series of
adventures on his way. In a forest he sees a king cobra mating
with a mythical serpent, a naga. The cobra attacks him and is
promptly killed. The naga disappears, then reappears as a
woman. Later it transpires that the naga is a princess and when
the prince breaks this news to her father he is rewarded with
magic medicine. This he uses to cure the eyes of another king
who gives him princess and a kingdom in return. Parallel to
the main story, there is a secondary one in a village setting,
where rich and influential men try to take advantage of poor
villagers who are saved by the prince. The performance ended
in a quarrel between Thinnawong’s first wife and the second
one.
Prince Thinnawong is a story which combines the
tradition theme of princely adventures with that of village life.
It includes supernatural beings and magic as its main
ingredient. The presentation assumes the didactic tone in many
places. One example given below is from a scene when the
218

knowledge of the past lives of her dead husband, the cobra, is

revealed by a monk of the naga princess.

Naga Princess: Is he (the cobra) a friend of yours?

Monk: Yes. In that past life he was born a human being.
He killed a snake. Because he killed a snake, he
was reborn as a snake in another life to be killed
by a man. Once his karma is expiated, he will be
reborn again.

If the didactic flavor, drawn from a stock of knowledge

about popular Buddhism and cultural values is predominant in
Nang Kan’s performance, an entirely different one prevails in
another equally popular puppeteer, Nang Phrom Noi, who is
chosen as our second case.

Case 2 Nang Phrom Noi (1936 - )

In the late seventies, before he became a full fledged politician
in 1979, Nang Phrom Noi was undoubtedly the most popular
puppeteer in southern Thailand. Born in 1936 in the district of
Khuan Khuanun, in the province of Phatthalung, Nang Phrom
Noi or Mr. From Bunyarit, began his career as a puppeteer at
the age of 15. His teacher is Nang From Atsawin, another
puppeteer famous for his jokes. In 1968 Nang Phrom Noi won
the first prize in a nang tailing contest in Nakhon Si
Thammarat. He was elected a member of the House of
Representatives in 1979, and again in 1983. Nang Phrom Noi’s
popularity rose steeply after the 14 October 1973 event when
military leaders were ousted by students. During the three-year
peroid between 1973 and 1976, a style of performance known
as nang kan muang, or political puppet theater, developed to an
unprecedented level, 6 and was associated with such puppeteers
as Nang Prakhiang or Nang Mun Nui. After a violent uprise of
 219

the 6 October 1976 event, political plays were suppressed.

Most politically oriented puppeteers were banned, or forced to
adhere to traditional style and closely supervised. Nang Phrom
Noi continued performing with much success, both in making
his performances acceptable to the authorities and in gaining
popularity and income. He claimed in 1977 that he performed
every night, and demanded three to seven thousand baht per
night,7 Nang Phrom Noi was clearly then the nang talung star
whose name would be written in bold letters on posters
advertising a fair would always guarantee a huge crowd of
spectators.
The story repeatedly performed by Nang Phrom Noi in
1977 was called Feudal Wall (khampaeng sakdina). A young
prince falls in love with a peasant girt and marries her in
defiance of his father. In an attempt to get rid of his daughter-
in-law, the king sends his son away to study and in his absence,
he drives away the girl who subsequently become a beggar. On
his way to a hermitage, the prince enters two giant kingdoms,
seduces the princesses, and leaves them. He returns home and
sets out to search for his wife. In the mean time, the prince’s
offspring (one is the son of the peasant Girl, the other is the
daughter of one of the giant princesses) grow up without the
knowledge of their true origin, so they set out to search for
their mother and father. They accidentally go to the same
hermitage and are joined by the peasant girl, all ignorant of
their connections. The giant kings and princesses meanwhile
set out to find the prince. The performance ends in a scene
where one giant princess and the peasant girl meet at the
hermitage, begin to quarrel and exchange insults fiercely.
This story succeeds in combining traditional and
modem themes together in an amazing way. The traditional
themes of princely adventures, non-human beings, search for
origin, and rivalry and jealousy between co-wives appear side
220

