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Silent Racism
Here on the pulse of this new day
You may have the grace to look up and out
And into your sister’s eyes
And into your brother’s face, your country
And say simply
Very simply
With hope
Good morning.

Maya Angelou (1993)

 Silent Racism
How Well-Meaning White
People Perpetuate the
Racial Divide

Barbara Trepagnier
First published 2010 by Paradigm Publishers

Published 2016 by Routledge

2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

Copyright © 2010, Taylor & Francis.

Frontispiece from “On the Pulse of the Morning” by Maya Angelou, copyright © 1993 by
Maya Angelou. Used by permission of Random House.

Chapter 2 is reprinted with permission from “Deconstructing Categories: The Exposure

of Silent Racism,” Symbolic Interaction 24, no. 2 (2001): 141–163.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or

utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from
the publishers.

Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered
trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without
intent to infringe.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available at the Library of

Congress.

Designed and Typeset in New Baskerville by Straight Creek Bookmakers.

ISBN 13 : 978-1-59451-827-0 (hbk)

ISBN 13 : 978-1-59451-828-7 (pbk)
To Sam, Josie, Chris, Millie, Cecily, Claire, Zac, and Ginny
Contents

Forewordix
Preface to the Original Edition xi
Preface to the Second Edition xiii

1 Rethinking Racism 1
Definitions of Racism 3
Silent Racism 5
Implementing the Study 7
Conclusion 10
Notes 12
2 Silent Racism 15
Social Psychological Race Theories 16
Sociological Race Theories 19
The Study of Silent Racism 22
Conclusion 42
Notes 44
3 Passivity in Well-Meaning White People 47
Passivity 47
One More Unintended Consequence 59
Conclusion 61
Note 62
4 The Production of Institutional Racism 63
Institutional Racism 64
The Production of Institutional Racism 70
Symbolic Interaction and Everyday Racism 77
Passivity and the Production of Institutional Racism 79
Conclusion 82
Notes 84
vii
viii ✻ Contents

5 Race Awareness Matters 85

The Race Awareness Continuum 86
Why Race Awareness Matters 98
Conclusion 101
Notes 102
6 Antiracist Practice 103
Practice and Social Change 103
Antiracism: What It Is and Why It Matters 104
A Model Antiracism Workshop 119
Conclusion 126
Notes 128
7 Silent Racism at Work 129
Racial Disproportionality and Children 130
The Texas Model: A Case Study 134
Reducing Racial Disproportionality 136
Data-Driven Planning 138
Legislative Support 140
Cultural Competency Training 140
Collaborative Partnerships 145
Disproportionality Prevention Policies 149
The Texas Model 151
Notes 152
8 Epilogue 153
Doing the Right Thing 158
Notes 158
Appendix A: Methodological Concerns 159
Appendix B: Biographies of the Participants 171
Appendix C: Participants’ Race Awareness 177
Appendix D: Antiracism Resources 179
References 183
Index 199
About the Author 205
Foreword

I first came across the book Silent Racism through a conversation with
my husband, who was a student at Texas State University. We frequently
talked about my efforts to raise the issue of disproportionality in child
welfare, specifically in the Texas Child Protective Services (CPS) program.
He mentioned that he had heard of this book written by a Texas State
University professor, Barbara Trepagnier, which might address the issue.
He actually ordered the book for me.
I could not put it down once I started to read. Silent Racism clearly
reflected some of my thoughts about leaders in child- and family-­serving
systems who could not come to grips with the thought that our actions
might contribute to institutionalized racism, however unintentional. I was
amazed at the skill Barbara had in describing white women in different
stages of racist thinking. The book also stresses that owning one’s own
racism is necessary in order for change to occur.
Before I finished reading the book, I mentioned it to two members of
my staff, a white woman—Linda Wright, a former regional director—and
an African American woman—Sheila Sturgis Craig, the disproportionality
manager at CPS. It happened that Linda was already reading the book.
She was intrigued with it because it spoke of her personal struggle with our
efforts to address disproportionality in CPS through the Undoing Racism
training. Silent Racism makes clear that racist actions are often denied,
but that when unveiled, many of those actions previously defended as
nonracist are actually racist. The book really helped to validate, and put
into words, things that I have known all of my life, but struggled to find the
words to help others understand. So often, something appeared racist to
me as an African American woman and yet my white peers just did not see
it that way. Linda and I both recommended the book to Sheila and other
leaders who were involved in our efforts to address disproportionality.

ix
x ✻ Foreword

By the time I finished the book, I was thinking about how to engage
Barbara in our efforts to address disproportionality. By this time Sheila
had finished reading it, and we decided to schedule a meeting with
Barbara to talk about her work and how it supports our goal of shifting
to antiracist practice.
Our first meeting was held at my office in Austin, when I was the as-
sistant commissioner for CPS. I believe I did most of the talking, about
how the efforts to address the disproportionality of African American
children and families started in Texas, our efforts to expand this work
statewide, and the struggle associated with discussions of race and racism.
I shared my personal experience of reading Silent Racism and how closely
it depicts some of the struggles of leaders in the field of child welfare.
We discussed the Undoing Racism training and some of the similarities
between this training and the book. I extended an invitation to Barbara
to attend an Undoing Racism workshop and to become a partner in our
work by serving on the Texas Statewide Disproportionality Task Force.
Silent Racism has helped to inform our work in Texas. We have set up
Talk Backs, where we separate women of color and white women into
groups to provide opportunities for courageous conversations to occur
about race and racism. The book helped us embrace the value of these
types of conversations. Being able to have the conversations has led to
positive changes in the CPS system’s response to children, youth, and
families.
I am really proud of the working relationship with Barbara that has
developed as a result of my introduction to this book, and I am honored
to be a part of the new chapter on disproportionality. I have no doubt
that readers will find it exciting and informative. I believe that this book
will impact readers both personally and professionally. Many “passionate
champions” have emerged in the Texas child welfare system as a result
of our commitment to systems improvements and the work depicted in
the first edition of Silent Racism. The new chapter on lessening dispropor-
tionality will be even more beneficial for people working in child welfare
or other systems where disproportionality occurs.

Joyce James, Deputy Commissioner

Texas Department of Family and Protective Services
Austin, Texas

Preface to the Original Edition

My interest in studying race issues is fueled by a salient memory of

myself as a young mother in a small town in Texas during the 1960s.
I remember seeing the thousands of civil rights activists in the 1963
March on Washington on television. I wanted desperately to be there
but could not manage to with three young children. I felt as though
I were missing out on an opportunity to publicly declare my stand
against racism, to march side by side with others who cared about
ending racial inequality. For many years I focused on other things
besides racism, my concern about inequality buried under the routine
concerns of everyday life. During those years, I undoubtedly was a big-
ger part of the problem than of the solution concerning racism. My
commitment to racial equality was rekindled years later, and the ideas
presented here are an effort to contribute now to the solution.
Support for this project has spanned almost ten years. Early en-
couragement for the project came from my cohort at the University
of California–Santa Barbara as we made our way through the doctoral
program there. Specifically, thanks go to Carol Barringer, Noreen
Begorey, Rob Caputo, Susan Dalton, Lynn Gesch, Hazel Hull, Neal
King, Tiffany Lopez, Wendy Marks, Martha McCaughey, Francie
Montell, Greg Scott, Britta Wheeler, and all of those whose thoughts
and opinions about feminism, racism, and postmodernism shaped
my thinking. Thank you also to Kum-Kum Bhavnani, Sarah Fenster-
maker, Avery Gordon, and Beth Schneider, whose stimulating and
challenging feminist seminars provided fertile ground for growth. I
am especially indebted to the members of my dissertation committee
for the encouragement and support each of them gave me. Kum-Kum
Bhavnani’s unflagging enthusiasm for the work in progress was a con-
stant reminder of its merit. Beth Schneider and Rich Appelbaum’s

