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 Another Random Document on
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reason of my taking up this course. We began it with
but five or six, and, though it grew to more in future
time, yet, being tolerated at the first, I knew not why
it might not continue.
Court. There were private meetings indeed, and are
still in many places, of some few neighbors; but not
so public and frequent as yours; and are of use for
increase of love and mutual edification. But yours are
of another nature. If they had been such as yours
they had been evil, and therefore no good warrant to
justify yours. But answer by what authority or rule
you uphold them?
Mrs. H. By Titus ii. 3-5, where the elder women are to
teach the younger.
Court. So we allow you to do, as the Apostle there
means, privately and upon occasion. But that gives no
warrant of such set meetings for that purpose. And,
besides, you take upon you to teach many that are
older than yourself. Neither do you teach them that
which the Apostle commands, viz: to keep at home.
Mrs. H. Will you please to give me a rule against it,
and I will yield.
Court. You must have a rule for it, or else you cannot
do it in faith. Yet you have a plain rule against it,—‘I
suffer not a woman to teach.’ (I. Tim. ii. 12.)
Mrs. H. That is meant of teaching men.”
(Weld’s Short Story, pp. 34-5.) See also the version to
the same effect in Hutchinson’s Massachusetts, vol. ii.
pp. 484-7.

[540] Supra, 262, note 3, and 306, note 3. The effect

such a statement as that in the text would have upon
Archbishop Laud is apparent. The real practice of the
early New England churches in the matter of
ordination can be found in the Plaine Dealing, pp. 13,
16, 17.

[541] “There hath been some difference about

jurisdictions, or cognizance of causes: Some have
held that, in causes betweene brethren of the Church,
the matter should be first told the Church, before they
goe to the civill Magistrate, because all causes in
difference doe amount, one way or other, to a matter
of offence; and that all criminall matters concerning
Church members, should be first heard by the Church.
But these opinionists are held, by the wiser sort, not
to know the dangerous issues and consequences of
such tenets.” (Plaine Dealing, p. 34.)

[542] There was no minister at Plymouth in the spring

of 1628, when Morton was there. William Brewster
was the ruling elder in the church and officiated in its
pulpit, where, from the beginning, he had “taught
twice every sabbath, and that both powerfully and
profitably, to the great contentment of the hearers,
and their comfortable edification.” (Young’s Chron. of
Pilg., p. 467; Bradford, pp. 187-8.) In the summer of
1628, but after Morton had been sent to England,
Allerton brought over Mr. Rogers as a preacher, who
soon proved to be “crased in his braine” (Bradford, p.
243), and the next season was sent home. In the
autumn, apparently, of 1629, and while Morton may
have been at Plymouth at Allerton’s house (Ib. p.
253), before his final return to Mount Wollaston, the
Rev. Ralfe Smith, who had come over with Skelton
and Higginson in the previous June (Young’s Chron. of
Mass., p. 151), was found at Nantasket and brought
down to Plymouth. (Bradford, p. 263.) He was not,
however, chosen into the ministry there until a later
time. (Ib.) It is unlikely that Morton here refers to
Plymouth personages. He was at Salem in 1629
(Supra, 306), and in Boston, where as a prisoner he
was undoubtedly made regularly to attend divine
service, from early September to the end of
December, 1630. (Supra, 45; Young’s Chron. of Mass.,
p. 321.) At Salem he had come in contact with
Skelton and Higginson; and it has been seen (Supra,
300, note 1) that he probably knew something of
Francis Bright of Charlestown. The only other
ministers then in the colony were John Warham and
John Maverick at Dorchester, George Phillips at
Watertown, and John Wilson at Boston.

[543] It is scarcely necessary to point out that the

three following pages are largely the fruit of Morton’s
imaginative powers, and were intended for the special
edification of Archbishop Laud. As Plymouth was
much less well supplied with preachers than the
towns of the Massachusetts colony, it is altogether
probable—as Dr. John Eliot surmised, in his review of
the New Canaan, in the Monthly Anthology for July,
1810—the allusions to the church-practises in this
chapter found their largest basis of fact in incidents
which Morton had been a witness of in the Plymouth
meeting-house. It is safe to add, however, that he
could have had no agreeable recollections of the
meeting-houses at Boston and Charlestown.

[544] Oliver Le Daim, barber of Louis XI., created by

him Comte de Meulan, and sent in 1477 on a
confidential mission to Mary of Burgundy at Ghent.
The account of his experiences is to be found in the
Memoires de Commines, L. v. ch. xiv.

[545] Supra, 302, note 1.

