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Saints, Sacrilege
and Sedition
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Saints, Sacrilege
and Sedition
Religion and Conflict in the Tudor
Reformations
Eamon Duffy
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First published in Great Britain 2012
No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written
permission from the Publisher except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical
articles or reviews. Every reasonable effort has been made to trace copyright holders
of material reproduced in this book, but if any have been inadvertently overlooked the
Publishers would be glad to hear from them.
A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN: 978-1-4411-2602-3
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
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Contents
Introduction 3
1 Reformation, Counter-Reformation, and the English nation 15
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vi Contents
Duffy, Eamon. Saints, Sacrilege and Sedition : Religion and Conflict in the Tudor Reformations : Religion and Conflict in the Tudor
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List of Plates and Figures
Colour Plates.
Duffy, Eamon. Saints, Sacrilege and Sedition : Religion and Conflict in the Tudor Reformations : Religion and Conflict in the Tudor
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Part I
Reformation
unravelled
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Introduction
Let us begin with two contrasting summaries of the course and causes of
the English Reformation, both provided by an American historian of Tudor
England, Professor Norman Jones.
Once upon a time the people of England were happy medieval Catholics,
visiting their holy wells, attending frequent masses and deeply respectful
of Purgatory and afraid of hell. Then lustful King Henry forced them to
abandon their religion. England was never merry again.
Or, alternatively,
Harry gave them the Protestant nation for which they longed.1
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4 Saints, Sacrilege and Sedition
dismantled by the Tudor state. Some reviewers and readers of the book
imagined that what was being claimed was that everyone in the Middle Ages
in England was a devout Catholic, but I maintained no such thing. The book
acknowledges, though it does not concern itself in detail with, the existence
of religious dissidents (notably the Lollards) and the religiously indifferent.
My concern, rather, was to demonstrate that late medieval Catholicism in
England was a functional symbolic and religious system, whose range and
complexity met the often divergent and socially divided religious needs
of late medieval English society. A novel feature of this part of the book
was the sustained use of the material culture of medieval Christianity –
the architecture and furnishings of parish churches and shrines, surviving
religious imagery in glass and paint, in wood and stone, and printed (and
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Introduction 5
often illustrated) devotional books. This material culture, more often than
not the product of lay investment, had been largely neglected by previous
Reformation historians, but it provided, I suggested, abundant and concrete
evidence of the vitality and extent of lay commitment to Catholic beliefs
and practices, a commitment at odds with the conventional narrative of lay
disenchantment.
The second part of the book provided an overarching account of the refor-
mation process in England over the course of three generations, and drew
attention both to the widespread dismay with which religious change was
often greeted, and to the laborious and often fraught processes of enforcement
to which successive protestant regimes were obliged to resort. The argument
of this part of the book was not, as was sometimes assumed, that there was no
popular support for the Reformation, but I did argue that many people, and
probably the majority, did not in fact welcome it, or did so reluctantly and, as
the rapid restoration of Catholic practice in the reign of Mary was to demon-
strate, provisionally. The Protestantizing of England, therefore, was never a
landslide, but a task achieved with labour and difficulty, and its outcome was
not secure till the second half of the reign of Elizabeth.
The Stripping of the Altars offered the fullest exploration in English to
date of the workings of late medieval Christianity, and was also unusual in
ignoring the conventional period divide between medieval and early modern
British history, since it devoted as much attention to the fifteenth as to the
Copyright © 2014. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc. All rights reserved.
