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QUALITATIVE
ANALYSIS
Sara Miller McCune founded SAGE Publishing in 1965 to support
the dissemination of usable knowledge and educate a global
community. SAGE publishes more than 1000 journals and over
800 new books each year, spanning a wide range of subject areas.
Our growing selection of library products includes archives, data,
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trust that secures the company’s continued independence.

Los Angeles | London | New Delhi | Singapore | Washington DC | Melbourne

Edited by
Margaretha Järvinen
Nanna Mik-Meyer

QUALITATIVE
ANALYSIS
Eight Approaches for
the Social Sciences
SAGE Publications Ltd Editorial Arrangement and Chapter 1 © Margaretha
1 Oliver’s Yard Järvinen and Nanna Mik-Meyer 2020
55 City Road Chapter 2 © Margaretha Järvinen
London EC1Y 1SP Chapter 3 © Nanna Mik-Meyer
Chapter 4 © Michael Gill
SAGE Publications Inc. Chapter 5 © Anne Roelsgaard Obling
2455 Teller Road Chapter 6 © Nils Gilje
Thousand Oaks, California 91320 Chapter 7 © Søren Kristiansen
Chapter 8 © Lee Martin
SAGE Publications India Pvt Ltd Chapter 9 © Amber J. Fletcher
B 1/I 1 Mohan Cooperative Industrial Area Chapter 10 © Kathy Charmaz
Mathura Road Chapter 11 © Catherine Conlon
New Delhi 110 044 Chapter 12 © Michael Bamberg
Chapter 13 © Tea Torbenfeldt Bengtsson and
SAGE Publications Asia-Pacific Pte Ltd Ditte Andersen
3 Church Street Chapter 14 © Kaspar Villadsen
#10-04 Samsung Hub Chapter 15 © Teun A. van Dijk
Singapore 049483 Chapter 16 © Lise Justesen
Chapter 17 © Jakob Demant and Signe Ravn

First published 2020

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Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, this publication
Editor: Alysha Owen may be reproduced, stored or transmitted in any form, or
Editorial assistant: Lauren Jacobs by any means, only with the prior permission in writing of
Production editor: Martin Fox the publishers, or in the case of reprographic reproduction,
Copyeditor: Richard Leigh in accordance with the terms of licences issued by
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Marketing manager: Susheel Gokarakonda the publishers.
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Typeset by: C&M Digitals (P) Ltd, Chennai, India Library of Congress Control Number: 2019945666
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 CONTENTS
List of editors and contributors  vii
Prefaceix

  1 Analysing qualitative data in social science 1

Margaretha Järvinen and Nanna Mik-Meyer

  2 Symbolic interactionism as analytical tradition 29

Margaretha Järvinen

  3 Symbolic interactionism, stigma and othering 51

Nanna Mik-Meyer

  4 Phenomenology as qualitative methodology 73

Michael Gill

  5 Phenomenological analysis and the relationship

between researcher and field 95
Anne Roelsgaard Obling

  6 Hermeneutics: theory and methodology 113

Nils Gilje

  7 Interpretation, prejudice and the hermeneutic circle 135

Søren Kristiansen

  8 Critical realism in theory and practice 155

Lee Martin

  9 Critical realism: philosophical and methodological

considerations173
Amber J. Fletcher
vi CONTENTS

10 Grounded theory: main characteristics 195

Kathy Charmaz

11 Sampling and conceptualisation in grounded theory 223

Catherine Conlon

12 Narrative analysis: an integrative approach 243

Michael Bamberg

13 Narrative analysis: thematic, structural and performative 265

Tea Torbenfeldt Bengtsson and Ditte Andersen

14 Michel Foucault’s discourse analysis 283

Kaspar Villadsen

15 Critical discourse analysis 305

Teun A. van Dijk

16 Actor-network theory as analytical approach 327

Lise Justesen

17 Actor-network theory and qualitative interviews 345

Jakob Demant and Signe Ravn

Appendix: Key concepts365

Index375
 LIST OF
EDITORS AND
CONTRIBUTORS
Editors

Margaretha Järvinen, Professor, Department of Sociology, University of Copenhagen,

Denmark [email protected]

Nanna Mik-Meyer, Professor, Department of Organization, Copenhagen Business

School, Denmark [email protected]

Contributors

Ditte Andersen, Senior Researcher, VIVE – The Danish Center for Social Science
Research, Denmark [email protected]

Michael Bamberg, Professor, Department of Psychology, Clark University, USA

[email protected]

Tea Torbenfeldt Bengtson, Senior Researcher, VIVE – The Danish Center for Social
Science Research, Denmark [email protected]

Kathy Charmaz, Professor Emerita, Sociology, Sonoma State University, USA

[email protected]

Catherine Conlon, Lecturer, Social Studies, Trinity College, University of Dublin,

Ireland [email protected]

Jakob Demant, Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, University of

Copenhagen, Denmark [email protected]
viii LIST OF EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS

Amber J. Fletcher, Associate Professor, Sociology and Social Studies, University of

Regina, Canada [email protected]

Nils Gilje, Professor Emeritus, Centre for the Study of Professions, Oslo Metropolitan
University, Norway [email protected].

Michael Gill, Associate Professor in Organisation Studies, Saïd Business School,

University of Oxford, UK [email protected]

Lise Justesen, Associate Professor, Department of Organization, Copenhagen

Business School, Denmark [email protected]

Søren Kristiansen, Professor (mso), Department of Sociology and Social Work,

Aalborg University, Denmark [email protected]

Lee Martin, Associate Professor, Centre for Cultural and Media Policy Studies,
University of Warwick, UK [email protected]

Anne Roelsgaard Obling, Associate Professor, Department of Organization and

Leadership, The Royal Danish Defence College, Denmark [email protected]

Signe Ravn, Senior Lecturer in Sociology, University of Melbourne, Australia signe.

[email protected]

Teun A. van Dijk, Professor, Department of Translation and Language, Pompeu

Fabra University, Spain [email protected]

Kaspar Villadsen, Professor (mso), Department of Management, Politics and

Philosophy, Copenhagen Business School, Denmark [email protected]
 PREFACE
Textbooks on qualitative research often contain detailed advice on how to collect
data, through interviews, observations and/or documents, but less information
about how to transform these data into research findings. In our own teaching,
we have noticed that students are lacking a volume on how qualitative analysis is
actually conducted. Very often, the way in which researchers carry through their
analysis is the “black box” of the research process. Textbooks often discuss different
analytical traditions, for instance phenomenology, hermeneutics or critical realism,
but rarely show how exactly the chosen tradition affects the analysis.
This book aims to bridge the traditional gap between texts about the theory of
science and texts about specific techniques of methods. It differs from other social
science textbooks on qualitative research as it neither is purely theoretical nor just
describes techniques of methods. It is a book about methodologies rather than
methods, with all chapters combining a description of an analytic tradition with
concrete examples of empirical research. Rather than describing how to conduct
an analysis, the authors show the reader how an analysis can be carried through.
The book is written for MA and PhD students but can also be used for specialised
undergraduate courses.
Some of the chapters in the book are revised versions of contributions to a Danish
book (Kvalitativ analyse – syv traditioner, ed. M. Järvinen and N. Mik-Meyer) published
in 2017. We want to thank Hans Reitzels Forlag in Copenhagen for allowing us to
use these chapters in a revised form, and editors Martin Laurberg and Marie Bruvik
Heinskou for helping us with copyright and other administrative issues. Tam Mc
Turk from Citadel Translations has translated Chapters 1, 2, 3, 6, 7, 13, 16 and 17 in
collaboration with the authors and editors.
We also want to thank commissioning editor Alysha Owen at SAGE for profes-
sional guidance and support throughout our work on the book. Finally, we want to
thank the anonymous reviewers of the manuscript for constructive criticisms and
suggestions.
 1
ANALYSING QUALITATIVE DATA
IN SOCIAL SCIENCE
Margaretha Järvinen and Nanna Mik-Meyer

CHAPTER CONTENTS

What is qualitative research? 2

On the development of qualitative analyses 5
The process of qualitative analysis 7
Epistemological issues in qualitative research 8
Types of interviews, observations and document analysis 11
• Individual interviews 11
• Focus group interviews 12
• Go-along interviews 13
• Online interviews 14
• Participant observations 14
• Observation through recording 15
• Online observations 16
• Documents 17
The chapters 18
Key concepts 22
Further reading 23
References23
2 QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS

This book describes a range of analytical traditions in qualitative research. The aim
is not to suggest that certain traditions are more useful or “correct” than others,
but to show the diversity of approaches to analyses in qualitative studies. As such,
we place ourselves firmly in the tradition of Erving Goffman’s (1967: 11) call for
researchers to analyse social reality on the basis of different perspectives, rather
than to apply a one-size-fits-all model: “Better, perhaps, different coats to clothe
the children well than a single splendid tent in which they all shiver”, as Goffman
so appealingly wrote.
The book presents chapters on symbolic interactionism, phenomenology, her-
meneutics, critical realism, grounded theory, narrative analysis, discourse analysis
and actor-network theory. The list is not exhaustive, and other traditions could
have been included. However, we have chosen these eight traditions because they
are common in social science research today and because they constitute relatively
coherent and recognisable units of qualitative work. The book describes analyti-
cal approaches in qualitative studies and focuses on methodology rather than
method; that is, specific research techniques and tools. The choice of analytical
approach is partly informed by how we understand the object of our study, how
we look at the knowledge generated by our research, what we focus on in the
analysis and how, in practical terms, we conduct analyses. The focus varies from
chapter to chapter. For example, for some contributors the emphasis is on how we
understand the object of our study, while others are more concerned with how
qualitative data are analysed in practice. However, none of the chapters is purely
theoretical or just describes techniques or methods. Rather, the idea is to bridge
the traditional gap between texts about the theory of science and texts about
specific research techniques.
This introductory chapter consists of six parts. The first describes the hallmarks
of qualitative research, as viewed across analytical traditions. The second provides
a brief historical insight into qualitative social science research, in particular how
the literature on methods and methodologies has increasingly turned its atten-
tion to how precisely the analysis of qualitative data is conducted. The third part
describes the various steps usually included in qualitative analyses, while the
fourth part discusses epistemological issues. In the fifth part, we present different
forms of interviews, observations and document analyses. Finally, we introduce
the chapters of the book.