[546] I am indebted to Mr. Lindsay Swift, of the

Boston Public Library, for the following explanation of
this, to me, very perplexing allusion: “Nic, or, more
correctly, nick,—namely, ‘a raised or indented bottom
in a beer-can, by which the customers were cheated,
the nick below and the froth above filling up part of
the measure.’ I take this definition from Wright’s
Dictionary of Obsolete and Provincial English. That the
expression was a common one the following
quotations prove:—
‘We must be running up and downe
With cannes of beere (malt sod in fishes broth),
And those they say are fil’d with nick and froth.’

(Rowland’s Knave of Harts.)

‘From the nick and froth of a penny pot-house.’

(Fletcher.)

‘Our pots were full quarted,

We were not thus thwarted
With froth-canne and nick-pot,
And such nimble quick shot.’
(Spurious lines added to Rand’s 1624 edition of
Skelton’s Elynour Rummynge.) Most of this
information I have taken from Nares’s Glossary and
Halliwell-Phillipp’s Dictionary of Archaic and Provincial
Words, second edition.”
[547] The reference here is apparently to the running
footmen much in use in the eighteenth century, and
also, judging by the text, as early as the reign of
Charles I. Their duty was to run before and alongside
the cumbrous coaches then in use, to notify
innkeepers of the coming guests. They carried long
poles to assist them in clearing obstacles, and to help
pry the carriages out of the sloughs in which they
frequently got stuck. (Brewer’s Dict. of Phrase and
Fable, p. 773; Macaulay’s England, vol. i. pp. 374-8.)

[548] It was one of the doctrines of Pythagoras that

the souls of the dying passed into the air, and thence
into the living bodies of other men, taking controlling
possession of them. That the nimbleness of the
father’s feet might thus account for the volubility of
the son’s tongue is, it is needless to say, a purely
Mortonian deduction.

[549] “May 12. [1621] was the first marriage in this

place, which, according to the laudable custome of
the Low-Countries, in which they had lived, was
thought most requisite to be performed by the
magistrate, as being a civill thing, upon which many
questions aboute inheritances doe depende, with
other things most proper to their cognizans, and most
consonante to the scripturs. Ruth 4. and no wher
found in the gospell to be layed on the ministers as a
part of their office.” (Bradford, p. 101.) The marriage
here referred to was that of Edward Winslow to Mrs.
Susannah White. It took place in May, Winslow’s wife
having died seven weeks before, and Mrs. White’s
husband, William, twelve weeks before. That he had
married people was, it will be remembered, the other
of the two charges advanced against Winslow himself,
at the Privy Council hearing just referred to. (Supra,
322, note 2.) The practice of civil marriage already
prevailed in the Massachusetts colony also, as, a week
before the arrest of Morton was ordered, Governor
Endicott, on August 18, 1630, was married, at
Charlestown apparently, “by the governour and Mr.
Wilson.” (Winthrop, vol. i. p. *30. See also Plaine
Dealing, pp. 86-7.) There are few more edifying
examples of the casuistical skill of Winthrop and his
associates than is afforded by his method of dealing
with the question of civil marriages, as explained in
detail in his Journal (vol. i. p. *323). “In our church
discipline, and in matters of marriage, to make a law
that marriages should not be solemnized by ministers
is repugnant to the laws of England; but to bring it to
a custom by practice for the magistrates to perform it,
is no law made repugnant, etc.” The charter of 1629
empowered the General Court of the colony “to make,
ordeine, and establishe all Manner of wholesome and
reasonable Orders, Lawes, Statutes, and Ordinances,
Directions, and Instructions, not contrary to the
Lawes of theis our Realme of England.” (Hazard, vol.
i. p. 252.)

[550] At the conference between the Bishops and the

Puritans, held in presence of James I. at Hampton
Court in January, 1603, one of the practices of the
English Church especially excepted to as a “relique of
popery” by Dr. John Reynolds, the spokesman of the
Puritans, was the ring in marriage. (Neal’s Hist. of
Puritans, vol. ii. p. 42.) Among the reasons urged
against its use I have not elsewhere found the
“diabolical circle” argument. It seems rather to have
been associated in the Puritan mind with the Romish
traditions. (Jones’s Finger-Ring Lore, pp. 288-90.) This
count, in Morton’s indictment, was based on good
grounds. “In the Weddings of [early] New England
the ring makes none of the ceremonies.” (Mather’s
Ratio Disciplinæ, p. 116.)