xi
xii ✻ Forewordto the Original Edition
Preface

thoughtful consideration of the early work is greatly appreciated, as

is the respect they showed the completed dissertation. Special thanks
go to Michele Trepagnier for her careful copyediting.
My colleagues at Texas State University–San Marcos have also been
helpful, particularly Harold Dorton, Mona Ford, and Patti Guiffre,
who read parts of the book and gave me invaluable feedback. Talks
with Sally Caldwell about various aspects of the theory were also very
helpful in furthering my ideas. I owe special thanks to Chad Smith for
reading the entire manuscript and engaging with me on points that
strengthened many of the chapters. Claude Bonazzo and Chandra
Ward provided important research assistance, and Jason Lamb was
invaluable as a research assistant, copy editor, and all-around support
person during the final months of writing. And, to my friends Michael
Bourgeois—for his feedback, suggestions, and encouragement—and
Mike Boucher—for his insistence that I never give up—thank you.
Special thanks go to Sherith Pankratz, who put me in touch with
Dean Birkenkamp at Paradigm Publishers. Dean’s enthusiasm about
the book has been unwavering. His support and that of Beth Davis
and others at Paradigm were the encouragement I needed to finish
the project.
Finally, I want to thank my daughters—Patti Money-Coutts, Teresa
Day, Renee Trepagnier, and Michele Trepagnier—for the love and
encouragement they give me.

Barbara Trepagnier
Texas State University–San Marcos
Preface to the Second Edition

I was delighted when Dean Birkenkamp from Paradigm said in

August 2008 that we should start thinking about a second edition
of Silent Racism. I had recently joined the Statewide Task Force on
Racial Disproportionality in Texas and could see that many of the
theoretical arguments in the first edition were evident in the work
of Texas Child Protective Services (CPS). Two fundamental argu-
ments I have seen borne out are that silent racism and racial pas-
sivity contribute to institutional racism and that an increase in race
awareness decreases institutional racism. Specifically, in Texas, racial
bias (that is, silent racism and racial passivity) has contributed to
a disparate number of African American children being removed
from their homes compared to white children—a problem in every
state, not just Texas; and increasing cultural competency (that is,
race awareness) along with other strategies is lowering racial dispro-
portionality. There was no question in my mind that a case study
of Texas CPS would be an important addition to the first edition of
this book. I call it “Silent Racism at Work.”
Racial disproportionality is not limited to child welfare. Education,
the justice system, and health care produce the disparate outcomes for
black and white Americans as well. Although I do not describe all of
these systems in the new chapter, I include racial disproportionality in
education: moving black students at a higher rate than white students
out of the regular classroom into special education. The first part of
the new chapter is a description of the problem in education and child
welfare. The second part of the chapter is a case study of Texas CPS in
relation to racial disproportionality. Many of the strategies described
in the case study could easily be adapted to schools and school districts
that recognize racial disproportionality as a problem.

xiii
xiv ✻ Forewordto the Second Edition
Preface

The original chapters of Silent Racism remain the same in the new
edition. Substantively, there was nothing I would change. The research
and theory are sound, and readers—black and white—have told me
that they find the ideas to be provocative, significant, helpful, and
even therapeutic. If I were to change anything, it would be the tone;
I would make it less academic, and I would move the references out
of the text and into notes at the end of each chapter. I would also
change the use of “black” to “African American” in accordance with
feedback I have received from readers. But overall I am pleased with
the original text, and I am very happy to be adding a new chapter that
exemplifies so well the message of the first edition: We need to think
differently about racism, we need to recognize it in ourselves. And if
we do that, we can change institutional racism in important ways.
I am indebted to many for their contributions to this new edition
of Silent Racism. To the men and women from Texas CPS, Casey Fam-
ily Programs, and the Statewide Disproportionality Task Force that
participated in the study: Thank you for your contribution to this
chapter and for the important work you do for children in Texas.
Thank you also Michele Trepagnier and Michael Bourgeois for your
diligent work in proofreading and giving me feedback on the chapter.
My heartfelt gratitude goes to Deputy Commissioner Joyce James for
seeing the value of my work on silent racism and for inviting me to
the table. And thank you, Dean Birkenkamp, for your enthusiasm
about this work from the beginning.

Barbara Trepagnier
Texas State University–San Marcos

Chapter One

Rethinking Racism

M y goal in writing this book is to encourage well-meaning white

people to reconsider their ideas about racism. The title, Silent Racism:
How Well-Meaning White People Perpetuate the Racial Divide, suggests that
concerned whites are implicated in racial problems, including the
disparity between blacks and whites. The title also introduces the term
silent racism, which raises the question: Why talk about silent racism?
After all, if it is silent, how could it possibly matter?
This introduction and the chapters that follow will reveal that
silent racism—the racist thoughts, images, and assumptions in the
minds of white people, including those that by most accounts are
“not racist”—is dangerous precisely because it is perceived as harm-
less. The silent racism in people’s thoughts, images, and assumptions
shapes their perspective of reality. And a perspective that is shaped
by racist thoughts, images, and assumptions—no matter how subtle
they are—will produce behavior that reflects racist thoughts, images,
and assumptions. But before rethinking racism, we need a clear un-
derstanding of racism within a historical context.
The definition of racism is somewhat complicated because it varies
over time as well as from one social group to another. A common
definition was adopted before the 1960s civil rights movement,
when racism was thought to consist of two components: the preju-
dice of individuals—also referred to as intolerance or bigotry—and
discrimination—behavior that treats black Americans and other races
unfairly compared to white Americans.1
1
2 ✻ Chapter One

At the height of the civil rights movement in the late1960s, a more

sociological view of racism emerged among blacks. Before then, even
sociologists viewed racism in terms of prejudice and discrimination
(for an example see Merton 1967). A sociological view of racism
means looking at an issue with a broad view, one that considers the
larger social context in which an issue is embedded. Metaphorically,
the difference between a sociological view and a psychological, or in-
dividualistic, view is similar to the difference between looking through
a telescope or a microscope: the telescope represents the sociological
view, and the microscope the psychological view. A telescope captures
larger patterns that are not obtainable with a microscope. As the civil
rights movement progressed, sociologists began to see the cultural
and structural components of racism as an important part of the prob-
lem, especially racial inequality. In terms of effects, a psychological
interpretation of racism focuses on hurt feelings (Johnson 1997), not
broader material costs. And yet, racism is a cultural phenomenon that
operates through social structures that produce systematic, differential
effects for blacks and whites. This occurs in the economic, legal, and
political systems as well as in education and health care.
The ideas presented in this book emerged from within a sociologi-
cal paradigm that regards racism in the United States as a societal
phenomenon that began with slavery, was sustained throughout
the Reconstruction period, and persists today in the institutions of
society—in other words, systemic racism (Feagin 2001). With these so-
ciological insights in mind, I selected both the theoretical framework
and the methodology from symbolic interactionism, a microlevel
perspective within sociology. Although a microperspective, symbolic
interactionism is a sociological approach, not a psychological one.
Symbolic interactionists are interested in how people make sense of
things; that is, how people attach meanings to their interactions and
their environments and how those meanings play out in people’s ev-
eryday lives. I incorporate a more critical view than the early apolitical
view espoused by George H. Mead and Herbert Blumer, the founders
of symbolic interactionism. Nevertheless, exploring how well-meaning
white people make sense of racism entailed taking an in-depth look
at the participants’ thoughts about racism. Therefore, the focus of
this study is the way participants define race matters and especially
how they make sense of racism. My focus on the sense making of well-
meaning white people regarding racism does not imply that I do not
 Rethinking Racism ✻ 3

see systemic racism as the more fundamental problem; rather, my focus

on the thoughts and beliefs of individuals arises from the question,
Do well-meaning white people contribute to systemic racism, and, if
so, what part do they play? The research project presented here, then,
focuses on a small piece of the larger racism puzzle.