What is qualitative research?

Qualitative research has been defined in many different ways (Silverman, 1993,
2013a; Denzin and Lincoln, 1994, to mention a few classic contributions).
 ANALYSING QUALITATIVE DATA IN SOCIAL SCIENCE 3

Definitions vary, but the following five characteristics are among those that most
qualitative researchers seem to agree on.
Firstly, the purpose of qualitative research – and interviews in particular – is to
analyse meanings and interpretations. Qualitative researchers often want to see real-
ity “from the perspective of the person studied” and therefore try to understand
the meaning of the phenomena studied for those involved. Thus, the reality into
which we, as social scientists, seek insight has already been interpreted by the
research participants. However, qualitative analysis is not a one-to-one description
of the perspectives of the people we study, but analytical interpretations of their
perspectives. Qualitative researchers study how meaning is generated, negotiated,
maintained, or altered in specific social contexts.
Secondly, qualitative research works with process as much as content. Qualitative
research is not just about showing that individuals or groups have specific fea-
tures or act in certain ways, but also about analysing how these characteristics and
actions are shaped and how they play a part in people’s lives. Qualitative research
looks at processes, not necessarily as stages of development or as causal relation-
ships over time, but as mutual interaction mechanisms between people and their
(social and physical) surroundings. This means that qualitative studies are often
based on how and what questions rather than why questions.
Thirdly, qualitative research focuses on the context of the phenomena studied.
The purpose of qualitative studies is not to isolate a phenomenon from its back-
ground or to identify the context’s influence and then generalise across contexts
(as is often the case in quantitative research). On the contrary, the purpose is to see
the phenomenon studied as rooted in – and made possible by – a specific spatial,
temporal and social context.
A fourth feature of qualitative research is that it has traditionally defined itself
as inductive rather than deductive; that is, it develops understandings, concepts
and potential theories based on empirical data, rather than collating data to test
a priori hypotheses or models. However, qualitative traditions vary in terms of
when in the process theory comes into the picture. In some classic variants of phe-
nomenological research and in more traditional versions of grounded theory, the
researcher ideally seeks to approach the field more or less without preconceptions.
In these studies, theory is not incorporated into the research process until later.
The researcher builds concepts and/or develops new theory based on the empiri-
cal data of the research. Other traditions incorporate theory at an earlier stage,
for instance when formulating research questions and/or during data acquisition.
Many qualitative researchers work abductively. The concept of abduction stems
from Charles S. Peirce who used it to describe the researcher’s quest for theories
that might help explain surprising findings in empirical data. Today, the term
is often used as a general description of an analytical approach that alternates
4 QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS

between data-driven interpretations, and the use and development of concepts

that have their roots in theory. The analysis unfolds as a dialogue between theories
and data, such that the data influence the researcher’s choice of theory, while the-
ory helps the researcher interpret and put the findings, deriving from data analy-
sis, into perspective. The abductive approach is sometimes perceived as a buffer
against purely descriptive analyses. Amanda Coffey and Paul Atkinson (1996: 155)
put it this way: “Our important ideas are not ‘in’ the data, and however hard
we work, we will not find those ideas simply by scrutinizing our data even more
obsessively. We need to work at analysis and theorizing.” Nevertheless, it is largely
accepted in qualitative research that analyses should not be too guided by theories
and concepts. Rather, social scientists must deploy their theoretical knowledge in
a subtle and flexible manner: “Theoretical knowledge and pre-conceptions serve
as heuristic tools for the construction of concepts which are elaborated and modi-
fied on the basis of empirical data” (Kelle, 1995: 34).
Finally, Herbert Blumer’s (1970/1953) idea of “sensitizing concepts” has proven
useful in qualitative research. The opposite of sensitising concepts is “definitive
concepts” which “refer precisely to what is common to a class of objects, by the
aid of a clear definition in terms of attributed or fixed benchmarks” (Blumer,
1970/1953: 58; Blumer, 1986). Sensitising concepts are fruitful orientation tools
and serve as a source of inspiration for researchers’ analyses: “Whereas definitive
concepts provide prescriptions of what to see, sensitizing concepts merely suggest
directions along which to look” (Blumer, 1970/1953: 58). Blumer therefore recom­
mends that researchers move away from abstract concepts and theories to the
specific peculiarity of the phenomenon being explored, so as not to erroneously
incorporate that which is being explored into a predetermined abstract frame-
work. The goal is to avoid the concepts ending up as fixed templates or as instru-
ments to tame empirical occurrences (Blumer, 1986/1969: 151). When researchers’
analyses are too theory-driven, the understanding of the phenomenon studied
becomes too solidified, meaning that a more sensitive and nuanced perception of
the phenomena researched is difficult to obtain.
Goffman is one of the principal representatives of the development of sen-
sitising concepts. He uses concepts in such a way that readers are able to rec-
ognise the phenomena described, even if they were previously unable to name
them (see, for example, the concepts of “face-work”, “impression management”,
or “spoiled identities”). As Howard Becker (2003: 663) writes about Goffman’s
concepts: “Most of us know immediately what he means and are grateful to finally
put names to things.” Goffman’s concept-analysis approach is not an unnecessary
abstraction – that is, applying complex, alien terms to things that already have
functioning names – but utilises empirically grounded interpretation as a means
of evolving theory.
 ANALYSING QUALITATIVE DATA IN SOCIAL SCIENCE 5

On the development of qualitative analyses

The history of qualitative research in sociology and related disciplines is a history

of a steadily stronger systematisation both in regard to data-acquisition methods
and – much later and still relatively undeveloped – to the actual analytical work
conducted by the researcher. For many decades, qualitative research was conducted
without textbooks and with little reflection on methods in published works. The
classics of qualitative sociology appeared largely unconcerned with method. For
example, Nels Anderson’s book The Hobo: The Sociology of the Homeless Man (1923)
is based on extensive fieldwork, but many years later (in 1975) Anderson revealed
that he had known very little about qualitative methods when he conducted his
research. The study is often cited as an example of participant observation, but
Anderson (whose own father was a “hobo”) wrote that he was not aware of this
concept at the time, nor did he associate this method with his research: “I did
not descend into the pit, assume a role there, and later ascend to brush off the
dust. … The role was familiar before the research began” (Anderson, 1975/1923:
xiii). William Foote Whyte, author of Street Corner Society (1993/1943), who has
been cited in classroom teaching about qualitative methods over the decades,
was not particularly focused on method either. His book contains an appendix
in which he reflects a little on participant observation and the use of informants,
and adds a few sentences about whether it is more sensible to place empirical data
in (physical) folders sorted by themes, or by groups of participants. Goffman is
a third example of an influential, qualitative sociologist who never wrote about
method. The primary description of method in Goffman’s work is the recording
of his conference presentation On Fieldwork, from 1974, which was published after
his death (Goffman, 1989).
What these key figures in qualitative sociology have in common is that they
have published few reflections on method, and virtually none on the work of
analysis. To the extent that they write about method, they focus predominantly
on data acquisition, as was the norm in qualitative research at the time and is still
the norm in some of the more recent literature on qualitative methods.
However, the qualitative traditions presented in this book differ in terms of their
focus on analysis. At one end of the spectrum is grounded theory, a tradition in
which researchers have always described the analytical component of the research
process (Glaser and Strauss, 1967). Thus, grounded theory was developed as one
of the first general methodologies for systematic data acquisition and analysis.
The whole purpose of this systematisation was to make qualitative research more
transparent and credible. At the other end of the spectrum, we find phenomenol-
ogy and researchers who are outright opponents of too systematic an approach
to the research process. Ernest Keen (1975: 41) writes, for example: “unlike other
6 QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS

methodologies, phenomenology cannot be reduced to a ‘cookbook’ set of instruc-

tions. It is more an approach, an attitude, an investigative posture with a certain
set of goals.”
The qualitative methods literature exploded in the 1970s and 1980s with a
number of important publications, such as James P. Spradley’s book about the
ethnographic interview (1979) and Martyn Hammersley and Paul Atkinson’s clas-
sic account of ethnographic fieldwork (1995/1983). Unlike most other books of
that time, these two textbooks deal with the acquisition of qualitative research
materials – that is, detailed descriptions of fieldwork and the conducting of
qualitative interviews – and suggest how data might be analysed. In most other
books, such as Steven J. Taylor and Robert Bogdan’s well-known Introduction to
Qualitative Research Methods (1984), the ‘how to do analysis’ part is marginal.
Taylor and Bogdan characterise qualitative research as a craft and a practice that is
more difficult to standardise than other (i.e. quantitative) approaches to research:
“The methods serve the researcher; never is the researcher a slave to procedure
and technique” (Taylor and Bogdan, 1984: 8).
During the 1990s, textbooks about methods began to show a stronger interest in
how to conduct qualitative analyses. In this period researchers described qualita-
tive research as consisting of several different approaches and, therefore, also of
different analytical practices (see, for example, Silverman, 1993, 2013a; Seale
et al., 2004).
Norman K. Denzin and Yvonna S. Lincoln (1994) pick up on the different
approaches, or “moments”, in the history of qualitative sociology and anthropol-
ogy as follows: They refer to the years from the beginning of the 1900s to the 1940s
as the “traditional” period, during which ethnographers presented “objectivist”
descriptions of distant cultures and realities (e.g. Malinowsky, 1944). The second
period (the 1950s and 1960s), which Denzin and Lincoln describe as “the modern-
ist or golden age”, is characterised by initial attempts to highlight and systematise
the principles of qualitative research, primarily the principles for data acquisition
and to a lesser degree for analytical work (with a few exceptions – see Becker, 1958;
Becker et al., 1961; Glaser and Strauss, 1967). Denzin and Lincoln describe the
third period (the 1970s and the first half of the 1980s) as “blurred genres”, and the
fourth (from the mid-1980s onwards) as “the crisis of representation”. The period
of blurred genres is characterised by many different qualitative research traditions
evolving in parallel (e.g. ethno-methodology, biographical research, narrative
analysis, case studies and different variants of grounded theory), while the “crisis
of representation” refers to the influence of post-structuralism and constructivism
on qualitative research. In post-structuralism and constructivism, language and
communication are defined as tools that create social reality, and not (only) as
reflections of reality. Social reality is seen as shaped by interaction and characterised
 ANALYSING QUALITATIVE DATA IN SOCIAL SCIENCE 7

by multiple truths dependent on the perspectives of the researcher and the partici-
pant. Max Weber’s principle of Verstehen (understanding) – a keyword in qualita-
tive studies – thus gains new meaning: “Verstehen is less like a process of getting
inside the actor’s head than it is a matter of grasping intersubjective meanings and
symbolizing activities that are constitutive of social life” (Schwandt, 1994: 120;
italics in original).

The process of qualitative analysis

Qualitative analyses are conducted in many different ways. However, across dif-
ferent analytical traditions one will usually find the following elements: catego-
risation of data, narrowing down of data and presentation of data sequences in a
research report (see Maxwell and Reybold, 2015).
Firstly, qualitative analysis involves a categorisation practice that is more or
less rigid and systematic. To create order in empirical data stemming from inter-
views, observations or documents, the researcher has to categorise data into
smaller units which are subsequently assigned names/labels/tags. This catego-
risation can take the form of a thematic reading of the empirical data, based
on the researcher’s presuppositions of the empirical field, or be based on the
theoretical concepts chosen by the researcher (for the latter approach, see, for
example, Jackson and Mazzei, 2012). Categorisation can also take the form of a
coding process that specifically emerges from what the research participants say,
or from an interpretation of the documents included in the research project (e.g.
Charmaz, 1983). Furthermore, categorisation practice may involve identifying
certain narratives, and their structure and relationship to specific contexts (e.g.
narrative analyses). Data may also be processed and categorised according to
specific empirical or historical themes, a specific political problem (e.g. discourse
analyses), or in a network analysis of how certain actors relate to each other (e.g.
analyses inspired by actor-network theory).
Secondly, the common denominator for all analytical approaches is that they
involve data condensation or some other kind of analytical narrowing down of
empirical materials. Most qualitative studies generate far more data than it would
be possible to publish in a book, article or assignment, which makes reducing the
amount of data an inevitable part of the research process. In the grounded theory
tradition, data reduction – that is, moving from “initial codes” (applying to all
parts of the empirical data) to “focused codes” (used to interpret the initial codes)
is described as “zooming”. Zooming is about identifying and developing analyti-
cal categories and can be the first step towards the actual development of concepts
and theory, which is an important aim in grounded theory.
8 QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS

A third element of qualitative analysis is to present empirical data; that is, to

set forth “an organized, compressed assembly of information that permits conclu-
sion drawing” (Huberman and Miles, 1994: 429). Researchers must present signifi-
cant sequences of interview quotes, observation notes or documents to enable the
reader to see how they have arrived at their findings. In this process, it is important
to reflect on how to select quotes and other empirical excerpts. Criteria mentioned
in the literature on methods include that the selected interview quotes, observa-
tions, or excerpts from documents must provide a reliable picture of all the data
(e.g. extremely rare statements and observations must not be presented as typi-
cal). The quotes should show variation and nuances, and be concise and saturated
with meaning (Emerson et al., 1995). They should not be selected because they
are particularly entertaining or dramatic, but because they illustrate key analytical
findings that emerge once all of the research material (or relevant parts thereof)
has been taken into account (Pratt, 2008). In other words, the passages selected
should function as building blocks for the argumentation.
There is always a risk of focusing on interview quotes, observations or document
passages that confirm your theoretical or empirical expectations, while ignoring
those parts of the data that do not – also known as “deviant cases” (see Seale
and Silverman, 1997). The purpose of including deviations in the analysis is to
examine systematically whether the variation leads to new understandings of the
provisional analysis and to any subtle differences. Of course, there are a number of
quality criteria, other than the use of deviant cases, playing an important role in
qualitative research, for example coherence, consistency, accuracy, transparency
and reflection (Kirk and Miller, 1986; Kvale, 1989; Maxwell, 2002; Justesen and
Mik-Meyer, 2012).

Epistemological issues in qualitative research

As the chapters in this book will show, data are approached differently within
different analytical traditions. There is a dividing line – partly between the tradi-
tions and partly cross-cutting them – between epistemological stances inspired by
realism, and epistemological stances inspired by constructivism. The following
sections discuss this dividing line, also showing how it has been addressed in the
qualitative methods literature.
One of the first to classify qualitative approaches along these lines was David
Silverman (1993) – for later revisions of these classifications see Silverman (2013a).
Focusing on interviews, he put forward two questions, one concerning the rela-
tionship between interviewees’ accounts and the world they refer to, the other
concerning the relationship between interviewer and interviewee. He then
 ANALYSING QUALITATIVE DATA IN SOCIAL SCIENCE 9

described how researchers representing two different approaches – positivism and

interactionism – respond to these questions (Silverman, 1993). Researchers work-
ing within a positivist paradigm regard interview data as representing facts about
the world. In this paradigm data are supposed to be collected in a way that guar-
antees independence of the researcher and the research setting. Positivist research-
ers may distinguish between factual information (about individuals, organisations
or communities) and interviewees’ attitudes, motives and feelings. However, in
both cases – facts and subjective accounts – the goal is to achieve as truthful a pic-
ture of reality as possible. In contrast, researchers working within an interactionist
paradigm stress that interview data can only be interpreted by taking into account
the context within which they are produced (see Hammersley and Atkinson,
1995/1983). Instead of treating interview data as (true or false) reports on reality,
interactionists see them as displays of perspectives and as representing not only
individual experiences but also social and cultural conventions (Silverman, 1993,
2013a).
Another example of how epistemological approaches to interviews, observations
and documents can be classified comes from Lise Justesen and Nanna Mik-Meyer
(2012). Justesen and Mik-Meyer differentiate between realist, phenomenological
and constructionist stances in qualitative research. Seen from a realist perspective,
reality exists “out there” independent of our knowledge of it, and the goal of the
researcher is to describe the studied phenomena as accurately and neutrally as
possible. In phenomenology, the researcher emphasises the subjective experiences
and actions of individuals and the meaning these individuals attach to their own,
and others’, experiences/actions. In the version of phenomenology described
by Justesen and Mik-Meyer (2012), empathy on the part of the researcher is key.
Finally, a constructivist stance implies that researchers focus on the processual,
complex and ambiguous nature of the phenomena they study. The aim of Justesen
and Mik-Meyer’s classification is to highlight that the choice of epistemological
approach may affect all parts of a research process: from design, research questions
and data, to data analysis.
A final example of how epistemological approaches to qualitative research
data (here interviews) have been classified is Mats Alvesson’s (2011) distinction
between neo-positivism, romanticism and localism. Alvesson uses the term neo-
positivism in order to signal that few researchers today follow the strict demands
of traditional positivism. Neo-positivist guidelines for interviews suggest that
interviewers should follow a standard schedule and avoid becoming involved in
the interviewees’ reports. Somewhat unusually, Alvesson presents interactionism
as a form of revised neo-positivism – this in contrast to Silverman (1993) above
who treated positivism and interactionism as contrasting approaches. Alvesson’s
argument is that interactionists strive for a deeper understanding of participants’
10 QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS

meanings, and for an active dialogue between interviewers and interviewees in

order to achieve reflections of the interviewees’ experiences that are as accurate
as possible. Alvesson’s second epistemological approach, romanticism, aims at
an even closer relationship between the two parties in the interview. Personal
engagement and identification are seen as central to revealing the interviewee’s
authentic inner world, and loosely structured interviews are recommended in
order to facilitate rich and trustworthy accounts (Alvesson, 2011: 13 ff.). The
third epistemological stance, localism, regards interviews as situated accomplish-
ments drawing upon cultural resources, (often) with participants occupying
asymmetrical positions in terms of power. In a localist perspective, interviews are
social micro-orders, acted out through role-playing and impression management
on the part of both interviewers and interviewees (Dingwall, 1997, Alvesson,
2011: 19).
As can be seen from these three examples, epistemological approaches to qual-
itative analysis can be categorised in many different ways. Common to most
classifications – the ones we have presented here as well as others – is a spectrum
with positivism or realism at one end and constructivism at the other. However,
the similarity seems to end here. Interactionism is, as already mentioned, some-
times classified as a form of “neo-positivism” and sometimes as constructivism.
Hermeneutics is described by some scholars as standing in opposition to con-
structivism, and by others as being closely related to it. Phenomenology in turn
is difficult to place on this scale. In some cases, phenomenological research is
presented as realist; in others phenomenology is seen as constituting a stance of
its own (Justesen and Mik-Meyer, 2012) or as closely related to “romanticism”
(Dingwall, 1997; Alvesson, 2011) or ‘emotionalism’/‘naturalism’ (Silverman,
2013a).
One reason for this variation is that few analytic traditions can be placed
as either entirely realist or constructivist. As we will show in this book, many
traditions contain elements of both epistemologies, and variations over time
and over research themes in how much one or the other epistemology domi-
nates. Chapter 2 on symbolic interactionism, for instance, traces a development
from a pragmatist stance (Mead) to a constructivist stance within research on
social “deviance” and social problems. In a similar vein, Chapter 10, introduc-
ing grounded theory, depicts a movement from realist/pragmatist beginnings
(Glaser and Strauss, 1967) towards grounded theory studies inspired by construc-
tivism. Also Chapter 4 on phenomenology shows how this tradition contains
many different strands, ranging from approaches (inspired by Husserl) where
the researcher strives for neutrality by bracketing his/her presuppositions, to
approaches (inspired by Heidegger and others) denying the possibility of a fully
detached researcher.
 ANALYSING QUALITATIVE DATA IN SOCIAL SCIENCE 11

Types of interviews, observations and document analysis

Individual interviews
Interviews come in many different forms, with individual face-to-face interviews
being the most common. Qualitative interviews have been used in the social sci-
ences since the early twentieth century but were only much later systematised
into a research method (see Gubrium and Holstein, 2001, for a detailed descrip-
tion of different types of interviews). Interviews are typically divided into struc-
tured, semi-structured, and unstructured or open interviews. Structured interviews
are based on standardised questions used in the same way and order with all
participants, with the goal of comparing and often quantifying the answers. In
unstructured interviews, the researcher enters the interview without an explicit
interview guide, encouraging the interviewee to relate experiences and concep-
tions of the study’s topic, and generating clarifying questions based on this narra-
tive. Combining elements from these two approaches, semi-structured interviews
are the most widespread form of qualitative interviewing. In semi-structured
interviews the researcher uses a predetermined set of open questions (or at least
research themes), but allows the interview to develop in directions inspired by
the participants’ accounts and varying from interview to interview. There is no
clear dividing line between semi-structured and unstructured interviews, and as
we have indicated above, the degree of structure and openness also depends on
the epistemological stance taken by the researcher.
Some researchers distinguish between receptive and assertive interviews
(Wengraf, 2001; Brinkmann, 2014). Receptive or empathetic interviewing has
traditionally been the golden rule in qualitative research. For methodological
as well as ethical reasons, interviewers have been preoccupied with supporting
the interviewees in their narratives, signalling sympathy and understanding for
what research participants have to say, and avoiding confrontational questions
and remarks. In contrast to receptive interviewing stands assertive interviewing
(Wengraf, 2001; Brinkmann, 2014). Instead of merely listening to and accepting
the interviewees’ accounts, assertive interviewers seek to develop the depth and
quality of the interviews by engaging in an active dialogue. Assertive interviewers
may point out contradictions in the interviewees’ answers, they may probe into
gaps in the interview accounts, and in other ways try to inspire self-reflexivity on
the part of the interviewee. In this form of interviewing the aim is not just to map
participants’ understandings but also to discuss these understandings with the
interviewees and look at the reasoning (and legitimations) they are embedded in
(Wengraf, 2001; Brinkmann, 2014).
Furthermore, a distinction is sometimes made between interviews focusing on
(and striving to produce) coherence in personal accounts and interviews looking
12 QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS

at ambivalence, contradictions and change. Pierre Bourdieu (1998) criticised tra-

ditional qualitative interviews, and especially life history interviews, for forcing
the chaos of lived life into a straightforward, one-dimensional logic. In life history
interviews, the events of an interviewee’s life are organised into internally con-
sistent, reciprocally meaningful units seen as functional parts of a greater whole
(see Järvinen, 2000). In this tradition, interviews containing contradictions and
inconsistencies are regarded as failed, either because the interviewee was not able
or willing to tell his/her story correctly or because the interviewer was not profes-
sional enough to ask clarifying questions. In contrast to this, other researchers
treat lack of coherence in interviews not as a problem, but as representing the con-
ditions of human experience and storytelling in general (Järvinen, 2000). Thus,
individual stories are seen as containing multiple perspectives, logics and codes
(Frank, 2010, 2012). Interview accounts are always subjective as well as social/
cultural, reflecting prevailing standards for storytelling, conceptions of right and
wrong in a community, identity work during the interviews, and so on (Frank,
2010: 53 ff.). Because most interviews contain ambivalence and inconsistence, the
goal of the researcher is to investigate this and not to overdo the tidying up and
streamlining of data.

Focus group interviews

Another much-used method in qualitative research is focus group interviews,
first described and systematised by Robert K. Merton and Patricia L. Kendall
(1946). Focus group interviews originated from group interviews where a large
number of participants were gathered and answered questions individually (orig-
inally by pushing “yes” or “no” buttons). However, Merton and his co-workers
saw the strength of focus group interviews as lying not necessarily in the con-
tributions of individual participants but in the dynamics of group interaction.
In this perspective, the role of the interviewer (or moderator, as s/he is called in
focus groups) is to facilitate discussions between participants about topics chosen
by the researcher, hence the term “focus”. Focus group interviews have elements
in common with both individual interviews and observations, given that the
researcher receives data from what the group says, as well as from how partici-
pants relate to each other, in terms of group hierarchies, turns of speech, han-
dling of disagreements, and so on (Demant and Järvinen, 2006; Halkier, 2010;
Justesen and Mik-Meyer, 2012).
Discussions among focus group researchers concern several topics, episte-
mological as well as more technical (see Morgan, 1997; Barbour, 2007; Halkier,
2010). One of them is the question of which research themes it is appropriate
and productive to investigate with this method. A classic standpoint is that “sensitive”
 ANALYSING QUALITATIVE DATA IN SOCIAL SCIENCE 13

and “private” issues should not be discussed in focus groups, because this could
cause embarrassment, confidentiality problems, and challenge the truthfulness
of the individual accounts. An alternative standpoint is that there is no easy way
to distinguish between sensitive and non-sensitive topics, that moral standards
for the private–public distinction have changed, and that no areas of human life
should (a priori) be banned from focus group discussions.
Another question concerns the relationship between individual opinions
and collectively produced opinions. One consideration is that focus groups,
like all forms of group interaction, are dominated by particular participants
and that the voices of less assertive individuals are often ignored and silenced.
Thus, the knowledge produced in focus group interviews is a reflection of a few
members’ opinions rather than a genuine collective product. Another experi-
ence from focus groups is that the discussions may lead to a polarisation of
opinions, meaning that subgroups of participants (or individuals), due to dis­
agreements, sharpen their stance on the matters discussed to such a degree that
opinions become oversimplified and superficial. If this happens, the knowledge
produced during the interview may be more useful for analyses of disputes,
power plays, face-work, and so on, than for analyses of the subject matter
discussed.

Go-along interviews
A third form of interviews that have become increasingly popular in the last
10–15 years are go-along interviews or mobile interviews, sometimes divided into
walk-along interviews (on foot) and ride-along interviews (on wheels). Like focus
groups, go-along interviews are a hybrid between interviewing and observation.
In contrast to sit-down interviews, go-along interviews allow the researcher to
relate participants’ verbal accounts to their practices in concrete contexts, chosen
by the interviewee or the interviewer. Compared to observations, go-along inter-
views offer a continuous and systematic access to participants’ streams of experi-
ences as they interact with their social and physical environments. As Margarethe
Kusenbach (2003: 463) puts it, go-along interviews are a “more outcome-oriented
version of hanging out”, one that allows the researcher to observe the partici-
pants’ spatial practices in situ while continuously discussing their experiences
with them. Go-along interviews have been described as creating a more equal
relationship between researcher and participant than traditional interviews. This
is so because go-along interviews are often conducted in the participants’ home
territory and because the topics of conversation may be initiated by the inter-
viewee as well as the interviewer (Kusenbach, 2003; Brown and Durrheim, 2009;
Büscher and Urry, 2009).
14 QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS

Online interviews
A relatively new and continuously developing group of qualitative methods is
interviewing via Skype, email, or various forms of chat functions. One strength of
online interviews is that researchers can reach participants, nationally as well as
internationally, who may otherwise be inaccessible or very time- and cost-intensive
to include. Online interviewing can be used with participants for whom ano-
nymity and discretion are imperative (e.g. people involved in criminal or other
morally condemned activities). Some researchers claim that the distance between
interviewers and interviewees, as compared to face-to-face interviews, makes it
easier for participants in general to talk about sensitive or embarrassing issues
(Deakin and Wakefield, 2014). Other researchers argue that it is difficult to build
rapport and produce rich data without the interviewers actually meeting the inter-
viewees (for general discussions on this, see, for example, Bryman, 2008; Murthy,
2008; Salmons, 2015; Sloan and Quan-Haase, 2018). There is of course a difference
between video-supported interviews, such as Skype, and text-based interviews via
email or chatrooms. In Skype interviews, participants can see each other in real
time – although the question of how the screen changes the participants’ percep-
tion of each other is largely unanswered. Email interviews, on the other hand, are
text-based only and asynchronous. This may cause challenges for researchers: the
time lag between participants’ messages, their questions and answers, disrupts
the flow of conversation and makes it easier for interviewees to drop out (without
the interviewer knowing the reason for this). On the other hand, email interviews
may be seen as offering participants more room for reflection, including consid-
erations of whether they want to answer questions or not – hence making the
interviewees and interviewers more equal than they are in traditional interview
situations (for discussions on this, see Salmons, 2015; Schiek and Ullrich, 2017;
Sloan and Quan-Haase, 2018).