[551] This refers to churching practice of the English

Church. At the Hampton Court conference, referred to
in the preceding note, another of the “reliques of
popery,” specifically excepted to by Dr. Reynolds, was
“the churching of women by the name of purification.”

[552] This count in the indictment was well laid. The

children of the non-communicants in early New
England could not be baptized; though they might be
if either one of the parents was a member of the
church. At a later period this became one of the
leading causes of political agitation in the colony, and
is referred to in the Dr. Robert Childs petition of 1646.
In 1670 from four fifths to five sixths of the adult
male inhabitants of Massachusetts were without the
franchise, as being non-communicants. (Lechford’s
Plaine Dealing, pp. 47, 48, 151; Mem. Hist. of Boston,
vol. i. p. 156; Palfrey, vol. ii. p. 8, vol. iii. p. 41.)

[553] Supra, 316, note 2.

[554] This was the favorite epithet employed by the

early reformers in referring to the Mass. Calvin called
it “an execrable idol;” Hooper, “a wicked idol.”
Bradford—not Governor William, but John, the
Smithfield martyr of Queen Mary’s time—terms it an
“abominable idol of bread;” and again, “the horriblest
and most detestable device that ever the devil
brought out by man.” Bland, rector of Adishan,
repeated the familiar figure, calling it a “most
blasphemous idol;” and Latimer improved upon this
by adding the words, “full of idolatry, blasphemy,
sacrilege against God and the dear sacrifice of His
Christ.” (Blunt’s Reformation of the Church of Eng.,
vol. ii. pp. 399-402.) The derivation of the Book of
Common Prayer, in many of its parts, from the Missal
was unmistakable; and naturally the next race of
religious reformers applied to the former the same
earnest epithets of theological dissent which had
before been applied to the latter. Accordingly, in
Barrowe’s Brief Discovery of the False Church, we find
the Book of Common Prayer referred to as “a
detestable idol, ... old rotten stuff ... abstracted out of
the pope’s blasphemous mass-book, ... an abominable
and loathsome sacrifice in the sight of God, even as a
dead dog.” Barrowe was one of the three Separatist
martyrs, and as such held in deepest veneration at
Plymouth. (Young’s Chron. of Pilg., pp. 427-34.) The
Book of Common Prayer was therefore undoubtedly
looked upon and referred to at Plymouth as Morton
says. Indeed, the Lyford schism was in some degree
due to its use. (Bradford, p. 181.) That it was, in the
early days, also so looked upon and so referred to at
Salem and at Boston, is not clear. It is true that in
1629 it was again the cause of the Browne dissension
at Salem (Young’s Chron. of Mass., p. 287), in
consequence of which Skelton and Higginson both
declared openly “that they came away from the
Common Prayer and ceremonies, ... and therefore,
being in a place where they might have their liberty,
they neither could nor would use them, because they
judged the imposition of these things to be sinful
corruptions in the worship of God.” (Morton’s
Memorial, p. 147.) The Puritans of Boston, however,
were not Separatists, and it is open to question
whether they at first felt towards the Common Prayer
as the Plymouth people felt towards it, and as Morton
says. In 1640 Governor Winthrop, it is true, noted it
as a thing worthy of observation that his son “having
many books in a chamber where there was corn of
divers sorts, had among them one wherein the Greek
testament, the psalms and the common prayer were
bound together. He found the common prayer eaten
with mice, every leaf of it, and not any of the two
other touched, nor any other of his books, though
they were above a thousand.” (Winthrop, vol. ii. p.
*20.) When Governor Winthrop tried and sentenced
Morton, however, he was anxious to preserve his
connection with the Church of England, and it is very
doubtful whether he then looked upon its Book of
Prayer as “an idol.” (Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc., vol. xviii.
p. 296.)
As one count in Morton’s indictment of the people of
New England, that in the text now under
consideration was not only sufficiently well founded,
but it was peculiarly calculated to excite Archbishop
Laud’s anger. It is unnecessary to say that he was the
special champion of the Church of England ritual. To
enforce exact conformity to it he regarded as his
mission. When the ships loaded with emigrants for
New England were, in March, 1634, stopped in the
Thames by order of the Privy Council, they were not
allowed to proceed on their voyage until the masters
bound themselves to have the Book of Common
Prayer used at morning and evening service during
the voyage. (Council Register, Feb. 21, 28, 1634;
Gardiner’s Charles I., vol. ii. p. 23.) This was Laud’s
act, and it is more than probable that he was as much
influenced by Morton on that occasion as he was
subsequently in the matter of Winslow’s imprisonment
for having performed the marriage ceremony. (Supra,
69, 93.)