sixteenth centuries. But its general line of argument was by no means new. In
the fifteen or so years before its publication, several other Tudor historians,
notably Professor J. J. Scarisbrick and Dr Christopher Haigh, had led the way
with broadly similar accounts of the sixteenth-century English Reformation.6
A number of medieval historians had also offered more positive perspec-
tives on the workings of English religion on the eve of the Tudor religious
changes.7 But widespread media interest in The Stripping of the Altars, and the
publication the following year of Christopher Haigh’s English Reformations,8
contributed to a sense that a distinctive ‘school’ of Reformation history had
emerged, and proponents of this more quizzical view of the Reformation were
bunched together as ‘revisionists’, and even, and in Haigh’s case quite errone-
ously, as ‘Catholic revisionists’.9
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6 Saints, Sacrilege and Sedition
In fact, in any hard and fast sense, the ‘revisionist’ model of the Reformation
was itself largely a critical construct, for the differences between so-called
‘revisionists’ were at least as significant as their agreements. It is, for example, a
fundamental contention of The Stripping of the Altars that the Reformation repre-
sented a deep and traumatic cultural hiatus with the medieval past, a notion that
has since been taken up in different ways by art and architectural historians like
Andrew Graham Dixon and Sir Roy Strong, and by literary critics like Stephen
Greenblatt.10 By contrast, it is a fundamental contention of Christopher Haigh’s
masterly and mischievous English Reformations, that when the dust had settled
on all the Crown-imposed religious upheavals, nothing very much had in fact
happened. Nor were the contributors to The English Reformation Revised in any
sense a movement, for they shared no single agenda. In so far as their essays had
something in common, it was a sense that the reformation process in England
had been precisely that, a process and a labour, difficult and long drawn-out,
whose outcome had been by no means a foregone conclusion. They shared also,
perhaps, a more positive assessment both of the activities of the proponents of
Tudor Catholicism like bishops John Longland or Edmund Bonner and, more
generally, of the ‘traditional religion’ (a term coined in The Stripping of the Altars
and now widely adopted) which the reformers assailed.
But it is worth noting that the perception that the Reformation had not
been achieved on a tidal wave of popular enthusiasm, but instead had to
be worked for, by force, persuasion and slow institutional transformation,
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Introduction 7
since Professor Collinson assumed that the story of the birth of English
Protestantism began more or less at the point where Professor Dicken’s history
of the Reformation left off. And, speaking autobiographically, the book which
contributed most to my own realization of the contested character of the
Tudor reformations had been no ‘revisionist’ work, but the late professor Sir
Geoffrey Elton’s masterpiece, Policy and Police, published as long ago as 1972,
when revisionism was barely a twinkle in Christopher Haigh’s infant eye.14
Elton, who was not in fact greatly interested in religion, never questioned
Dicken’s conviction that by the end of Edward’s reign England was more or
less ineradicably Protestant. Nevertheless, his use of Thomas Cromwell’s 1530s
postbag to chart both widespread popular resistance to, and criticism of, the
Henrician Reformation, and the Henrician regime’s resort to the systematic
use of both force and persuasion to forward it, undermined some of Dicken’s
foundational assumptions, and set the agenda for much subsequent work.
So a good deal of what is now described as ‘revisionism’ has nothing to do
with a conscious revisionary agenda, but is simply the routine work of histo-
rians doing what historians always do or are supposed to do: trying to get a
clearer picture of what happened in the past. The more positive re-evaluation
of late medieval religion which has made so crucial a contribution to much
recent thinking about the Reformation, for example, (and to which chapters
three to six of this book aim to contribute a little more), was pioneered
by medievalists only marginally concerned with the background to the
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8 Saints, Sacrilege and Sedition
accident of the passing of the 1944 Butler Education Act, which led to a
post-war flood of Catholics into higher education, and the professionalization
of the formerly largely plebeian Catholic community. There are thus simply
more Catholics writing history in the academy than there used to be. But
there is also a notable Catholic presence among historians of late medieval
and early modern religion, and not merely English religion, but that of Europe
more widely. Their influence, moreover, has been disproportionate to their
actual numbers, if one considers the names of John Bossy,17 Peter Burke,18 and
the late Bob Scribner,19 and, I would add, the social anthropologists Victor
Turner20 and Mary Douglas,21 whose writings have influenced much recent
historical thinking about early-modern religion.