by side with the themes of oppression of the poor by the rich,

abuse of power, and bad treatment of peasants by officials. In
comparison with Nang Kan’s story, which also alternates
between princely adventures and village scenes, Feudal Wall
employs and manipulates traditional forms in order to match a
contemporary message to a far greater degree. A human king, a
benign character in traditional stories, is made to represent a
tyrant. Puppets representing the prince and the peasant girl are
in completely modern outfits. Even the character’s names,
Channarong, Oi Daeng, Nara seem to have been chosen from
novels serialized in magazines rather than the traditional
repertoire.
But perhaps the most striking area where Nang Phrom
Noi brings traditional dramatic form to satisfy contemporary
taste is in the commentaries and jokes. As stated earlier, these
parts give full freedom for each puppeteer to improvise. Nang
Phrom Noi uses it extensively. His commentaries on social
issue through the parts of the clowns take the largest proportion
of performing time. Woven into these speeches at regular
intervals are jokes which make explicit references to sex. It is
clear that his commentaries do not aim to preach but to capture
the attention of his audience by sharing criticism and humor as
illustrated in the following exempts from Feudal Wall.
In a scene when the king orders his aide, Phun, to set
fire to his daughter-in-law’s hut:

King: You set fire to her house, I’ll get the baby
myself.
Clown: Arson is punishable by death.
King: When a town ruler tells you to bum, burn it.
When you’ve burnt it, write down that you
have burnt a communist camp. Do you
understand? You’ll be famous.
 221

Maybe next year you’ll get a promotion. Your

picture will be in the paper with a caption “o so
Phun burnt a communist camp” (o so is a title
for members of the village defense volunteer
organization).
Clown: How clever our leader is! The ruling ones are
really great. They bum other people’s hut and
say that they have burnt down a communist
camp, in fact, just a hut in a rice field.
Sometimes they take a couple of pots and hang
them up. Then they take photographs and put
them in newspapers with a caption “officials
storm the area while communists are cooking
rice.” But all the pots have holes in them....

In another scene when the prince returns and meets a

beggar (his own wife whom he does not recognize):

Prince: Why? With a pretty face and a good figure that

you have, why have you got to beg for living?
Nara: Because I have no job sir.
Prince: Why? Can’t you get yourself a job?
Nara: Nobody employees poor people, without
education, like myself. I’ve only finished
prathom 3 (lower primary education). What
chance do I have these days, prathom 4 means
nothing nowadays. Even washing up in a
Chinese restaurant, you’ve got to have finished
mathayom 6 (secondary education).
Clown: Oh. I suppose they have to wash up in
English! That’s the reason why the country is
in such a mess. Communists are able to
infiltrate, all because of this unemployment
222

problem. If the government cannot solve it,

what’s to become of it. So many people are out
of work. As she says, a person with prathom
4 can’t do much these days. Even washing up
you need a mathay om 6 certificate. If this
unemployment problem isn’t solved, then there
will be trouble. If country farmers have no
work, no employment, they can still dig a pond
and breed fish, or grow bananas at home. But
those who have university degrees or higher
education diplomas, and can’t get a job, they
can’t do the same thing as we do. They can’t
carry heavy loads of rice, or climb palm trees
and make palm sugar to sell. No, they can only
make Molotov Cocktails to throw at each other’s
head, that sort of thing, or stir up trouble.
They can’t do anything useful, those with
university degrees. If the government doesn’t
solve it, this problem of people without jobs
will lead to more trouble.