[555] “Woe unto you, scribes and Pharisees,

hypocrites! for ye pay tithe of mint and anise and
cummin, and have omitted the weightier matters of
the law, judgment, mercy, and faith.” (Matt. xxiii. 23.)
“But woe unto you, Pharisees! for ye tithe mint and
rue and all manner of herbs, and pass over judgment
and the love of God.” (Luke xi. 42.)
The significance of the text referred to lay, of course,
in Morton’s mind, rather in its indirect than its direct
application,—more in its denunciatory than in its
contributory portions. The clergy in early
Massachusetts were supported by the voluntary
contributions in Boston, and by a regular town-tax
levy outside of Boston. (Plaine Dealing, pp. 48-50;
Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc., 1860-2, p. 116.)

[556] Supra, Ch. XXV. pp. 316-20.

[557] “Wink, v. n. 1. to shut the eyes. obs.”

(Worcester.)

[558] Edward Howes, in writing from London to John

Winthrop, Jr., in November, 1632, describes how, on
going home at noon one day, he met the master of a
vessel which had just arrived from New England,
together with three others who had come over with
him. The master passing into the house on some
matter of business, Howes had a talk with one of the
other men, whom he describes as an “egregious
knave.” The report given by this man of the
Massachusetts community strikingly resembles that
given by Morton in this chapter. He would, writes
Howes, “give none of you a good word, but the
governor [Winthrop]; he was a good man and kept a
good table, but all the rest were Hereticks, and they
would be more holy than all the world; they would be
a peculiar people to God, but go to the Devil; that one
man with you being at confession, as he called it, said
he believed his father and mother and ancestors went
all to Hell; and that your preachers, in their public
prayers, pray for the governor before they pray for
our king and state; ... that you never use the Lord’s
prayer; that your ministers marry none; that fellows
which keep hogs all the week preach on the Sabbath;
that every town in your plantation is of a several
religion; that you count all men in England, yea all out
of your church, in the state of damnation. But I
believe and know better things of you; but here you
may partly see how the Devil stirs up his
instruments.” (iv. Mass. Hist. Col., vol. vi. p. 485.)

[559] Mr. Swift (Supra, 328, note) suggests that

Morton here alludes to the scene in Ben Jonson’s Tale
of a Tub (act iv. sc. 1), where Justice Preamble says:
“And what say you now, neighbor Turfe?”
Turfe answers him:
“I put it
Even to your worship’s bitterment, hab, nab.”
Here the Countryman makes the remark, and not the
Justice; but a wholly correct allusion by Morton is not
to be looked for. (Supra, 123, note 2.) The meaning of
hab, nab is, of course, “hit or miss, at a venture, at
random,” and is probably derived from habbe, nabbe,
—“to have or not to have.” (See Nares’s Glossary.)
[560] Supra, 44-5.

[561] Supra, 319, note.

[562] By the General Court of May, 1644, it was

ordered, that “Nantascot shall be called Hull.”
(Records, vol. ii. p. 74.) Mr. Savage, in his notes to
Winthrop (vol. ii. p. *175), and Mr. Whitmore (Proc.
Mass. Hist. Soc. 1871-3, p. 397), think it was so called
from Hull in Yorkshire. It would appear from the text
that it had been locally known by that name among
the “old planters” before the settlement of Boston.

[563] Sir Christopher Gardiner suddenly appeared in

Massachusetts in May, 1630, and returned to England
in 1632, arriving there in August. He is supposed to
have come out as an agent, or emissary, of Sir
Ferdinando Gorges. I had begun the preparation of a
note on Sir Christopher, and “how hee spedd amongst
the Seperatists,” for insertion at this point; but the
subject developed on my hands until it assumed the
shape of a study by itself. It can be found in the
Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Soc. for January, 1883,
vol. xx.

[564] Machiavelli died in 1527, and The Prince was

published in 1532. The reputation of the man and of
the book were as well established in Morton’s day as
they are now.
“Nick Machiavel had ne’er a trick,
(Tho’ he gave his name to our old Nick.)”

(Hudibras, p. iii. can. i. lines 1313-4.)

This derivation is not accepted by the authorities. See
Brewer’s Dict., p. 614.

[565] Supra, Ch. XXV. pp. 316-20.

[566] As Saint Michael is one of the Azores, it may

have been during this voyage that Morton visited the
Isle of Sal and the tropics, as mentioned in the first
chapter of the New Canaan. (Supra, 117.) If the
voyage did last nine months, it was August or
September, 1631, before he got back to England.