Definitions of Racism

White Americans and people of color in this country differ significantly

in their definitions of racism (Blauner 1994). Most whites think in
terms of the oppositional categories “racist” and “not racist.” Whites
in the “racist” category are defined as disliking or hating blacks and
other minorities, and their animosity is portrayed in acts or state-
ments that are blatantly racist (Jaynes and Williams 1989). Whites in
the “not racist” category, in contrast, are defined as trying to ignore
racial difference (Blauner 1994). This white definition of racism is
problematic because it does not recognize racism unless it is blatant
and/or intended; neither does it acknowledge institutional racism.
Furthermore, the view overlooks subtle forms of racism that have
emerged since the civil rights movement and that are color blind;
that is, forms of racism expressed in nonracial terms that are not obvi-
ously race-identified. The white definition of racism also ignores acts
of everyday racism: routine actions that often are not recognized by
the actor as racist but that uphold the racial status quo (Essed 1991).
For example, black women report that whites often seem surprised
to find that a black person has a college degree or is a professional.
This form of everyday racism—marginalization—is based in the white
assumption that blacks are not educated or successful. Ignoring rac-
ism that is not hateful and intentional effectively hides the fact that
white people daily perform acts of everyday racism.
Two assumptions underpin the view that white people are either
“racist” or “not racist.” First, most whites assume that racism is hate-
ful; and second, most whites believe that racism is a rare occurrence.
These assumptions—that racism is hateful and rare—deny that racism
today is often unintended and routine. Although blatant racism like
that which occurred before the civil rights movement occurs occa-
sionally today, more often racism consists of routine acts of everyday
racism that are not viewed as racist by the person performing them
4 ✻ Chapter One

and therefore are not intentional. It is this unintentional racism, I will

argue, that produces a good deal of institutional racism and resulting
racial inequality. Yet, because this racism is not recognized by most
whites, even well-meaning white people contribute to the racial divide
without intending to and without knowing that they do.
In contrast to the white definition of racism, data show that blacks
and other people of color see racism as permeating the institutions
of society, producing racial inequality in employment, education,
housing, and justice (Blauner 1994; Bonilla-Silva 2003; Feagin 2001).
Women of color believe that racism “is inherent in the social system”
(Essed 1991: 106). Joe Feagin (2001) devised a definition of racism
based on the ideas of black intellectuals including Anna Julia Cooper,
Oliver Cox, Frederick Douglass, W. E. B. Du Bois, Frantz Fanon, and
Kwame Ture: racism is systemic and includes the racist practices of
individuals, the economic and political power of whites over blacks,
racial economic inequality, and the “racist ideologies, attitudes, and
institutions created to preserve white advantages and power” (p. 16).
For people of color, the definition of racism is closely tied to the re-
cent sociological definition that racism is built into U.S. institutions
and U.S. society itself.
Why do the black and white definitions of racism differ so dra-
matically? Definitions, like all knowledge, are shaped by culture and
the social structures of society. People’s definitions differ depending
on where in the society individuals are located (Mannheim [1936]
1952). This is as true for people’s definitions of racism as it is for other
definitions. For example, before emancipation, slaves had a very dif-
ferent experience of the plantation than the owner because of their
location as slaves. Later, during the segregation era when blacks were
free and yet were denied entry into white establishments, they had
experiences unknown to most white people. Given our racial history
of slavery and segregation, it is not surprising that black and white
Americans have conflicting definitions of racism.
This point is captured by W. E. B. Du Bois ([1903] 1999) in the
concept of double-consciousness, which illustrates well how blacks’
view of racism differs from that of whites. Du Bois writes in The Souls
of Black Folk, “One ever feels his twoness—an American, a Negro; two
souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals
in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being
torn asunder” (p. 11). Du Bois’s poignant description, it is safe to say,
 Rethinking Racism ✻ 5

describes a side of racism that does not resonate in a personal way

with the experience of white people.
Rethinking racism entails rethinking the language we use to talk
and to think about racism. Changing the oppositional categories
“racist” and “not racist” to a continuum ranging from “more rac-
ist” to “less racist” would more accurately depict racism because it
would encompass blatant racism at the “more racist” end and yet not
obscure the everyday racism (Essed 1991) that is concealed in the
“not racist” category. The oppositional categories in our language
today hide subtle acts of racism, especially from the actors perform-
ing them, primarily because the “not racist” category implies that
no harm is done. At times, everyday racism is not hateful, and it is
often not intentional. And yet, everyday racism contributes to the
production of institutional racism, which produces negative effects
for minorities. An important function of the racism continuum would
be to portray white people as racist in varying degrees, eliminating
the false notion in the minds of most white people that they are not
at all racist. The change to a continuum would lessen the importance
of whether people intend to be racist and focus instead on the racist
effects of their actions. As mentioned, the shift to a racism continuum
would not diminish the importance of blatant racism that would
occur at the “more racist” end of the continuum. See Figure 1.1 for
the racism continuum.

Silent Racism

This study exposes racism hidden in the “not racist” category; in

the process it demonstrates that white commonsense notions about
racism are shaped by language that distorts the racial reality. The
oppositional categories keep people from seeing a form of racism
built into the fabric of society, a form of racism that maintains racial
inequality. I call it silent racism.2 Although the focus of this book is