This British Roman Catholic interest in late medieval and early modern
religion may be in part a product, I suspect, of sub-cultural formation, and
the heightened religious preoccupations of a minority religious group. But
since several of those I have mentioned have by their own account been firmly
‘lapsed’, and their Catholicism therefore a matter of cultural formation rather
than ideological commitment, I suspect also that their apparently ‘revisionist’
take on the religious past stems not from gladiatorial denominational concerns,
so much as from the fact that to anyone formed in a Catholic religious ethos,
the religion of the late Middle Ages simply looks more coherent, less odd
or repellent, than might be the case for those formed in a different (i.e. a
Protestant) religious tradition. In that sense, ‘Catholic revisionism’, in so far
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Introduction 9
tions of pulpit and populist declamation, from the service of thanksgiving for
deliverance from Gunpowder treason which was part of the Book of Common
prayer till 1859, with its prayers against ‘Popish Tyranny and arbitrary Power’,
to the raucous Hanoverian anti-Catholicism of Hogarth’s prints, celebrating
the Roast Beef of Old England, satirising funny foreigners and lecherous
monks, equating Protestantism with prosperity, and popery with oppression
and wooden shoes.24
The alleged opposition between Englishness and Catholicism is in fact an
invention of the age of Henry VIII, and a notion, as I argue in chapter nine,
that before 1534 was confined to the lunatic fringe. Where, by contrast, might
one locate the heart of England and Englishness? No doubt there are as many
answers to that question as there are readers of these words, but one could
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10 Saints, Sacrilege and Sedition
certainly make a case for the sanctuary of Westminster Abbey, the sacred
space which shelters both the coronation chair and the tomb of Edward the
Confessor. King Henry III built the abbey as a national shrine round the
burial-place of its monarchs. But to clothe this innermost core of Englishness,
he chose Roman vestments. He sent to Rome for its most famous decorative
masons, the Cosmati brothers. With porphyry and jade and purbeck marble,
these Italian workmen remodeled the shrine and its surroundings to resemble
the holy places of Papal Rome.25 This resting-place of the first English
saint ever canonized by a pope would become the mausoleum as well as
the coronation church of England’s kings. It would lend to the Confessor’s
successors both the glamour of the Roman Empire, and the immemorial
religious validation of the papacy. For till 1534, Henry III’s successors felt no
conflict between English greatness and Roman allegiance. On the contrary,
they sought papal ratification for their conquests, and the thanksgivings for
the victories at Agincourt and Cressy and Flodden were Catholic celebrations.
Henry VIII himself rejoiced in the title ‘Defender of the Faith’, bestowed by a
pope for a book against the Protestant reformer Martin Luther. And when he
needed to rid himself of an unwanted wife, it was the authority of that papacy
to which he appealed.
What changed all that was not, as Mr Jenkins supposed, that the papacy
began to make claims over the English state that no right-thinking English
heart could tolerate, but that the pope failed to oblige the king. The English
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crown responded by asserting a new power over conscience and over the
English Church, which no modern Englishman would be likely nowadays
to put up with for a second. Christian kings had always believed themselves
obliged to defend the Christian faith, by force if necessary. But they received
that faith, like everyone else, from the Church which taught it. What was
entirely new in the 1530s was that the Crown asserted an unprecedented right
over against the papacy to redefine what the Christian faith was, and to coerce
English subjects to repudiate the allegiance of a thousand years and accept
that new faith. The monarch became the ultimate arbiter of conscience, the
spiritual independence of the Church was thereby abolished and the notion of
an autonomous realm of the spirit, over which no state had any say, formally
and explicitly repudiated. From a Catholic perspective the doctrine of the
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Introduction 11
Royal Supremacy, far from being a form of liberation from papal tyranny, was
in fact an entirely new form of human enslavement, a declaration that neither
individual conscience nor the collective convictions of Christendom had any
weight against the wishes of the Crown. The claim that ‘the bishop of Rome
hath no jurisdiction in this realm’ boiled down for them to the notion that
there was no appeal from the diktat of the state even in matters of innermost
conscience. That was the issue for which Thomas More went to the block, and
that was the fundamental issue between Catholics and the Protestant state
until 1829.
For Catholics in the generations immediately following the Reformation
all this was experienced as a form of internal exile: they lamented the nation’s
reconfiguration into what they took to be a foreign mould, the abandonment
of ancient certainties in favour of dissonant and alien fashions from Zurich,
Geneva and Wittenberg.