Participant observations
Data collection through observations includes a number of different approaches,
ranging from using an ethnographic method of “direct observation” (Gobo,
2011: 15) or participating while observing in a field, to turning on an audio or
video recorder in the setting that the researcher wants to study, or observing
people’s actions online. The classic variant of observation is the ethnographic
approach where the researcher conducts direct observations of people’s actions.
This approach has its roots in Western colonial history where researchers trav-
elled to distant cultures and – with a more or less active role in the field (Adler
and Adler, 1987) – observed the everyday life of people. A famous, early example is the
 ANALYSING QUALITATIVE DATA IN SOCIAL SCIENCE 15

anthropological study by Bronisław Malinowski on social life in the Trobriand

Islands, conducted from 1914 to 1918. However, sociologists soon included
observations in their discipline as well. For instance, the sociologists William
Thomas and Robert A. Park made their students conduct fieldwork among crimi-
nals, homeless people and other minority groups to get an insider view of life
on the margins of Chicago in the 1920s and 1930s (see Chapter 2 about Chicago
School sociology).
In the research literature, one usually distinguishes between observations and
participant observations; that is, between merely observing people and observ-
ing while participating in their social life (Adler and Adler, 1987). Taking on the
observing outsider role can prove difficult, as the researchers’ presence – contrary
to their wish of passing unnoticed – may often be quite visible for the people
observed. In most studies, researchers end up interacting with the participants, in
order to get access to an insider view of their social life (Hammersley and Atkinson,
1995/1983).
Most often, the goal of observation studies is to produce a qualified perception
of practice; that is, to study what people do. Observing people’s practice allows the
researcher to focus not just on the way participants talk about their social life in
interviews, but also on their actual social interactions, and the way their social life
is organised. Observations make it possible to analyse the positioning of the partici-
pants, their social identities and strategies, the standards and procedures affecting
their social life, and so forth. It is the “tacit knowledge” (Polanyi, 1966) of partici-
pants that is made accessible through observations. When observing practice, the
researcher can spot things that are so taken for granted by participants that they
may not reflect upon them in interviews. Hence, observation is a method that
enables the researcher to analyse how complex institutional contexts – which may
be unspoken in interviews – affect people’s social life. Not all researchers can set
time aside to conduct long-term fieldwork as in the classic anthropological and
sociological studies. However, one or two weeks of observations will also add valu-
able knowledge to a research project if the goal is to examine what people do – and
not just what they say they do. In those cases, most researchers will conduct their
observations in a more focused and structured manner, following certain themes.