Figure 1.1 Racism Continuum

6 ✻ Chapter One

on the silent racism of well-meaning white people, that does not

imply that other, more obvious forms of racism are not as impor-
tant as ever. Hate crimes performed by bigots as well as the racially
conservative projects of color-blind racists, both of which cause ex-
traordinary hardship in the lives of blacks and other people of color,
rightfully deserve the attention of race theorists. However, silent
racism deserves attention as well, primarily because it does its dam-
age unobserved and because it inhabits the minds of well-meaning
whites—the group most amenable to changing its thinking and its
behavior regarding race matters, the group most likely to stand with
blacks against racism.
Two forms of silent racism emerged in the data: stereotypical im-
ages, and paternalistic assumptions. Stereotypical images are based
on misinformation about blacks prevalent in the culture. Paternalistic
assumptions are based on a sense of superiority found in some relation-
ships between blacks and whites, especially hierarchical relationships
that were, and perhaps still are, customary in the South. Silent racism
is not the same as prejudice, which is generally perceived as bigoted
attitudes held by individual whites about a minority group. Silent rac-
ism, on the contrary, is not limited to intolerant whites—it inhabits
the minds of all white people whether or not they acknowledge it or
are aware of it. Silent racism is more closely linked to the “images, at-
titudes, fictions, and notions that link to and buttress systemic racism
[and] constitute a broad white-racist worldview” (Feagin 2001: 34).
In addition to exposing silent racism, this study identifies passivity in
white people, some of which is produced by the “not racist” category
itself. Passivity emerged from the data in three forms: detachment
from race matters, apprehension about being perceived as racist, and
confusion about what is racist and what is not racist.
Other theorists have come to the conclusion that white people
generally are racist. Blumer said in 1958 that white people as a group
are racist in varying degrees. Findings here validate that statement
unequivocally. Lewis Killian, in his 1990 presidential address to the
Southern Sociological Society, expressed the idea as follows: “Who
are the white racists—particularly in the eyes of the majority of whites
who now claim to accept the principle of racial equality? It is not they
themselves but those Klansmen and American Nazis and Skinheads.
They themselves are innocent, for they have accepted the victories of
the Civil Rights Movement” (Killian 1990: 4).
 Rethinking Racism ✻ 7

Killian uses irony to expose the fact that white people can both
be racist and claim innocence. More recently Eduardo Bonilla-Silva
(2003) has argued that white people generally are color blind, de-
fined as seeing racial inequality as a result of causes other than racist
practices. Most race theorists today, however, do not make this claim
explicitly, leaving room for the possibility that some whites are not
racist.
The decision to limit the topic of discussion to racism directed
solely at black Americans when other minority groups are also rou-
tinely the objects of racism was a difficult one. In an effort to keep
the discussions focused, however, I believed that limiting the topic
of discussion to racism to one group was imperative. I chose racism
against blacks because the literature in which this study is grounded
focuses on racism toward blacks (see Blumer, Bonilla-Silva, Essed, Fe-
agin, Frankenberg, Omi and Winant, and Wellman). In addition, data
concerning racism toward Hispanics would likely have been tainted
by rhetoric saturating the political climate in California in the early
to mid-1990s, at the time the study was carried out.

Implementing the Study

I used small discussion groups, also called focus groups, as a format

for data gathering. An advantage of this method over individual in-
terviews is that using small, homogeneous groups is a more appropri-
ate model when sensitive topics are discussed (Aaker and Day 1986;
Churchill 1988). Because a frank discussion about racism relies upon
a context of safety, focus groups were preferred for this study. I cannot
know what data I might have collected in individual interviews, but
I am confident that participants shared openly and honestly about
their own racism in the small group format used here. I also sensed
a feeling of group unity when, although joining the study entailed
participating in only one discussion group, participants in several
groups joked about when the group would meet again, an indication
that they were open to such an idea.
After the participants for a particular group arrived, I explained
that a discussion group differs from a support group in that interac-
tion is encouraged rather than discouraged. Often, a participant was
reminded of a childhood memory by another participant’s comment.
8 ✻ Chapter One

Furthermore, group members were urged to engage with other

participants, asking for clarification and even disagreeing with oth-
ers’ ideas if the occasion arose. In this way, I hoped to ensure that
the groups would be dynamic, which would enhance the data. In
addition, interaction within a group—called synergism—produces
especially meaningful responses. For example, participants occa-
sionally responded to another’s comments by examining their own
commonsense explanations. This occurred in one group when a
participant, prompted by what another member of her group said,
asked herself, “God, do I have any prejudices like that?” This example
of synergism illustrates not only that group members are likely to
be reminded of events by other members but also that participants
have time in a group discussion to think about what has been said
because they are not constantly under scrutiny. Observing interac-
tion among the participants also contributed to an important find-
ing: the importance of race awareness became evident as I noticed
that several participants interrupted racism when they perceived it
in their respective groups. This evidence was instrumental in the
finding that race awareness is more important than whether well-
meaning white people are racist.
Because I am a white woman and would be facilitating all of the
focus groups, I limited the study to white women in order to ensure
homogeneity in terms of gender and race/ethnicity. In addition, I
was interested in looking at racism from the point of view of those
performing it, and women seemed to be a logical choice because of
their relative ease in engaging in open self-reflection and in articulat-
ing their emotions (Belenky et al. 1986; Spacks 1981). In addition, I
wanted to explore subtle forms of racism in people who would ordinar-
ily not be considered racist. The study flier, headlined “Women Against
Racism,” was expected to attract participants who were progressive in
terms of race politics.
Knowledge often implies “mastery” and is associated with sepa-
ration, not connection (Belenky et al. 1986: 101). One feminist
scholar encourages researcher participation when she writes, “The
goal of finding out about people through interviewing is best
achieved when the relationship of interviewer and interviewee is
nonhierarchical and when the interviewer is prepared to invest his
or her own personal identity in the relationship” (Oakley 1981:
41). Although she refers to individual interviews in the preceding
 Rethinking Racism ✻ 9

passage, her point is also valid for a group format. By investing my

own “personal identity” in the groups, I facilitated “finding out
about” participants by encouraging the process of self-exploration.
During the discussions, my goal was for the participants to see me
as part of the group.
Reciprocal self-disclosure refers to researchers’ willingness to be
open with participants about the topic under discussion in an attempt
to create a dialogue rather than an interrogation by the interviewer
(Bristow and Esper 1988). In Elissa Melamed’s (1983) study of women
and aging, also conducted in small groups, the author states, “The
response to my candor was interesting. Immediately no one was neu-
tral. . . . It prompted outpourings of acknowledgement, confusion,
resentment, and fear” (Melamed 1983: 17). Following Melamed’s
model, I participated actively in all of the focus groups by becoming
both a participant and a facilitator, disclosing examples of racism from
my own experience when the discussion allowed.
Critics of in-depth interviewing, and of qualitative research itself,
often express concern about whether researchers’ bias influences the
findings of their studies. Although I am clearly not neutral regard-
ing the issue of racism, I would argue that my bias against racism did
not influence the findings. Evidence of this is my acknowledgment
that silent racism was identified in twenty-four participants, not all
twenty-five—an example of what Weber called an inconvenient fact
(see Weber [1918] 1958). The only participant who did not exhibit
some form of racism was a quiet young woman in the pilot group.
She did not share very much in her group, and she said nothing that
I interpreted as racist. In addition, she was not asked if she had ever
said or done anything that she later considered racist—a question that
was added after the pilot study. My point is that rather than ignore
this inconvenient fact in the analysis, I acknowledge and account for
it, an indication of objectivity.
Facilitation of the groups consisted of asking questions intended to
draw out information about topics such as early messages concerning
race matters, experiences with black Americans, thoughts about the
participants’ own racism, and comments about their commitment
to lessening racism.3 The questions increased the likelihood that
the content of the eight discussions would be somewhat consistent.
However, each focus group had the flexibility to differ as participants
introduced unique topics in their respective groups.
10 ✻ Chapter One