Nang Kan’s and Nang Phrom Noi’s styles from these

two performances are similar and different on the following
points. On the visual form both used more or less similar sets
of puppets, with the conventional classification. Choices of
puppets representing a prince were different (in the
performances observed). Nang Kan used the traditional-style
prince, Nang Phrom Noi used the modern-style prince. Sizes
of puppets were similar in these performances, but as noted
earlier, Nang Phrom Noi could use a large set if necessary.
On the form of presentation, both followed the set
series of opening rituals but Nang Phrom Noi’s pace was
considerably faster. Narrative forms in both cases were
 223

adventurous events in the life of a prince. But while Prince

Thinnawong had magic and supernatural- happenings, Feudal
Wall did not. Themes were different too. As for commentaries
and jokes, Nang Kan was didactic and avoided sex jokes,
Nang Phrom Noi was critical of the status quo and deliberately
used sex jokes,
Their performances are taken here as neither the text
nor context but a combination of both. They are not the text
which is set and unchanging. We have seen that both Nang
Kan and Nang Phrom Noi continuously adapted their styles of
performances and incorporated many new elements. Nang Kan
introduced the microphone, village setting and ethical points
appropriate to contemporary life. Nang Phrom Noi introduced
the large sized puppets, political themes, elaborate
commentaries and extensive sex jokes. They are both affected
by social context of their time. The pressure of adapting their
performances to suit contemporary audience is felt by both of
them. Nang Kan has acquired an image of a traditional moral
instructor, and in later life when he does not have to compete in
contests and fairs, he can afford to perform in a didactic
manner which does not attract a particularly large crowd. Nang
Phrom Noi, on the other hand, presents him self as an
entertainer. His image, his financial interest, and his political
ambition account of his elaboration of political themes and sex
jokes.

CONCLUSION

The cases of Nang Kan and Nang Phrom Noi are but two
extreme examples of how existing forms of folk performing art
have been manipulated in different directions. They both use
the availability inherent in the artistic form as an avenue to
keep in step with society, in their own way and according to
224

their own circumstances. Social, economic, and technological

changes both affect them, but their responses are different
depending on their self perception which in turn influence the
area and degree of innovation they choose to introduce. Nang
Kan whose prime arrived some thirty years ago, chooses to
innovate by incorporating technological invention and realistic
settings into his style. But he also adheres strongly to the
didactic tradition, which is appropriate to his teacher role.
Nang Phrom Noi seized the social and political climate of his
time and turns it to the benefit of his performance through
elaborate commentaries and jokes.
In conclusion, nang talung is a traditional folk
performing art which neither becomes extinct in modem
society, nor has it been transformed into a completely different
genre. This paper has shown that its presence is due to the
interaction between two factors. First, the nature of the theater
whose oral tradition allows its structure to accommodate new
components, namely the introduction of new visual elements:
colors, decorative motifs, outfits, size, and the introduction of
new themes in the form of contemporary settings and
characters. Such open characteristics enable the theater to
develop without a complete break from the past. It is capable
of shedding off components which are considered anachronistic
as well as adopting those that are meaningful to contemporary
way of life.
The second factor that has been investigated is the time
and place in which the theater is situated. The paper has
focused on two things, the role of puppeteers and the
relationship between performances and community. Both areas
are continually changing. Inherent in the puppeteer’s role is
the tension between being an instructor and being an
entertainer, each leads to a different emphasis in a performance.
The increasing commercialization has put pressure on nang
 225

talung to become exposed of other modern forms of

entertainment and conscious of a sense of compassion.
These two factors meet, interact, and lead to the
development of different styles by different puppeteers. A rich
variety of performing styles in this folk theatre at a particular
time cannot be adequately explained as a result of unique
artistic style, personal preference, or direct consequences of
social change. It is in the dialogue between the textual and
contextual that the dynamics of folk performing art should be
conceptualized.

NOTES

1
This is a standard term, officially recognized and used
nationwide. There are other local variations such as nang khuan or
simply nang. Prior to the introduction of motion picture to the South,
it was probably referred to simply as nang in everyday usage.
Nowadays nang can be either the shadow theater or movie. The word
nang means skin or hide. The origin and meaning of talung remain
inconclusive. It could be an abbreviation of Phatthalung, a province.
Another theory is that it means elephant poles which originally served
as vertical frames for putting up a screen.