Observation through recording

Observations also include audio and video recordings of social life. Video record-
ing is a more and more commonly used data-acquisition tool, as it enables
the researcher to investigate the micro-dynamics of human – verbal and non-
verbal – interactions (Heath and Luff, 2012; Mik-Meyer, 2019). Hubert Knoblauch
(2012: 253) proposes the term “videography” to make the point that video
Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
devait voir, sans doute, presque aussi bien et dans des conditions
autrement confortables. Le corps du bâtiment est en retrait sur les
pavillons et la cour. Des colonnades, des galeries formées d'une
succession de cintres, s'y étendaient en avant des étages. A chacune
de ses extrémités s'élève une maisonnette et derrière lui on aperçoit,
au-dessus des toits, les grands arbres d'un parc. Des haies en buis,
taillées à la façon de
 - 187 — celles qui décorent les jardins de Versailles,
semblent former l'extrémité d'allées qui devaient aboutir à
l'habitation. Comme s'il avait voulu réunir dans cette pièce l'image de
tout ce dont il était le plus fier et de ce qu'il aimait le mieux,
Pompéianus avait figuré dans la même mosaïque ses plus beaux
chevaux. C'était certainement un amateur de courses et de
coursiers. Les écuries paraissent vastes et bien tenues, le sol en est
dallé, les animaux, au nombre de six, sont attachés ensemble ou
isolément. Leur nom est marqué au-dessus d'eux à la place où, dans
nos modernes écuries, une pancarte porte les mêmes indications, et
ils sont accompagnés parfois d'une phrase admirative qui nous
montre l'amour de Pompéianus pour ses chevaux : « Le Haut, aucun
autre ne t'égale, tu bondis comme les monts ! » « Polidoxe,
vainqueur ou non, nous t'aimons 1 » La situation de ce tableau des
chevaux auprès de celui de l'habitation me parait indiquer que dans
la réalité les deux étaient rapprochés. Le maître voulait avoir auprès
de lui ses animaux favoris pour pouvoir les visiter, les caresser de
temps à autre et surveiller luimême la façon dont ils étaient soignés.
Les courses étaient un sport très en vogue chez nos seigneurs
africains, et leurs représentations occupent souvent dans les
mosaïques une surface dont la grandeur atteste l'importance qu'on
leur attribuait. Sorothus, dans sa demeure d'Hadrumète, leur avait
aussi fait une large place. Une des mosaïques qui y ont été trouvées
et qui est actuellement dans la Salle d'honneur du 4^ tirailleurs nous
offre le type de la maison de campagne africaine : un château
flanqué de deux tours et précédé d'une autre tour isolée. Cette
dernière rappelle beaucoup aussi les pigeonniers de nos manoirs.
Elle est très élevée, carrée et à toit pointu, avec de très petites
fenêtres. Le château est ombragé à gauche par un cyprès et à droite
par un autre arbre. C'est une vaste construction; les deux tours
latérales ne sont pas, par exception, recouvertes d'un toit pointu,
mais en terrasse. Elles font saillie sur le corps principal du bâtiment,
en avant duquel court une galerie ornée de colonnes supportant un
étage sans fenêtres extérieures, ce qui indique que la maison
donnait sur une cour intérieure. Sur la terrasse s'élève un belvédère,
petite construction dont le toit est à double pente et qui, par sa
situation, rappelle tout à fait celles si nombreuses du même genre
que l'on voit sur les terrasses de Tunis. On remarque au-dessus de la
porte deux cornes placées là suivant une superstition encore très
vivante chez les Africains. La maison de Sorothus était derrière un
rocher très élevé, formé de blocs mamelonnés, et très tourmenté,
duquel se précipite un large
 — 188 — ruisseau aux eaux bleues et torrentueuses. A son
sommet s'élève une maisonnette où habitait le «garde champêtre»
du domaine, qu'il pouvait parfaitement surveiller de ce point
culminant. Cette petite habitation est surmontée d'un pignon sur
lequel s'élève aussi l'amulette formée de deux cornes. Au milieu des
blocs de rochers, parmi les plantes grasses à contours bizarres et
une broussaille assez maigre, des chèvres broutent paisiblement. Au
pied de la montagne, la rivière se calme, décrit une courbe et passe
au premier plan du tableau, formant un cours d'eau bordé de
prairies marécageuses où les chevaux paissent et prennent leurs
ébats en toute liberté. L'artiste leur a prêté des attitudes saisissantes
de naturel. Une jument au cou fortement replié tend ses lèvres vers
une jambe postérieure levée très haut, pour se gratter, par un
mouvement bien connu. Près d'elle est son poulain. Deux chevaux
luttent auprès d'un poulain qui s'étire. Je ne connais pas de
mosaïque où un sujet ait été traité avec autant d'exactitude, d'art et
d'observation. Dans ce passage, Sorothus a mis la maison au plan le
plus reculé et lui a donné par suite de très petites dimensions, tandis
que les chevaux sont en avant et de taille plus considérable. On
saisit qu'en dehors de la perspective c'est sur ses animaux favoris
qu'il a voulu attirer l'attention. La maison est là seulement pour
montrer que c'est chez lui qu'on élève de tels animaux, car c'est de
l'élevage qu'il fait en même temps que du sport, comme l'indiquent
les poulains de la mosaïque. En outre, dans chacun des coins du
tableau est un grand médaillon circulaire renfermant deux chevaux
entravés et attachés à un palmier. Leur nom est inscrit auprès d'eux.
Ceux que l'état de la mosaïque permet de lire sont : Amor,
Dominator, Adorenthus, Crinitus, Ferox, Pegasiis. Les animaux ont
des colliers à houppes, et on lit sur l'épaule de plusieurs d'entre eux
le nom du propriétaire : Sorothi, gravé moitié sur la croupe, moitié
sur l'épaule. Un fait assez curieux, c'est que ce sont exclusivement
tous les chevaux qui présentent le flanc droit qui portent ce mot;
ceux qui montrent le côté gauche portent sur la croupe un signe noir
qui est aussi toujours le même. On doit conclure de cette
observation que la position constante de l'inscription et du signe
correspond à un fait existant en réalité, sans quoi l'artiste eût
indifféremment mis ces marques sur un côté ou sur l'autre ; comme
on ne saurait penser que ce soit sur la robe même de l'animal qu'ils
aient été imprimés, la seule explication de ce fait est d'admettre
qu'ils étaient placés sur un tapis recouvrant l'animal. Peut-être est-ce
le côté droit qui, dans les courses, était tourné vers les spectateurs,
d'où il faudrait conclure que les chevaux couraient habituellement de
la gauche vers la droite
 - 189 — des spectateurs. On remarque aussi les bandes qui
entourent les quatre jambes des chevaux par un procédé tout à fait
analogue à celui qui est en usage de nos jours. L'autre mosaïque de
la maison de Sorothus représente le même motif, en plus petit et
avec quelques variantes. Ici, c'est le triomphe de ses écuries que le
grand sportsman a voulu célébrer. Des génies ailés viennent
couronner de guirlandes les chevaux, qui sont toujours aux angles
du tableau, mais non plus dans un médaillon. Les noms des animaux
sont : Patricius, Ipparchus, Dilectus, Campus. Avec les courses, le
sport qui était le plus en vogue chez nos Africains était certainement
la chasse, qu'elle ait eu lieu à courre, au faucon ou à pied. On s'y
attaquait non seulement à la perdrix, au lièvre, au renard, mais
encore au sanglier, au lion, à la panthère, et il y avait même dans
certains domaines des colons dont la profession habituelle était de
poursuivre ces animaux : on les appelait « les panthérisants».
Pompéianus n'avait pas manqué de faire représenter chez lui ce
divertissement auquel il paraît aussi s'être adonné avec passion.
Dans la mosaïque qui ornait une de ses pièces on voit deux terrasses
séparées par une clôture à claire-voie et soutenue par deux gros
piquets. D'un côté s'étend un parc dans lequel broutent des gazelles.
De l'autre côté sont les cavaliers et les piqueurs poursuivant la bête,
avec les lévriers Fidèle et Chaste. Remarquons en passant le
costume de ces chasseurs.Tous, y compris Pompéianus, sont coiffés
d'un béret blanc, vêtus d'un gilet de chasse et de culottes serrées
par des guêtres au-dessous du genou, avec un manteau jeté sur
l'épaule. N'est-ce pas le costume de nos montagnards et des
alpinistes? Les piqueurs ont un glaive à la main et les cavaliers la
lance croisée devant eux. C'est évidemment le bois, le parc réservé à
la chasse. Dans un autre tableau, on voit la suite de la même scène.
C'est le rendez-vous. Les chasseurs, las d'avoir couru, se reposent à
l'ombre des arbres. Il est bien probable que si nous avions retrouvé
la série complète il y aurait eu ensuite la représentation de quelque
repas sur l'herbe. Les scènes de chasse abondent d'ailleurs dans les
mosaïques qui représentent l'existence des grands propriétaires.
L'une d'elles, trouvée à Garthage, montre des cavaliers armés de
javelots et de la hache à deux tranchants luttant contre des
panthères et des lions. A Oglet-Atha, près de Sfax, dans les ruines
d'une villa, une mosaïque représentait, d'après M. Gauckler, une
chasse à courre à la gazelle. Elle est actuellement très détériorée et
les gazelles, qu'on y voit encore occupées à brouter, ont l'air bien
calmes pour des animaux poursuivis. Je ne sais pas non plus s'il
serait très prudent pour
 — 190 — les colons africains d'essayer la culture de
l'oranger dans la région où elle a été trouvée. Cet arbre a bien pu
exister comme plante de luxe dans un parc arrosé, sans qu'on l'ait
jamais encore cultivé, en grand, dans la région. Il me semble
difficile, parce qu'un ou deux de ces arbres sont figurés ici,
d'admettre a priori qu'on ait voulu par là représenter de vastes
plantations plutôt qu'un simple bosquet. Sur la mosaïque des Laberii
dont il sera bientôt question, on voit encore des cavaliers sans
armes, avec la culotte serrée à la jambe et le pagne, suivis d'un
piqueur qui court, tenant sa lance à la main, derrière les chiens qu'il
vient de lâcher, Mustela (belette) et Ederaratus (tacheté de lierre).
Les animaux poursuivis sont un lièvre et un renard. Dans une autre
mosaïque de la même maison, on voit une chasse au sanglier et une
chasse au lion. Nous voici donc connue la façon dont nos grands
seigneurs se livraient à la chasse. Mais ce n'est pas seulement de
leurs somptueuses habitations ni des scènes relatives à leurs
divertissements dont ils ont tenu à fixer le souvenir. Ils ont aussi fait
représenter les parties les plus pittoresques de leurs domaines, leurs