Conclusion

Throughout U.S. history a small group of white Americans has stood

against the racist institutions of their day, including slavery and seg-
regation. Perhaps the best-known antislavery activist is John Brown,
an abolitionist and friend to many blacks. Brown and a small band of
about twenty men, black and white, raided Harpers Ferry in 1859 in a
failed attempt to provide firearms to black slaves in Virginia (Quarles
1974). Nine days later, Brown was tried and found guilty of treason.
Permitted to speak in his own defense, Brown stated that the very
Bible used in the court proceedings against him justified his actions
and condemned slavery. On December 2, 1859, Brown was hanged
and subsequently became a martyr to the antislavery cause (Fine
2001). Brown’s death flamed antislavery passions, and, perhaps for
the first time, abolition became a real prospect. The folk song “John
Brown’s Body”—initially sung by a federal regiment from Boston in
1861—is still familiar to blacks today although unfamiliar to many
whites.4 William Lloyd Garrison, another white antislavery activist at
the time, was committed to a nonviolent approach against slavery until
the death of John Brown. After Brown was hanged, Garrison’s writing
in a weekly publication thrust aside its pacifist tone, becoming more
militant. Along with the efforts of former slave Frederick Douglass,
Garrison and others were instrumental in furthering the abolitionist
cause that eventually ended slavery.
Although blacks led the antisegregationist movement preceding the
civil rights movement of the 1960s, antiracist whites played a second-
ary, but not unimportant, role. White antisegregationists, many from
the South, took an unpopular stand against racist practices common
in the South. One example is a committed ally of black Americans
during the Jim Crow era, William Moore. A white postman originally
from Mississippi, Moore lived in Baltimore, Maryland, when in the
spring of 1963 he began a walk across five states to his home state.
His goal was to deliver a letter denouncing Jim Crow laws to the gov-
ernor of Mississippi, Ross Barnett, who the year before had fought
desegregation at the University of Mississippi (Sterne 1968). Moore
began his one-man march in Chattanooga, Tennessee, pulling a
small wagon behind him. He walked through Virginia, North and
South Carolina, and Georgia with a message painted on two wooden
boards, one across his chest and the other across his back. One sign
 Rethinking Racism ✻ 11