The Protestant iconoclasm explored in chapters five and eleven of this book
destroyed much of the architecture and most of the art of medieval England,
and left behind Shakespeare’s ‘bare ruin’d choirs where late the sweet birds
sang’. That seemed to Tudor Catholics more than a sacrilegious exercise in
fanaticism. They experienced it as a deliberate cultural revolution, designed
to obliterate England’s memory of who and what she had been. Catholics
alone, they felt, stood where they had always stood. The formidable Lady
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12 Saints, Sacrilege and Sedition
‘I was born in such a time when Holy Mass was in great reverence’, she
told her judges, ‘and was brought up in the same faith. In King Edward’s
time this reverence was neglected and reproved by such as governed. In
Queen Mary’s it was restored with much applause, and now in this time it
pleaseth the State to question them, as now they do me, who continue in
this Catholic profession. The State would have the several changes which
I have seen with my eyes, good and laudable. Whether it can be so I refer
to your Lordship’s consideration. I hold me still to that wherein I was born
and bred, and find nothing taught in it but great virtue and sanctity, and so
by the grace of God I will live and die in it’.27
But of course, the issues were much more complicated than antiquity,
virtue or sanctity. Catholics had long seen Christendom as an entity which
transcended mere national sovereignty. Pope and Emperor represented
authorities which, in extremes, could call princes to account before the
wider laws of Christendom. It was a notion which, by the sixteenth
century, even Catholic princes were coming to reject, and the rise of nation
states demanding absolute loyalty from their subjects seemed increasingly
incompatible with that older vision. English Catholics themselves were
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divided about the theoretical extent of the state’s claim on their loyalties, but
whatever they thought of the theories, practical allegiance to an increasingly
hostile regime, in the form of loyalty to its Protestant Queen, became for
all of them increasingly difficult to square with fidelity to a religion which
that regime proscribed and persecuted.28 For vital life-lines like the English
Catholic schools and seminaries abroad, and for an end to persecution, they
were forced to look to the greatest Catholic world power, to Spain, whose
king Philip II a few years before had of course also been king of England.
And so Catholicism as treason, a grimly laughable fiction under Henry VIII,
became a reality under Elizabeth. In 1588 an English Cardinal, after a lifetime
of increasingly equivocal protestations of loyalty to the Crown, formally
blessed the Armada as an army of liberation, and called on Englishmen
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Introduction 13
everywhere to rise against their bastard queen, and restore the true faith to
England.29 That dilemma, and the ramifications of Cardinal Allen’s action,
would divide Catholics themselves for generations.
For its part, over the next century, Protestant England would feel itself increas-
ingly part of a beleaguered Protestant international, shrinking back into the
cold north-west corner of Europe. In the light of that fear, Catholicism would be
imprinted on to the national consciousness as the ultimate enemy, the embod-
iment of the hostile ‘other’, whether at home or abroad. Catholic Englishmen
loomed as a danger out of all proportion to their actual number, a fifth column
allegedly eager to surrender the nation’s independence into the hands of foreign
tyrannies, spiritual and material. The discovery of the Gunpowder Plot gave form
and substance to these fears, and they were stoked by carefully fostered memories
of the fiery enforcement of Catholicism under Queen Mary, by the chronic
inability of the Stuart monarchs to find themselves permanently Protestant
wives and, ultimately, by the return of the House of Stuart to the religion of their
Catholic great-grandmother, Mary Queen of Scots. A century and three quarters
after Henry’s break with Rome, the Act of Settlement would finally declare that
no Catholic might rule over England, an exclusion which still pertains.
The essays which make up the chapters of this book aim to illuminate
one aspect or another of the fraught and highly confessionalized history
of religion in Tudor England. Chapters one and two consider how Tudor
religious conflict has been deployed to shape English self-awareness, and
Copyright © 2014. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc. All rights reserved.
Duffy, Eamon. Saints, Sacrilege and Sedition : Religion and Conflict in the Tudor Reformations : Religion and Conflict in the Tudor
Reformations, Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2014. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/nottingham/detail.action?docID=5237175.
Created from nottingham on 2021-03-17 08:11:51.
14 Saints, Sacrilege and Sedition
the lens of the official records of the state-sponsored plunder of every parish
church in England in 1552–3. Chapters six to nine move from medieval
objects to Tudor people, and explore the character of militant Catholicism,
and its relation to the crown and nation, through the careers and teaching
of two of Tudor England’s most remarkable clerical leaders, both of them
Cardinals. John Fisher, bishop of Rochester and the most distinguished
Catholic theologian in the Europe of his day, was beheaded in 1535 for his
opposition to the Henrician Reformation. Reginald Pole masterminded the
restoration of Catholicism under Mary Tudor, and his exalted understanding
of the centrality of the papacy would decisively shape both English and
European Catholic perceptions of the English Reformation for generations.