fermes, leurs champs, leurs plantations, leurs montagnes, de
manière à ce que leurs yeux rencontrassent ces riants tableaux à
chaque instant de la journée passée chez eux à deviser ou à rêver,
ou pendant qu'entre les mains du masseur ils laissaient leurs yeux
errer sur les somptuosités en marbres et en stucs coloriées de leur
piscine. C'est ainsi que chez Pompéianus une mosaïque représentait
un verger avec trois pavillons aux couleurs vives, probablement
quelque rendez-vous de chasse. En face d'eux, dans le jardin
renfermant des arbres d'espèces très variées, mariés à la vigne, une
dame élégamment vêtue, l'éventail à la main, est assise dans une
haute chaise au pied d'un palmier chargé de fruits dorés. Auprès
d'elle, un jeune homme tient d'une main son chien en laisse et de
l'autre une ombrelle qui la protège. C'est l'endroit où les promeneurs
se reposent paisiblement, où la maîtresse de la maison vient
s'asseoir pour rêver et aussi celui où l'on disserte, où l'on «
philosophe », d'après les mots inscrits au-dessus de la dame :
Filosophi locus, philosophie qui devait, semble-t-il,ne pas être
dépourvue de douceur, à en juger par les personnages mis en scène
ici. On voit que pour grands veneurs qu'étaient nos seigneurs
d'Afrique, ils aimaient aussi les plaisirs mondains, les tranquilles
conversations, et que l'on devait quelque peu se piquer d'art ou de
littérature dans leurs châteaux. Dans une dernière mosaïque d'Oued-
Athménia, une maison est entourée de prairies où paissent des
animaux domestiques. C'est la demeure du chef des troupeaux.
 — 1<. ailleurs="" une="" autre="" sc="" nous=""
montre="" comme="" l="" inscription="" d="" gardien="" du=""
salins.="" j="" que="" ce="" n="" pas="" dans="" la=""
demeure="" de="" pomp="" proprement="" parler="" ces=""
mosa="" ont="" trouv="" mais="" vastes="" et="" superbes=""
bains="" situ="" cent="" m="" dont="" ils="" leurs=""
dimensions="" le="" luxe="" leur="" ornementation="" sont=""
tels="" qu="" a="" bien="" cru="" un="" moment="" c="" des=""
thermes="" publics.="" il="" aux="" alentours="" aucun=""
vestige="" centre="" qui="" puisse="" confirmer="" cette=""
mani="" voir="" les="" sujets="" trait="" ainsi="" inscriptions=""
montrent="" s="" priv="" dernier="" ne="" renfermait="" moins=""
vingt="" pi="" chambres="" chauffe="" diff="" conduites=""
salles="" plus="" int="" parfaitement="" reconnaissables.le=""
bassin="" natation="" surtout="" entour="" galerie="" demi-
circulaire="" pr="" portique="" en="" colonnes="" marbre=""
devait="" magnifique.="" partout="" sur="" sol="" marbres=""
stucs="" murs.="" notre="" premi="" visite="" au="" ch="" fait=""
conna="" certains="" domaines="" africains="" :="" vaste=""
flanqu="" pavillons="" ou="" tourelles="" tour="" galeries=""
portiques="" avant="" luxueuses="" plac="" voisinage="" aupr=""
prairies="" o="" paissent="" chevaux="" favoris="" verger=""
avec="" ses="" choisis="" charg="" fleurs="" fruits="" aimait=""
loin="" parc="" ombrag="" grands="" arbres="" bois="" peupl=""
gibier="" ferme="" b="" pressoirs="" huileries="" etc.=""
champs="" plantations="" vigne.="" endroit="" propri=""
anciens="" aimaient="" on="" sait="" enrichir="" tout=""
possible="" passaient="" longues="" heures="" journ="" ma=""
son="" retour="" chasse="" course="" se="" reposant="" revivre=""
venait="" revoyant="" chiens="" favoris.="" vie="" ext=""
seigneur="" sa="" maison="" spectacle="" divertissements=""
offerts="" suivre.="" carton.=""/>
 HOSPITALITÉ ET FATALISME DOOXJL^EJNT SXJR, LA
]yCE3NT-A.rjITÉÎ IITlDICa-Ê]NE3 Au mois d'août 1893, j'étais allé,
dans la région du Cap-Bon, à une petite localité au nord de Kourba
appelée Zaouiet-el-Maâïsra. J'avais assisté à une enquête criminelle;
l'enquête terminée, j'avais profité de ce que le ciel était couvert et
j'étais parti vers deux heures de l'après-midi, avec un Arabe pour
guide, tâchant d'arriver à Nabeul avant la nuit. A quelques
kilomètres de Kourba, l'orage, qui grondait sourdement, éclata
soudain. Nous fûmes, tout d'un coup, aveuglés par la poussière,
inondés par la pluie et éblouis par les éclairs : « Presse le pas de ta
mule, seigneur l'avocat, me dit mon compagnon de route, ton
voyage nous a porté bonheur; c'est la pluie, laveuse des aires, qui
tombe. Nous ne pouvons pas songer à continuer notre chemin.
Allons nous abriter dans ce douar que nous voyons là-bas, à gauche
de la route, » Je suivis le conseil de mon guide et je me dirigeai vers
le douar indiqué. A notre approche, les chiens des gourbis se
jetèrent sur nous, en aboyant avec fureur. Au bruit qu'ils firent, un
indigène sortit et s'avança vers nous. «Cheikh Ahmed, lui dit mon
compagnon, nous venons, ce seigneur et moi, te demander
l'hospitalité et attendre dans ta demeure la fin de l'orage.» «Avec toi
et lui, la bénédiction d'Allah nous visite », lui répondit l'indigène. Il
nous fit alors descendre de nos montures, qu'il confia à un enfant, et
nous fit rentrer dans un gourbi où une natte épaisse, en pailles
d'alfa, était tendue sur le sol. Nous nous assîmes sur la natte, et
après avoir conversé quelques instants avec nous, notre hôte sortit
en nous disant de l'attendre. Une heure après il revint, portant dans
ses mains un grand plat de couscous, tandis que d'autres indigènes
portaient diftërents plats de sauce rouge, de tomates et de piments,
et de viande à moitié cuite. L'odeur d'huile rance et de beurre pourri
qui se dégageait de tous ces mets était tellement insupportable, que
je ne pus pas même y goûter. C'était peu poli, j'en conviens, mais
porter une cuillerée de ce couscous à ma bouche était au-dessus de
mes forces. Voyant cela, notre hôte ressortit et revint après quelques
minutes avec des œufs à la coque. Je demandai du sel; mais, ma
demande était à peine formulée, que je m'en repentis, car il n'y en
avait pas dans tout le douar. Aussitôt, le cheikh Ahmed fit un signe
de la main.
 — 193 et un jeune indigène d'une admirable beauté,
portant son a ahram » avec une suprême élégance, s'approcha de
lui. « C'est Ali, mon fils », nous dit notre hôte, en le couvrant d'un
regard orgueilleux; et, s'adressant à lui : «Ali, l'orage parait se
calmer; va, mon fils, monte sur notre jument verte (par
euphémisme, les indigènes disent «vert» pour ne pas dire « noir»),
arrive jusqu'au douar voisin, et tu nous rapporteras du sel. » Je
m'opposai, j'insistai, je jurai que je ne goûterais pas aux œufs si Ali
se dérangeait : rien n'y fit; le jeune homme partit, et nous restâmes
dans le gourbi avec le cheikh Ahmed et mon guide. Une demi-heure,
une heure, deux heures se passèrent. Ali ne revenait toujours pas;
notre hôte devenait visiblement inquiet et la conversation
languissait. La nuit était venue, tous les bruits s'étaient tus et nous
n'entendions plus que le clapotement des gouttes de pluie tombant
dans les flaques d'eau. Brisés de fatigue, mon guide et moi nous
laissions gagner par le sommeil... Tout à coup, nous fûmes réveillés
en sursaut par un cri de femme perçant, horrible et prolongé, suivi
de longs hurlements de chiens. Mais, dans la nuit, Dieu! que ce cri et
ces aboiements semblaient sinistres ! Nous en étions glacés d'effroi.
Nous nous jetâmes tous trois à l'ouverture du gourbi et nous
perçûmes distinctement des pleurs, des lamentations et des hou hou
funèbres interrompus de temps en temps par un cri plus
épouvantable encore que le premier. Atterrés, nous nous regardions
les uns les autres, nous demandant ce qui causait ces cris, lorsqu'à
la lumière d'un falot nous vîmes approcher un cortège, qui ramenait
mort, étendu sur une civière, Ali, ce superbe jeune homme que nous
avions vu tout à l'heure si plein de vie et de santé ! On nous
expliqua qu'en revenant du douar voisin, sa jument avait buté et
qu'elle l'avait jeté si malheureusement à terre, qu'il en était mort sur
le coup. Son père le regardait avec un douloureux saisissement; moi,
j'étais consterné, car j'étais la cause bien involontaire de ce terrible
malheur. Quant à mon guide, ses yeux erraient indifférents de l'un à
l'autre. Sur la natte, au fond du gourbi, on étendit le corps du
malheureux jeune homme, dont la bouche entr'ouverte semblait
vouloir parler. Sur un geste de notre hôte, les femmes se turent et
s'éloignèrent; le cheikh Ahmed nous fit entrer ensuite dans le gourbi
avec tous les assistants, qui s'assirent auprès de lui. Chacun gardait
le silence, se laissant aller à ses tristes réflexions; les bruits du douar
s'étaient même éteints, et on ne percevait plus que le clapotement
funèbre des gouttes de pluie tombant dans les flaques d'eau.
 — 194 — Tout à coup, se passant la main sur la figure et la
barbe : «Allah seul est grand ! dit le cheikh Ahmed ; Allah seul est
éternel I » Puis, se tournant vers l'un des assistants : «A-t-il rapporté
le sel?» demanda-t-il. On se leva, on fouilla le cadavre, on lui tendit
un paquet de sel. Alors, s'adressant à moi : « Seigneur, me dit-il,
mon fils a rapporté le sel. Mets-toi à ton aise et veuille me faire
l'honneur de manger!» Et, se mettant une poignée de couscous dans
la bouche: «Aya, bismellah, ia siadiy>, nous dit-il (Allons! au nom
d'Allah, mes seigneurs!) (mangez sous-entendu). Ecœuré, affolé par
ces mots, par ce geste, par cette impassibilité épouvantable, j'éclatai
en sanglots et, malgré les supplications du cheikh Ahmed, de mon
guide et de tous les assistants, je partis seul dans la nuit, dans
l'orage, dans 'l'épouvante et dans l'horreur 1 G. BENATTAR, Avocat.
Tunis, 6 janvier 1902.
 MŒURS DE TUNIS Galeb louz — Soukeur ou semen —
Fethira Le soleil vient à peine de dorer de ses chauds rayons les
minarets des mosquées de la blanche cité de Tunis, que déjà tous
les marchands de pâtisseries et de douceurs se répandent dans les
rues. En de longs cris gutturaux et prolongés ils exaltent leurs
marchandises, vantant la bonté et l'excellence de leurs produits. Le
marchand de beignets chante ses «fethira» frits dans la meilleure
huile de Sousse. Ils sont bien chauds, dit-il, d'où leur nom de
«sekhouna», tandis que le marchand de «kaak» crie que ses
gâteaux sont faits de sucre et de beurre (soukeur ou semen). Un
troisième concurrent de ces derniers offre les «galeb louz» à deux
pour un sou, ce gâteau si léger fait d'amandes et de blancs d'œuîs,
du genre de nos massepains. «Sekhouna», «soukeur semen» et
«galeb louz» appellent à intervalles rapprochés l'attention des
gourmands et des passants. Ils stationnent devant les portes
massives, si mystérieusement fermées, car ils savent bien que leur