read, “Equal Rights for All: Mississippi or Bust,” and the other said,
“Black and White: Eat at Joe’s” (Lipsitz 1998: ix). Moore was met with
derision from whites along the way and was shot and killed on April
23, 1963, as he crossed the state line between Georgia and Alabama.
Although the owner of the gun that shot Moore was arrested, he was
not charged with a crime by the grand jury in Alabama. Nevertheless,
some other whites in the South stood against segregation publicly as
well as privately (Brown 2002).
Today, institutional racism, although not as obvious as slavery and
segregation, is as pernicious as previous forms of racism. In addition,
more obvious than institutional racism are racist comments and the
telling of racist jokes. But today, even though taking a stand against
racism does not have the serious repercussions it did in the past, rarely
do whites take a stand against it.
In this chapter I have shown that the language used to talk about
racism is important because it can obscure racism or illuminate it.
The oppositional categories now in use—“racist” and “not racist”—
obscure silent racism; a continuum ranging from “more racist” to “less
racist” would illuminate it. I also have suggested that silent racism,
which is rarely noticed by most whites, may be instrumental in the
production of institutional racism. This could be important given that
most sociologists and race theorists think that institutional racism is
the cause of racial inequality.
In Chapter 2, silent racism emerges from the data in two forms:
stereotypical images, and paternalistic assumptions. I present evidence
that silent racism pervades the “not racist” category, illustrating how
language—that is, the “racist/not racist” categories—can hide racism.
An implication of this finding is that categorizing whites as either
“racist” or “not racist” does not correspond with reality. Rethinking
racism is important if changing the racial status quo is the goal.
In Chapter 3 I focus on passivity in well-meaning white people who
sense little or no connection between their own lives and the racial
status quo. The chapter also shows that the oppositional categories
of racism not only hide silent racism but also produce unintended
consequences that increase passivity in white people. Passivity includes
apprehension about being racist and confusion about what is racist.
In Chapter 4 I proffer the theoretical argument that well-meaning
white people perpetuate institutional racism through silent racism
and passivity. Silent racism produces everyday racism and the racist
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
 KING AND QUEEN COUNTY, VIRGINIA 217 look pleaded
with us louder than words could do, not to ride over him. Instantly
two of our men leaped from their saddles and tried to move him
from the narrow cut to the roadside, but found both his arms and
legs so broken and shattered that it was cruel to take hold of them ;
two more quickly went to their assistance, and jerking a blanket
from one of their saddles, placed their hands under his body and
slipped the blanket under him as gently as possible; then taking it by
the corners the four men bore him down the hill to the roadside,
where they tenderly laid him, while one of them sought a surgeon. I
do not think he spoke a word, as he was doubtless too weak from
loss of blood, but his pale, pleading face and appealing look was
enough to stop, by common consent and without orders for the
time, our pursuit of the enemy, until he could be borne to the
roadside and cared for. We knew that every moment lost at such a
crisis was fatal to our successful pursuit, and would give the enemy
time to rally and re-form their shattered lines under cover of the
neighboring woods which the delay enabled them to reach, but the
enemy had better escape than brave men ride over and crush out
the lingering sparks of life in a mangled and helpless foe. After
removing the wounded from the narrow cut, we proceeded until
checked by the enemy's fire from the woods in which they had
formed, when nightfall brought an end to the hard and bloody day's
work. I have never known whether or not this poor fellow's tide of
life ebbed quickly out, as I imagine it did, but his memory recalls this
and numerous other similar incidents on both sides. I have thought
that England's poet must have caught a prophetic vision of this great
struggle between American soldiers when he wrote : The soldier
braves death for a fanciful wreath In glory's romantic career; But he
raises the foe, when in battle laid low, And bathes every wound with
a tear. Seldom, I think, were the friendly shades of night
 ^18 KING AND QUEEN COUNTY, VIRGINIA more welcomed
by weary, thirsty mortals, famished almost to desperation. For two
days scarcely any of us had eaten a morsel of food, and since early
morning we had been without a drop of water. The day had been
spent in one continuous series of attacks and advances, always
forcing the enemy from his position, but, unaided as our small
brigade was, we had not sufficient force at any time to rout the
heavy columns which the enemy always had in reserve to mass
against us and block our way. Our reinforcements came too late ;
and then the incident just related and the gathering darkness
prevented us from reaping the full results of Bearing's splendid
charge at the close of the day. We halted and remained by our
horses about an hour, ready to meet the enemy if he should advance
in the darkness. During this time some of the men started fires to
cook what little rations a few had left, or had been able to secure. I
had none, nor had I tasted food since Monday night in the woeful
effort to masticate the mixture of horsehair and com meal. One of
the men gave me a slice of pork which he had cut from a hog he
had shot on the roadside that day. While I was warming this over
the fire on the end of a stick, the pickets exchanged a few shots in
our front, and we were ordered to mount. I devoured the slice of
raw pork without salt or bread, and in an hour was sick. My eyes
had become sore and inflamed the preceding day, and the pain was
now so intensified by the dust, powder, and smoke of the day that I
was in agony, with fever and without water. After an hour or two
(there being no further movement of the enemy) we ventured to
unsaddle our horses, as the only relief for them without food,
keeping saddles and trappings ready to buckle on at a moment's
notice. Sick, suffering, thirsty from fever, and exhausted, I dropped
on the damp ground about midnight, almost in a state of despair. A
few feet from me I noticed a man still and apparently asleep, with a
large blanket spread over him and room to share it with me.
Thinking it was one of our company, I
 KING AND QUEEN COUNTY, VIRGINIA 219 quietly moved
up by his side under the blanket. Just as I was about ready for
dreamland I found I was lying on one of his hands, which, as I
removed, I discovered was cold to the touch and stiff. Taking the
blanket from his face, I found that my companion was a dead
Yankee who had been covered with a blanket, as was customary
when there was no time for burial. He had evidently been left there
where he fell, as was the case during that day with numbers of their
dead. I replaced the blanket, and moved a few feet to my former
position, where I remained, — whether in sleep or delirium from
fever, or both, I never knew, — until aroused about dawn on
Thursday, April 6th, when, after pulling open my eyes, which were
sealed from soreness, I moved forward with my company on another
day's work. I think it was about noon when, as we approached the "
high bridge " near Farmville, the enemy was reported in force below
the bridge. We were ordered forward at a gallop, and were soon
upon them. General Bearing, with his usual dash, had just led a
charge into their midst, the enemy making desperate resistance at
close quarters. As the fight waxed furious. General Bearing met
General Read, who was in command of the Federal force, and the
two engaged in a duel with pistols at close range, resulting in the
death of the latter. When General Read fell from his horse and the
reins from his grasp, the animal rushed wildly forward and was
seized by Captain W. C. Nunn of the King and Queen troop. Fifth
Cavalry, who was near the spot (as he always was in the thickest of
the fight). It was a fine animal with splendid equipment, including
saddle, pistols, holsters, field glasses, etc., becoming the rank of a
general, and in splendid condition to bear his new rider safely
through to Appomattox and thence home. In less than half an hour,
I think, the enemy, after having suffered heavily in killed and
wounded, surrendered, except a few who galloped off and escaped.
Our triumph was complete but dearly bought. Our loss, though
much less than the enemy's in numbers, was severe, and included
the gallant, chivalrous, and in 
 220 KING AND QUEEN COUNTY, VIRGINIA trepid Dearing,
who fell mortally wounded after having killed his antagonist, General
Read. Also the gallant Colonel Boston of the Fifth Regiment, Virginia
Cavalry, who fell with a bullet through his brain, and whose dead
body was promptly placed across his saddle and borne from the
field. The number of prominent officers killed on both sides before
the enemy yielded testifies to the desperate character of this short
and bloody hand-to-hand encounter at High Bridge. From the
observations of a private, which in such a conflict as this are limited,
it seemed to me to be a desperate struggle between Confederate
cavalry and Federal infantry. When the din and confusion of the
shock of battle subsided, someone remarked to Captain Allen that
our victory was complete, when in tones of sadness unusual for him
on such an occasion, he replied: "Yes, complete, but dearly bought.
Any victory is dearly bought that costs the life of Bearing." "What! is
Dearing dead? " " Mortally wounded," he replied; " they have just
taken him to yonder grove to die." This announcement chilled us as
for the moment we bowed our heads in sorrow, and the men
murmured, " What a loss, what a shame ! " The loss of Dearing
would have been a calamity at any time, but most of all now, when
we needed most such dauntless spirits; for it was at just such a
crisis as we had now reached that " One blast from his bugle horn
Were worth a thousand men." Truly knighthood lost a flower, chivalry
a type, when noble, gallant, dashing Dearing fell and was borne by