Each of these two in their own day enjoyed a European celebrity which far
outstripped that of any of their Protestant contemporaries and opponents,
though history has reversed that order of celebrity, and it is their lesser adver-
saries – Cranmer, Ridley, Latimer – who are remembered as the greatest of
Tudor churchmen. I hope that my focus on these neglected giants will do
something to offset suggestions that opposition to the Reformation in early
and mid Tudor England was the work of ‘devoted mediocrities’.30 The final
two chapters of the book explore aspects of what might be called the afterlife
of Tudor Catholicism, by considering the ways in which that ‘old religion’
was spoken about in mid Tudor England, and the language in which it was
remembered in the age of William Shakespeare.
Copyright © 2014. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc. All rights reserved.
Duffy, Eamon. Saints, Sacrilege and Sedition : Religion and Conflict in the Tudor Reformations : Religion and Conflict in the Tudor
Reformations, Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2014. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/nottingham/detail.action?docID=5237175.
Created from nottingham on 2021-03-17 08:11:51.
1
Reformation, Counter-
Reformation and the
English nation
As the Blitz began in wartime London, George Orwell sat down at his typewriter
and tried to define English national identity. In the essay that resulted he argued
for an ineradicable English distinctiveness: over here ‘the beer is bitterer, the
coins are heavier, the grass is greener, the advertisements more blatant’. English
Copyright © 2014. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc. All rights reserved.
people looked different, with their mild knobby faces, and the rhythms of English
life were utterly distinctive, from the rattle of the pin tables in the pubs of Soho
to the old maids biking to communion through the mists of an autumn morning
– yes, that’s where John Major got it. The English were culturally different, with
their aversion to art, their horror of abstract thought, their obstinate clinging
to everything that is out of date and a nuisance, a spelling system that defies
analysis and a system of weights and measures intelligible only to the compilers
of arithmetic text-books. Real English culture was to be found not in the art
gallery or the concert hall but in things which, even when they were communal,
were not official: the pub, the picture postcard, the football match, the back
garden. Liberty was the fundamental value. Not a grandiose, abstract liberty,
fraternity, equality, no principles of 1789, but small liberties: liberty to have a
Duffy, Eamon. Saints, Sacrilege and Sedition : Religion and Conflict in the Tudor Reformations : Religion and Conflict in the Tudor
Reformations, Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2014. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/nottingham/detail.action?docID=5237175.
Created from nottingham on 2021-03-17 08:11:51.
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
Norte en construcción y que cruzando por el valle de Humahuaca
llegará á la Quiaca en territorio argentino fronterizo con Bolivia. Lac.
de Salta, cap. de la prov.. tiene 18000 habits. Según los Sres. Urién
y Colonibo, se fundó la primera vez en 13 de abril de 1582, en el
valle de Siancas, y fué trasladada después al lugar que ocupa en el
presente. El gobernador de Tucumán, Fernando de Lernia, la fundó
con el objeto de contener á los indios Calchaquícs en sus invasiones.
La edificación de la ciudad es en su mayor parte antigua, pero de
solidez indiscutible. Notable es la Catedral, de orden dórico, y el
teatro Victoria, de reciente construcción. Salta fué siempre un gran
emporio comercial. En la épo3a de la conquista veía desfilar
constantemente por sus calles las grandes arrias, que conducían los
tesoros de Potosí, de paso para Buenos Aires, y entonces mantenía
con el Alto Perú un importante cambio de productos. La larga guerra
de la independencia entorpeció muclio este ;omercio. Más tarde,
cuando las vías comerciales de Bolivia eran otras y los distritos
mineros del Pacífico desbordaban de plata, Salta recuperó su
importancia comercial. Como recuerdo de tanto bienestar y riqueza,
quedan sns templos, de los más ffrandes y fa-stnosos que posee la
República. Con su altísimo campanario de 70 m. de eleva, ción, se
destaca entre las casn.s y los cerros que rodean la ciudad el
espléndido templo del convento do San Francisco y al mismo tiempo
colej{io de misionero». En una pequeña plazoleta, y mirando hacia
el histórico campo de batalla do SALT Castañares, se eleva la estatua
del general Belgrano, que venció en ese sitio y por segunda vez al
general español Tristán, en la memorable jor-^ nada del día 12 de
febrero de 1812. SALTADERO, RA: adj. Aficionado á dar saltos. No te
admires si en el discurso de mi historia me vieres nególo parlona...,
pero loca, brincadera, SALTADERA y gaitera. La Picara Justina. Se
hallaron en la Española ciertas s.ibondijas como una pequeña pulga,
saltaderas y amigas de polvo, que uo pican sino en los pies, que
llaman 7iigíías. A. DE Herrera. SALTADORES: m. pl. Zoo!. Guipo del
suborden de los ulognatos, orden de los ortópteros, clase de los
insectos, cuyos caracteres, dentro del suborden, son: patas
posteriores propias para el salto, con músculos robustos; órganos de
estridulación y oviscapto bien desarrollado. Comprende las familias
de los grílidos, locústidos y acrídidos. SALTAMBANCO: m.