cri ne restera pas sans réponse, que les enfants et les jeunes
femmes de la maison, poussés par la gourmandise, vont lui envoyer
une négresse ou un enfant lui acheter quelques-uns de ses gâteaux.
La clientèle varie suivant le genre de pâtisserie. Les « sekhouna»
tout imprégnés d'huile luisante, bien chauds, ont pour clients les
ouvriers des souks, les boutiquiers, les portefaix, beaucoup d'oisifs
qui en font leur petit déjeuner du matin. C'est très nourrissant et
très bon pour l'estomac, disent les Tunisiens. Depuis l'occupation
française, le marchand de « fethira » s'est fait une nouvelle clientèle
du troupier qui, à l'exercice, le matin, aux heures de repos, croque
volontiers ce beignet; il le trouve d'ailleurs délicieux. Le «galeb louz»
fait les délices principalement des enfants, des femmes et de
beaucoup d'Européens aussi. Enfin le «soukeur semen» trouve
acheteur un peu dans tous les âges, et aussi bien chez l'indigène
que chez l'Européen. De simples planches portées tantôt sur la tête,
tantôt sur le bras, et, pour les «kaak», de petits couffins, sont les
seuls étals de cette pâtisserie, qui repose à même sur le bois. Un
client passe, propre on sale, citadin ou bpd()uin, qui choisit le
«fethira», prenant celui-ci, soupesant celui-là, le reposant sans rien
acheter, mais ayant bien soin de lécher l'huile restée sur ses doigts;
il ne faut rien perdre.
 - 196 — Le vendeur est ordinairement un étranger à la
ville; pour les « galeb louz», par exemple, des gens de Ghadamès. Il
a ses rues, ses maisons, ses clients. Le métier n'est pas improductif
et plaît beaucoup à l'esprit curieux et à la paresse contemplative de
l'oriental, qui y trouve sans beaucoup de peine l'un et l'autre. Aussi,
cette industrie a-t-elle fait naître depuis quelque temps une grande
concurrence et de nombreux vendeurs qui égayent la ville arabe et
lui donnent un plus grand cachet de couleur locale. « Sekhouna,
galeb louz, soukeur ou semen », bonne chance et durez longtemps I
Que la civilisation et la concurrence du roumi ne vous fassent pas
disparaître, ainsi que sont déjà disparues quelques habitudes locales
de la ville de Tunis qui en faisaient son charme de ville orientale et
son attirance. MENOUILLARD.
 ORIGINE ET FORMATION DE LA LANGUE RERRÈRË
PÉRIODE CONTEMPORAINE Chapitre II Les Origines du Verbe
berbère 1° Formation du radical verbal berbère sur les différents
temps du verbe grec C'est par le verbe que nous poursuivons la
série de nos recherches sur les origines des langues berbères
modernes. Ces verbes présentent, en effet, un intérêt archéologique
de premier ordre. L'ancienne langue libyenne, voisine du grec, est
allée se simplifiant, sous l'invasion de populations hétérogènes. La
dégradation linguistique est surtout marquée en ce qui concerne les
verbes. Les finales se sont généralement assourdies. Quelques-unes
sont tombées, en laissant subsister le seul radical. Les augments et
les redoublements ont disparu. Dans cette évolution régressive, les
flexions si riches du verbe grec ont cessé d'être usitées. Peu à peu,
le verbe s'est réduit à un seul temps. Ce temps lui-même s'est fixé, à
la mode sémitique, sur un thème radical. Le grand intérêt de nos
recherches est de constater que le thème radical ne s'est pas
toujours fixé sur un même temps. Selon les dialectes, parfois même
dans un seul dialecte, le thème radical a pu être emprunté à des
temps différents. Des exemples feront mieux comprendre cette
explication. (i) (1) Voici la liste des ouvrages que nous avons
consultés pour établir notre travail : Dialectes divers Vbntuee de
Paradis : Grammaire berbère. Recueil de voyages et de mémoires,
publié par la Société de Géographie de Paris, t. VII, 1884. — Basset
: Notes de Lexicographie berbère. Journal asiatique (4 fascicules).
Dialecte zouaoua Hanoteau : Essai de grainm,aire kabyle. Alger,
1859. — Olivier : Dictionnaire français-kabyle. Le Puy, 1878. — R.
Basset : Manuel de langue kabyle. Paris, 1887. Dialectes mzabi et
chaouïa Masqueray : Comparaison du vocabulaire du, dialecte des
Zenaga avec les vocabulaires correspondants des dialectes des
Chaouïa et des Beni-Mzab. Arch. des Miss, scientif., III« série, 1879.
— Graf Sierakowski : Das Schauï. Dresden, 1871. Ce mémoire
contient un Essai de grammaire chaouïa par M.Tauchon. — IVIercier
: Le chaouïa de l'Aurès. Paris, 1896. — Masqueray : Le Djebel-
Cherchar. Revue africaine, t. XXII, p. 30 et suiv. Dialectes touareg,
zenaga, tamabaq Faidhbrbe : Le zenaga des tribus sénégalaises.
Paris, 1877. — Masqueray: Die tionnaire français-touareg (dialecte
des Taïtoq). Paris, 1893. — Cid K.kovi : Diction
 — 198 — Ainsi, en targui, en zenaga, le radical du verbe
agir est ag.W Ce radical parait fixé d'après l'impératif du verbe àyw,
dys agir. Ces mêmes populations emploient, pour dire éloigner, les
termes ougeg et esigeg. Ces deux thèmes verbaux sont
certainement fixés sur l'aoriste du même verbe grec hyayov et
èHvYayov, ayant le même sens. De même, les Kabyles disent
sengougou rassembler. Ce temps kabyle est évidemment fixé lui
aussi sur l'aoriste dwnyayov rassembler . Au contraire, le verbe
kabyle segou fréquenter, parait provenir de la première personne de
l'indicatif présent d(uv)dYfa). Dans cet exemple, nous relevons des
thèmes radicaux empruntés, selon les verbes et les dialectes: 1» à
l'impératif; 2» à l'aoriste; 3° à l'indicatif du verbe àyw. Voici d'autres
exemples: En targui, on trouve une forme efeS briller, provenant de
ë^nva, aoriste de cpx-'vw, tandis que le mot ifaou il fait jour,
vQ^YoàuW l'indicatif de ^do) ért7/er, variante de '^aivco. Les
Zouaoua emploient herezem méyxager, emprunté à la première
personne ^apitoyai, avec chute de la finale, et /ares plaire,
emprunté à l'impératif épique ^api^éo, même sens. On relève le
zenaga eozaS remplir, qui paraît construit na'ire français-tamahaq.
Alger. — René Basset : Lexicogra2ihie berbère-touareg
touelimmiden. Journal asiatique, 1888. — Hanoteau : Essai de
grammaire tam,ac/ie/e. Paris, 1860. Dialectes de Djerba, Ghadamès
et Tripolitaine Graber de Hemso : Remarks on tite language of the
amazigh. London, 1836. La prononciation des mots est figurée
d'après l'orthographe anglaise. — R. Basset : Lexicographie berbère.
Journ. asiat., 1883. (Dialecte de Djerba.) — Bossoutrot: Vocabulaire
berbère ancien (dialecte du djebel Nefoussa). Revue Tunisienne,
1900. Dialecte guanche Béthencourt : Vocabulario del antiquo
dialecte de los Canarios (Acad. royale d'Hist. de Madrid). Travail
reproduit et complété par M. J. Campbell, in Critical examiruxtion of
Spayiish documents relative to the Canary island. — Transactions of
Canadian Institute, vol. VII, 1901, août, n" 13, p. 29 et suiv. Nous
noterons pour chaque terme berbère cité comme un exemple le
dialecte d'où il provient et le nom de l'auteur chez lequel nous
l'avons relevé. Ex. : ektem (taït. Masq.), couper; amarta (zen.Faidh.),
tromper; etc. Enfin, nous avertissons le lecteur que l'orthographe
adoptée par les berbérisants est purement phonétique. Nous l'avons
généralement respectée, pour ne pas être accusé d'avoir transformé
certains mots pour les besoins de notre cause. (l)Dans le cours de ce
travail, nous isolerons du reste du mot, au moyen de caractères
gras, les termes communs au deux langues berbère et grecque. Les
sons disparus d'une des langues ou surajoutés seront imprimés en
caractères ordinaires. Cette disposition fera mieux ressortir les
déformations survenues dans le berbère. — Nous remplissons un
agréable devoir en remerciant M. Nicolas, l'imprimeur de la Revue
Tunisienne, des acquisitions de caractères qu'il n'a pas hésité à faire
et du soin qu'il a bien voulu apporter, avec sa conscience habituelle,
à cette impression, sans se laisser rebuter par les diflicultés d'un
pareil travail.
 - 199 sur l'aoriste nvÇndx, tandis que le temahaq segget
augmenter, semble provenir de l'impératif avÇc, ainsi que le zouaoua
ezzi grandir. Le tamahaq forme le mot sedou réunir sur l'indicatif de
d(uv)ôéa>, tandis que le zouaoua tire le terme sente5 de l'aoriste du
même verbe dv'v(é)5ndx. Ar (zouaoua. Han. ), err
(jeridi,rifain.Bass.) ayant le sens de soulever, prendre, '^TOviQ.nwtni
de l'impératif de aï^w même sens, tandis que erfed (kabyle. Olivier)
lever, soulever, esi emprunté à l'aoriste noenv. (Le 6 se change
fréquemment en f en passant du grec au berbère; ex.i-îipô-riv =
erfed, àcpxcss = eOes (targui), toucher, etc.) Les divers dialectes
expriment par ouG (zenaga, kabyle) août (rhadamès, etc.) le verbe
frapper. Ce terme provient de l'impératif wôee ; le temahaq (Kaoui)
possède le verbe ouôou succoynber, fixé sur l'indicatif Le kabyle
nouou opiner, est fixé sur l'indicatif voéo même sens, tandis que la
forme kabyle anez s'incliner, paraît provenir de l'aoriste ëvevda. Le
targui ettes dormir, semble tiré de evSndoc, aoriste tombé en
désuétude de vjIm dormir, tandis qu'on pourrait rapprocher la forme
zenaga oudech se coucher, de l'impératif archaïque evSedKe, qui se
trouve dans l'Iliade. Pour exposer d'une façon claire et méthodique
nos observations sur ces formations des thèmes radicaux des verbes
berbères fixés sur un temps du grec ou plutôt du libyen antique,
nous avons dressé un certain nombre de listes de ces formations. Le
lecteur pourra les compléter; le sujet n'est pas épuisé. Dans nos
rapprochements, nous nous conformons à l'usage des berbérisants
qui énoncent les verbes de cette langue par la deuxième personne
du singulier de l'impératif. Cette personne constitue la racine verbale
du verbe. Cette racine, comme nous l'étudierons, se modifie selon
les temps et les personnes au moyen de préfixes et d'affixes. Nous
exprimons le sens du verbe, soit grec, soit berbère, par l'infinitif
français. 1» Exemples de verbes berbères dont le thème radical
provient de la première personne de l'indicatif présent d'un verbe
grec — a> : h-^zigiù réunir, assembler. adjerou (mzab.Bass.)
assembler. àvÔY^w avoir besoin. aneyou (zenag.Masq.) même sens.
èvû réunir. edou, sedou (tamah. Kaoui), même sens. n6 réjouir. edou
(taïtoq.Masq.) réjouir. epéo pleurer. erou (zouaoua. 01.) pleurer.
6o^ôb> troubler. 6elou (zouaoua. 01.) troubler. Kivcw faire un
mouvement. kenou (zouaoua. 01.) se baisser. ^
 — 200 — \é(ù nager. voevo s'incliner. ^aKÔG) mettre en
lambeaux. d(uv)àY6> rassembler, TiKTto accoucher. vuvéo> chanter.
^àiù briller. yz\(si pour Y^iQiù frotter.
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