loving hands to the grateful shades of a friendly grove, to breathe
out the only life he had to give to the cause dearer to him than life.
He lingered a few days, and was borne to Lynchburg, where he died.
Space forbids a recital here of the splendid and brilliant career of the
young officer, which is written in lines of light and beauty on almost
every page of the history of the Army of Northern Virginia, and of
the Newbern expedition
 KING AND QUEEN COUNTY, VIRGINIA 221 In North
Carolina, He fell in one of the last hours of victory, before the star of
the Confederacy went down to rise no more. His native county of
Campbell, Virginia, would honor itself to erect a monument to this
noble and brilliant son. The battle over, the enemy In our hands, no
time was lost in forming the prisoners (who I suppose were of
General Read's brigade) Into columns In such order as was most
convenient to proceed without delay. They were necessarily a
burden and source of weakness to us at this stage of our retreat,
but there was nothing else to do. During this time Captain Nunn
hurriedly sought a resting place for the bodies of both Colonel
Boston (his late chief) and General Read, which were placed under
the same tree, each wrapped In a blanket for his winding sheet, and
burled in separate graves; General Read's horse meanwhile standing
with empty saddle by his late master. An hour before they were
mortal enemies, in deadly conflict; both had fallen at their posts, as
brave men fall, life's bars and stripes with them were over now, and
they sleep together in death. Within little more than an hour,
perhaps, from the time we met the enemy we proceeded on our way
(I knew not In what direction). As we were passing by the prisoners,
who were massed In the road, we were ordered to halt, and I
noticed one of the prisoners wiping the perspiration from his face
with one hand, while with the other he was still bearing a very large
and beautiful and, apparently, perfectly new regimental flag, of pale-
blue silk, with the coat of arms of a State In the center, surrounded
by a motto in gold. Attracted by its cleanliness and beauty, I was
trying to make out the motto, when a chaplain asked Captain Nunn
If he might venture to offer prayer. Permission was promptly granted
to proceed. Removing his hat, he raised his arm for attention, and
we bowed our heads in reverence. He had scarcely reached the end
of his first sentence when one of our men, more alert and less
reverent perhaps than the others, Interrupted by yelling to Captain
Nunn : " Look, Captain, look ! " We all looked —
 222 KING AND QUEEN COUNTY, VIRGINIA to see a body of
the enemy's cavalry approaching as they rounded a turn In the road
about a hundred yards off. "Hold on, Chaplain; no time for praying!
By zounds ! charge 'em, men ! " yelled Captain Nunn, as he drew his
saber, and without further orders or ceremony headed straight for
the enemy, followed by the men nearest him at full speed in pellmell
fashion, there being no time for regular formation. The effect on the
enemy was instantaneous, — they changed front promptly and
galloped off to avoid another collision. They had evidently not
forgotten their experience at close quarters an hour before. It was
doubtless a reconnoitering party who were satisfied with having "
located the enemy." We on our part were satisfied to abandon
pursuit and press on with the prisoners, as the enemy were
uncomfortably close on us. Passing by the prisoners we proceeded
at a gallop in the direction of a heavy musketry firing a mile or two
distant, which now suddenly reached our ears. As we neared the
scene of the engagement we halted, dismounted quickly, and leaving
our horses In the main road in charge of the leaders (every fourth
man was a " leader," whose duties were to take charge of the horses
and hold or lead them as occasion required when we were fighting
on foot) , we formed line and proceeded at double-quick about a
quarter of a mile in an open field, and took position behind a rail
fence. In a few minutes the heavy firing from the woods in our front,
from which we were expecting the enemy, suddenly ceased, and we
were ordered to rush back to our horses as rapidly as possible.
These we reached just in time to escape capture, for the enemy
seemed to be all around us as we dashed out In the only direction
open to us. We then discovered that we were at or near Sailor's
Creek, and that nearly all of Ewell's Corps had been surrounded and
captured when the firing ceased so suddenly in the woods. We had
arrived too late to succor Ewell In the struggle to extricate his corps
from Its desperate position, and barely escaped the same fate
ourselves.
 CHAPTER XII HISTORICAL ADDRESS BY J. RYLAND, SR.
The following address, historic of Company K, Thirty-fourth Virginia
Volunteers, was prepared by Josiah Ryland, an officer of the
company, and read at the reunion at Bruington, King and Queen
County, Va., on the Fourth of July, 1884. It was published in The
Baltimore Baptist, in order that it might be preserved by the
members and friends of the old company: The spring of 1861 saw
the conservative, and hitherto quiet. State of Virginia converted into
a military camp. From the mountains to the sea there was universal
preparation for war. It would be needless now to give in detail the
reasons that forced the conviction upon the Southern mind that the
election of Abraham Lincoln to the presidency was virtually a
dissolution of the Union. South Carolina, Florida, Mississippi,
Alabama, Georgia, and Louisiana seceded in rapid succession. A
provisional government was formed in Montgomery on the 4th of
February, with Jefferson Davis as President, and Alex. H. Stephens
as Vice-President. All efforts at pacification had failed, and nothing
seemed to be left but an appeal to arms. If the seceded States were
to be brought back by coercion, Virginians could not look on with
calmness and indifference while armies from the North marched
through their borders for this purpose. Between the 20th of April
and the 7th of May the company began to be organized which was
first known as the King and Queen Artillery, but afterwards as
Company K, 34th Virginia Infantry. On the 30th of April we had forty-
six men enrolled, and the first squad drill was conducted in the yard
at Stevensville Academy, under Josiah ("Pat") Ryland and Alexander
F. Bagby, both of whom had been trained at the Virginia Military
Institute. There were twenty men in ranks, 223
 224 KING AND QUEEN COUNTY, VIRGINIA and for nearly
an hour that morning, and another that evening, we took our first
lessons in the art of war. Colonel (afterwards Captain) John R.
Bagby, who was the leading spirit in getting up the company, was at
this time in Baltimore on business; and as the fight had just taken
place there on the streets between some of the citizens and a
regiment of Federal troops, apprehensions were entertained that he
might be forcibly detained. May the 7th. — There was an immense
gathering at the Courthouse for the purpose of drilling the militia of
the county. Colonel Bagby had returned, and in the afternoon a
meeting of our company was called in the Courthouse. We were now
sixty-eight strong. Colonel Bagby was called to the chair, and John
W. Ryland appointed secretary. A committee consisting of Colonel
Bagby, Josiah ("Pat") Ryland, Dr. William T. Fleet, Edward Bagby, A.
F. Bagby, and the writer, was appointed to draft rules for the
organization of the company. This committee met that night at the
residence of Colonel Bagby and discharged this duty. May the 8th, at
3 p. m. — The company met in the Academy, and the constitution
was adopted. Whereupon John R. Bagby, upon motion of the writer,
was elected captain by acclamation; Josiah (" Pat ") Ryland I St
lieutenant; A. F. Bagby, 2d; Josiah Ryland, 3d; Benjamin Walker, 4th;
Edward Bagby was chosen secretary; George Didlake, treasurer; Dr.
William T. Fleet, surgeon; and Rev. R. H. Land, chaplain. W. T.
Haynes, Douglas Muire, John Bagby, Jr., and William Myer were
appointed sergeants, and John W. Ryland, E. F. Acree, Boliver
Lumpkin, and Joseph Cosby, corporals. The company was then
divided into squads and drilled for an hour. The first and second
lieutenants were sent over to Richmond to procure uniforms, and
returned with a supply of gray cloth and military caps. The work of
drilling was now pushed with vigor. Tuesday, May 21st. — The
company met, sixty strong, all in uniform. Under the direction of
Colonel Robert Gresham, the election of ofl'icers was confirmed, the
company inspected, and certificates duly sent to
 KING AND QUEEN COUNTY, VIRGINIA 225 Governor
Letcher. The uniforms had been made almost entirely by the young
ladies of the community. Thursday, May 23d. — Virginia cast her
vote for the ordinance of secession. At our precinct, Stevensville,
there was not a vote against it. The same day, the writer and
Sergeant W. T. Haynes left for Richmond, at the request of the
company, to endeavor to secure a light battery of four guns. On this
trip the writer met for the first time Major General R. E. Lee, who
was soon to become the central figure of our struggle. The General
said it would be impossible to supply the demand for guns, and
urged that the company should equip itself with muskets, or even
with shotguns, if necessary. With much disappointment, and some
hesitation, the writer suggested that shotguns would avail but little
against the longrange weapons of the enemy. Looking around for a
moment with a benignant smile playing over his features, he replied:
"Sir, your people had better write to Mr. Lincoln and ask him to
postpone this thing for a few months, until you can get ready for
him." The answer was promptly made: "General, we will use the
shotguns," and the modest lieutenant retired in good order. A few
days after this the captain left for Richmond, and the first lieutenant
for Gloucester Point, to arrange for our departure for the field.
Wednesday, May 29th. — We met at Stevensville at 3 o'clock, eighty-
three men in ranks, and had a general drill. The whole community
turned out to see us for the last time. Tears and ice cream flowed
freely. This was our first night in barracks. Religious services were
conducted at 8 o'clock by Rev. Messrs. R. H. Land and Isaac Diggs.
The excitement of the occasion was not promotive of sleep.
Thursday, May 30th. — At 4:30 A. M. the roll was called; all were
present and in good trim. We marched to Mantapike, and there