SalTIMBAKCO. SALTANEH (MoiIAMED AlI JaN AlAO-S): Biog. Príncipe
y político persa, n. cu 1841. Muy joven ingresó cu el Ministerio de
Relaciones exteriores, y después de haber sido cónsul general en
Bombay y en Bagdad, gobernador de la provincia de Guilán y cónsul
general en Tiflis, formó parte de la embajada extraordinaria persa
que fué á Moscú para asistir á la coronación del zar Alejandro IH. En
1890 fué nombrado ministro plenipotenciario en Londres, en 1904
obtuvo el título de príncipe y la investidura de embajador
extraordinario en la corte de Eduardo Vil, y en 1906 el sha le puso al
frente del Ministerio de Relaciones exteriores. * SALTAOJOS (de
saltar y ojo): m. Bot. Planta perenne de la lamilia de las
ranunculáceas, de seis á ocho decímetros de altura, con raíz gruesa,
tallo herbáceo, sencillo y ílexuoso, hojas alternas, pecioladas,
lampiñas, coriáceas, blanquecinas por el envés y cortadas en
segmentos enterísinios, aovados y lanceolados; flor terminal,
solitaria, grande, de color rosado purpúreo, y fruto formado por
varios carpelos tomentosos llenos de semillas redondas. Se cultiva
en los jardines como planta de adorno y se ha usado en medicina
como antiespasmódico. * SALTAR: a. Hacer saltar ó desprenderse
una cosa. ... sino que, ardiendo eu ira, como fornido atleta, á
bofetada limpia te SALTA un par de muelas. Pereda. -Saltar: a.
Salvar de un salto un espacio ó distancia. ... y el cristalino arroyo
que manso serpentea, es un regato, á veces, que no pueden las
piernas SALTAR, sin el auxilio de la tranca pasiega. Pereda. -Saltar:
n. Pasar el caballo del ajedrez de la casa en que está á otra de las
que le corresponden. SALTAREL: m. SALTARÍN. Llovían nubes de
poetas llenas sobre el bajel que se anegara luego, si no acudieran
más de mil sirenas á dar de azotes á la gran borrasca, que hacia el
saltarel por las entenas. Cervantes. SALTAREÑO, ÑA: adj. Natural de
Salteras (Sevilla). U. t. c. s. I Perteneciente ó relativo á dicha
población española. SALTATRÁS: com. ToRNATR.U. SALTERO, Ra:
adj. Natural de Salta. U. t. c. s. II Perteneciente ó relativo á las
provincia y ciudad argentinas de dicho nombre. - SalteSo, Sa:
Natural de Salto. U. t. c. s. I! Perteneciente ó relativo á los
deiiartanicnto y ciudad uruguayos de dicho nombre. 8ALTER
(CriLLERMo): Biog. Clérigo congrepacionalista norteaninrieano
contemporáneo, n. en Brooklyn el 17 do noviembre de 1821. Es
SALT autor de numerosas obras, entre ellas: Libro de /os himnos de
la Iglesia; Un senador de los Estados Unidos; Memorias de José W.