[567]
“Cum canerem reges et prœlia, Cynthius aurem
Vellit, et admonuit:...”

(Virgil, Eclogues, vi. 3-4.)

There are in the New Canaan (Supra, 280, 297) two
references to certain imaginary or special gifts from
“Phaos box,” which in editing I had been unable to
explain. Mr. Lindsay Swift (Supra, 328, note) now
supplies me with a reference, which, if it is indeed, as
seems most probable, the allusion which Morton had
in mind, seems to indicate that his familiarity with
classic authors was greater than I have been disposed
to give him credit for. The reference is to the Varia
Historia of Ælianus (lib. xii. cap. xviii.), and reads as
follows: “Phaonem, omnium hominum
formosissimum, Venus in lactucis abscondit. Alii
dicunt, eum portitorem fuisse, et habuisse hoc vitæ
genus. Veniebat autem aliquando Venus, trajicere
volens; ille vero, nesciens quænam esset, libenter
recepit, magnaque cura, quoquo voluerat, eam vexit.
Pro quibus meritis Dea alabastrum ei donavit, et erat
 Transcriber's Note
The following apparent errors have been corrected:

p. 18 (note) "Strutt s" changed to "Strutt’s"

p. 23 (note) "Infra *149." changed to "Infra, *149."
p. 83 (note) "State Papers.," changed to "State Papers,"
p. 98 "repects" changed to "respects"
p. 102 (note) "humming-bird”" changed to "“humming-bird”"
p. 130 (note) "pp, 70" changed to "pp. 70"
p. 133 (note) "1869.," changed to "1869,"
p. 137 (note) "‘eat.”" changed to "‘eat.’”"
p. 140 (note) "lxxxix" changed to "lxxxix."
p. 147 (note) "Hemlock-Bark" changed to "Hemlock-Bark”"
p. 148 (note) "nanwetee’" changed to "nanwetee"
p. 152 (note) "lxxxiv-lxxxvii" changed to "lxxxiv.-lxxxvii."
p. 158 (note) "together”" changed to "together.”"
p. 185 (sidenote) "3. & 4" changed to "3. & 4."
p. 196 (note) "linarius" changed to "lanarius"
p. 213 (note) "Chingachgook" changed to "Chingachcook"
p. 217 (note) "he got" changed to "be got"
p. 218 (note) "vol," changed to "vol."
p. 226 (note) "Psendopleuronectes" changed to "Pseudopleuronectes"
p. 269 "the rest" changed to "the rest,"
p. 314 "handsomely" changed to "handsomely."
p. 326 (sidenote) "despised" changed to "despised."
p. 348 "cured" changed to "cured."
p. 355 "N. Y." changed to "N.Y."
p. 356 "N. Y." changed to "N.Y."
p. 356 "R. I." changed to "R.I."
p. 358 "N. Y." changed to "N.Y."
p. 359 "Prospect" changed to "Prospect."
p. 359 "Whitmore, A.M" changed to "Whitmore, A.M."
p. 363 "131, n.;" changed to "131, n.,"
p. 365 "Canonicus" changed to "Caunoŭnicus"
p. 366 "196, n.," changed to "196, n.;"
p. 369 "186," changed to "186."
p. 371 "Kantantowwit" changed to "Kantántowwit"
p. 371 "Kodliep Kēn" changed to "Kodtup Kēn"
 p. 372 "description of, 200;" changed to "description of, 206;"
p. 374 "205, n." changed to "205, n.;"

Inconsistent spelling, punctuation and typography have otherwise been left as printed.
The following possible errors have been left as printed:

p. 19 beasly
p. 123 originlly
p. 125 probality
p. 127 this Cost
p. 132 strenght
p. 144 lenght
p. 148 uncivilizied
p. 154 fuond
p. 164 giude
p. 210 oder glands
p. 219 Blacklead.
p. 223 (note) lenghth
p. 230 Mattachusetts
p. 231 ageed
p. 261 doubdt
p. 281 strenght
p. 287 worties
p. 365 Cithyrea
p. 365 fire-brand
p. 366 Colchos
p. 366 Powows
p. 366 luzerans
p. 367 Drails
p. 367 luzeran
p. 368 luzeran
p. 371 Lannerets
p. 371 Leadstones
p. 375 Newcomein
p. 376 Pawtucket
p. 376 Phlegethon
p. 376 Phœbus
p. 377 Rhadamanthus
p. 379 Chappel: chalkstones
p. 379 Stubbs
p. 380 Wampumpeack
p. 381 Auld
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