2
For a fuller description, please see Chalermpow 1981.

3
The exact number of puppeteers is very difficult to obtain
since there is no system of registration in existence. This figure is
estimated from the following. 1) A report from the puppeteers
conference in the province of Yala in 1973, in which over seventy
puppeteers attended. The organizers pointed out that these were
some of the established ones only. 2) There were ten puppeteers of
different degrees of popularity in the district of Hua Sai and it is
generally known that puppeteers can be found in any district of
Nakhon Si Thammarat, Songkhla, and Phatthalung. A more recent
226

study (Sathit Niyomyat 1987: 8) gave a figure of forty to forty-five

troupes. I believe this estimate is far too low.
4
The sets used for comparison are as follows.
1) The collection in the Museum fur Volkerkunde,
Berlin. Late nineteenth century A.D.
2) The collection in the Rijksmuseum voor
Volkenkunde, Leiden Late nineteenth century A.D. (acquired by the
museum in 1886).
3) The collection of Nakhon Si Thammarat Teachers
Training College, believed to be 80 years old.
4) The sets owned by Nang Prathum and Nang
Khru Khian represent the contemporary ones. Data on the Berling
collection can be found in Mulier 1894. Data on the others are
collected by the author.
5) It can be noted here that although nang yai and
nang taking commonly rendered “shadow play” in English, they
involve different techniques of image making. In the case of nang
yai, the spectators see the actual puppets which are dark, almost
black, figures against a white background. In the case of nang
tailing, for clown puppets, which are made of thick hide and colored
black, their shadows appear. For other characters, mostly made of
thin, translucent hide, their colorful projections are shown.
6) Political message in nang tailing is not unique to
the 1973-76, or so-called democracy, period. Long before it’ nang
tailing was use in order to attract a crowd communist propaganda.
(Smithies and Eauypom 1975: 134)
7) His claim to perform every night was probably an
exaggeration, but the fees stated were feasible. On average, the
puppeteers’ net income is about 30-50% of the total fee. In an
interview in 1983 he said his fee for a local performance is 7,000-
8,000 baht (USS300-350), and 15,000-18,000 baht (USS650-780) for
a performance in Bangkok. (Matichon, 24 March 1984)
 227

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Chalermpow, Paritta. A popular drama in its social context: Nang Talung,

The shadow puppet theater of South Thailand. Unpublished Ph. D
Thesis. University of Cambridge, UK., 1981.

Chittham, Pinyo. Nang Kan Thonglo: sinlapin phunban diden pi 2528

[Puppeteer Kan Thonglo: Distinguished folk artist of 1985],
JVarasanWatthanatham Thai 25 (5), May 1986, pp. 11-16. (in
Thai)

Cohen, Erik. The dynamics of commercialized arts: The Meo and Yao of
Northern Thailand. Journal of the National Research Council of
Thailand (151), 1983: 3-25.

Matichon Newspaper Saturday, 24 March 1984, p. 3.

Muller, F.W.K. Nang, siamesische Schattenspielfiguren im Kgl. Museum

fur Volkerkunde zu Berlin. Internationales Archiv fur
Ethnographic 7, Supplement, 1894.

Niyomyat, Sathit. Panha lae oupasak khong nang talung nai sangkhom
Thai patchuban [Problems and difficulties faced by Nang Talung
in modern Thai society]. Research Report (Mimeograph), 1987.

Propp, Vladimir Morphology of the folktale. Translated from Russian by

L. Scott, revised and edited by L. A. Wagner. Austin: University of
Texas Press, (first edition 1958), 1968.

Smithies. M., and Kerdchuay Eauypom. Nang Talung: The shadow

theater of Southern Thailand. Journal of the Siam Society 60,
1975: 379-390 (first edition 1972). The edition used is in Rutnin,
M. , ed. 1975 The Siamese Theater pp. 129-138.
Master’s Degree Program
in Thai Studies

Faculty of Arts
Chulalongkorn University
Bangkok, Thailand
230

Master’s Degree Program in Thai Studies

The Master’s Degree Program in Thai Studies was first
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 231

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232

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 233

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