Fickelt, misionero svi¡erintcndente dclouv. meridional y las Montañas
Ilocosas: Palabras de rida; Historia de lowa desde 1673 'á 1846;
I'nlalras del Niño Jesús, arregladas para ser leídas y contadas en
casa, en la escuela y en la iglesia, y Salmos de adoración é
instrucción. SALTERIAR: a. Instruir á uno en los salmos. Fué eu poco
tiempo el infant salteriado, de hymnos e de cánticos bien e gent
decorado. Gonzalo de Berceo. SALTICO, CA: adj. Perteneciente ó
relativo al baile. No ha faltado quien dig.i que Lucano escribió
novelas, porque hizo tabulas sálticas, lo que traducen algunos por
fábulas que cuentan los amores de los sátiros y de las ninfas; pero,
pues tales obras no han llegado á nosotros, ignoramos si la
traducción será exacta. E. Fernández de Navareetb. * SALTO: A
SALTOS: A pedazos, á trozos (V. la autoridad que se aduce en el
artículo Salpicón, eu este mismo Apéndice). -Salto: Geog. Río de
Bolivia, en el dep. de Cochabamba. Corre de S. á N. eu la quebrada
de Colomi, abriéndose paso al N. por una quebrada estrecha del
cerro de la Aduana. Hacia el N. de la estancia de Tuuculi se precipita
por una pendiente escarpada de rocas, y forma un salto que en la
estación de aguas es sublime; después el río pasa por Corani, y va á
unirse con el Malea. II Río de Bolivia, en el dep. de Chu(juisaca.
Nace en la cordillera de Sombreros, en el punto de Lecheras, á 30
kms. hacia el NO. del cantón Tarvita, prov. de Tomina, confluye con
el rio Tarvita, en la jurisdicción de la linca del Salto, y reunidos
desaguan al Acero. -* Salto: Geog. Esto dep. de la República del
Uruguay tenía, en 31 de diciembre de 1906, 51661 habits. Su cap.,
la c. de Salto, es punto de partida del f. c. Noroeste del Uruguay que
va hasta Santa Rosa y Puerto Cuareim. Predomina eu el dep. la
ganadería, pero en estos últimos tiempos las industrias vitícola y
vinícola han adquirido un des.arrollo tan considerable, qne en este
sentido el dep. del Salto es el primero do todos, si no ]ior su
producción, que sólo Montevideo la supera, por la cantidad de cejias
plantadas. Por prestarse más á la viticultura que á otros cultivos, la
siembra de cereales ha progresado muy poco y sólo existe una
colonia agrícola, pues otras varias que hubo en tiempos remotos
fracasaron sucesivamente. En cambio, posee algunas industrias
derivadas de la ganadería, como saladeros y graserias, que dan
ocupación á muchos brazos y mueven fuertes capitales. Según
reciente descripción hecha por D. Orestes Araujo, el Salto es la
segunda c. de la República, tanto ¡lor el número de sus habitantes,
no menor de 20000, como por su estado general de adelanto moral
y material, por su comercio sumamente animado y por la indiscutible
cultura de sus habitantes, de la que dan buena prueba sus iniciativas
patrióticas, su prensa y sus instituciones, tanto oficiales como
privadas. El movimiento comercial de la c. del Salto se observa en su
puerto, al que llegan siempre que el Uruguay lo permite los
hermosos vapores que navegan por este río, otros menores, y un
enjambre de jiequeñas embarcaciones de vela, conductoras de
todaslas mercaderías que necesitan los habitantes del departamento,
y que de retorno llevan á Montevideo los productos de la industria
ganadera, saladeril y vinícola de esta pintoresca, animada y rica
zona de la República. El comercio de tránsito aumenta este tráfico,
pues como la navegación está interceptada en el río Uruguay por los
saltos Glande y Chico, la producción del dep. busca sn salida por la
c. de Salto, la que es también receptáculo y depósito transitorio de
las mercaderías que se consumen en todo el Alto Uruguay,
im)iortadas de Montevideo. La c. de Salto, cuyo orit;en se debe á la
existencia de un campamento militar improvisado en 1756 por el
gobernador de Montevideo. 1). José Joaquín de Viana, posee en la
actualidad tranvía, luz eléctrica, mercado, un hospital fundado en
1885, un cuartel con capacidad )iara 500 soldados, un bonito teatro
y otros muchísimos edificios que llenan l.as necesidades sociales y
públicas desús habitantes
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