embarked on the schooner Way. Loud cheers were raised as we
drifted out into the channel, and then a solemn prayer was offered
by Dr. S. S. Henley. At 12 we were transferred to the steamer Logan,
and at 2 P. M. reached West Point,
 226 KING AND QUEEN COUNTY, VIRGINIA where we had
quite a military reception given us by the two companies already
there. We were duly mustered into service by Colonel H. B. Tomlin,
and went into our barracks. Saturday, June ist. — The men were
sworn into the service by William A. Spiller. The next day, our first
Sabbath in camp, we met in a sort of Sunday school and prayer-
meeting, which closed with a sermon by R. H. Land. Our time was
now devoted to drilling. The King William troop arrived fifty-four
strong, commanded by Captain Douglas ; and on the 6th General
Lee paid us a visit, and left us under the impression that we would
be sent to Yorktown in a few days. News came on the loth of the
battle of Bethel. This caused quite a stir in camp. Wednesday, June
12th. — We took the steamer Logan for Yorktown, but finding no
accommodations for us there, we were ordered back. The next day
was observed throughout the Confederate States as a day of fasting
and prayer. Friday, June 14th. — Lieutenant Whittle gave us our first
drill at the heavy battery, and the next day we took charge of it.
Thursday, June 20th. — We again took passage to Gloucester Point,
reaching there at midnight. Fifty of us slept that night in one small
room, lying like sardines in a box. The next day we met Colonel
Thomas J. Page, with whom we were to be closely associated for
many months; Colonel Crump, commandant of the post; Lieutenant-
colonel Page, Major Wheelwright, Lieutenant Bradford, our first drill
master, and others. Sunday, June 23d. — Captain Councill's company
arrived, and on the 26th Captain Spencer's and Captain Sutton's.
Monday, July ist. — Captain Page gave us our first drill In the heavy
battery. The month was spent chiefly in this uninteresting
employment, together with unloading lumber vessels, building a
shell house, improving our battery, and preparing more permanent
quarters for ourselves. We were now one hundred strong. The first
 KING AND QUEEN COUNTY, VIRGINIA 227 thrilling news of
the battle of Manassas reached us. We at once fired a salute of
eleven guns. The months of August and September were very trying
ones to our troops. Yorktown was a perfect hospital, and Gloucester
Point was not much better. We had only fifty men for duty.
September 15th. — Captain Otey's and Captain Jordan's companies
arrived, and for the first time these robust men from the base of the
peaks of Otter witnessed a process which, in their simplicity, they
called " hulling oysters." October 13th. — Rev. William E. Wyatt
preached his first sermon as chaplain of the post. On the 31st we
had a general inspection and review. The companies from the
battery were marched up to the field and took their place in line. Of
course Captain Page was indignant. He considered his command "
on board ship," and recognized no man's right to rule over them.
November found us hard at work on our winter quarters, under the
general direction of Privates Wright, Crouch, and Kemp. November
13th. — Huckstep was reported dead in Richmond. Some of us
feared he had been foully dealt with. About the middle of the month
our whole battery force, strengthened by the infantry, hauled a large
rifle gun to its position on the hill. November 20th. — The Accomac
refugees came pouring into our camp, and several joined our
company. Saturday, December 7th. — There was an alarm in camp.
Our guard boat was fired upon, and our whole command was at
once turned out. Three days afterward. Captain Joe Drudge's sloop
was fired upon by the Federal gunboats. This we considered a first-
class insult. Saturday, December 21st. — The King and Queen militia
reported for duty. We were now veterans and heroes, and the
appearance of the militia excited no little amusement in our ranks.
Saturday, the 28th. — William Hugh Courtney died at home, after
seven weeks' illness. The company was called out, and suitable
action taken.
 S28 KING AND QUEEN COUNTY, VIRGINIA Captain Jarvis
came down with Christmas supplies, causing great joy among us.
The officers gave Captain Page a famous dinner, and at night we had
a general reception, in which the whole company participated. Our
head cook, Osborne, told us the next morning, with quite a
sorrowful countenance, that he cut and served one hundred slices of
cake. So closed the year 1861. We were all in comfortable quarters.
We had our drills, and inspections, and guard duties, and Sunday
schools, and prayer meetings, and regular preaching on Sunday,
along with the pleasures of camp life. January 20th, 1862. —
Captain Page was ordered to West Point to superintend the erection
of gunboats, — a personal affliction to everyone in our command.
On the 22d, our first lieutenant, Ryland, weary of the dullness of
camp life, and panting for home, left for the purpose of seeking a
position under General Thomas J. Jackson. It turned out, however,
that the arrangement could not be made. If it had been, it is hardly
probable that he would have been here to-day to take part in this
reunion. On the 25th of January our command was called out, and a
parting letter was read to us from Captain Page. Friday, February
7th. — Our men were mustered In for another term of service by
Lieutenant-Colonel Page. Some changes occurred at this time. The
news from Fort Donelson and Roanoke Island cast a gloom over our
camp. Thursday, the 20th. — Addison Phillips died, after three
weeks' illness. The company escorted his remains to the steamer.
Saturday, the 2 2d, President Davis was duly Inaugurated in
Richmond. Tuesday, March the 4th. — Lieutenant-Colonel Carter
arrived and took command of the battery forces, and on Monday, the
loth, the company was reorganized, Captain Bagby being reelected;
A. F. Bagby, first lieutenant; the writer, second; and W. T. Haynes,
third. The next sensation in camp was the naval victory in Hampton
Roads. March 23d we hauled our heavy
 KING AND QUEEN COUNTY, VIRGINIA 229 guns up to the
bastion fort on the hill. On the 28th everything was astir. We moved
our quarters outside the lines, dug wells, and waded in mud and
sleet and darkness. The enemy was reported in heavy force at
Newport News. General Lee was now in command of all the forces in
Virginia. Friday, April 4th. — Great excitement in Yorktown; our
infantry were ordered over. Saturday the enemy appeared in front of
the lines there, and a balloon was sent up. Firing was kept up all
day, and six ships came in sight. Captain Page arrived, greatly to our
relief, and took command. Colonel Carter having been relieved. News
reached us of the battle of Shiloh, and the death of General Albert
Sidney Johnston. Our troops returned from Yorktown, and the first
shell thrown over into our lines was quickly dug up and inspected.
The duel between the lines at Yorktown was kept up during the
balance of the month. Thursday, May ist. — Orders came from
General Johnson to evacuate Gloucester Point at dark to-night. The
whole camp is filled with bustle and excitement. The artillerymen are
equipped with muskets; three days' rations are cooked; the
ammunition is moved to the vessels, and the whole command is
under arms with but little time to rest, until the evening of May 4th,
when Anderson goes around and spikes all the heavy guns, and we
move off at 8 o'clock, the Twenty-sixth Regiment in the lead; then
the militia; then an artillery battalion; and last, the Forty-sixth
Regiment. We reached Gloucester Courthouse at dawn, and rested a
few hours. Passing through Centreville we were met by our friends
at King and Queen Courthouse, with supplies. Many of the men gave
out on this heavy march. The road was strewn with knapsacks,
overcoats, and camp utensils. The next night we camped at St.
Stephen's Church, and the following at Mangohick. We spent the
night near Old Church, and on the loth of May moved down into
New Kent and began to realize for the first time that we were a part
of a large army seeking its position around Richmond. Men, tents,
wagons, batteries, quartermasters, commissaries,
 230 KING AND QUEEN COUNTY, VIRGINIA all in inextricable
confusion, and everybody in everybody's way. Thursday, the 15th. —
We crossed the Chickahominy at midnight, and had a hard time of it,
making two miles in about five hours. Alas for the vexations and
unaccountable delays, the marchings and countermarchings of an
army. Nobody knew anything. Men went to sleep standing in the
ranks. The very mules nodded between the beatings given them by
inexperienced drivers for refusing to pull through bottomless roads.
Everybody was mad and hungry, and worn out and unpatriotic. At
last we turned into fields about six miles from Richmond, and broke
into wagonloads of hardtack. The next day we moved nearer the
city, and on Sunday, the i8th, our eyes were greeted with the sight
of its spires. And now the doom of being finally converted into
infantry seemed to settle upon us, to our bitter regret and utter
disgust. Even the old battery that some of us had nursed all the way
from Gloucester Point was taken away. We were quietly assigned to
Rhodes's Brigade, and the addition of Captain White's company
constituted us a battalion. Our former first lieutenant, Ryland, left us
to try his fortune in another command. And now we were in for it.
Roll call at 4:30; squad drill at 5 ; company drill at 8 ; and battalion
and brigade drill at 5 P. M., in the field near Roper's mill. For several
days we were kept in constant commotion, marching and
countermarching, up the road and down again, none of us knew
why. On the night of May 30th there was a heavy fall of rain. It was
a fitting prelude to the storm of battle, the rain of shot and shell
through which our boys were about to pass. It was evident that
serious work was ahead. Saturday morn, May 31st. — ^We were
under arms at an early hour, little knowing what was before us.
Large bodies of infantry moved with us down the road. The
command was given to halt and load; and then we made a hurried
march through field and wood, double-quicking until officers and
men were out of
 KING AND QUEEN COUNTY, VIRGINIA 231 breath. We
formed in line of battle, and Captain Otey, acting as field officer, in
connection with Captain Bagby, addressed the command in a few
words, exhorting every man to keep cool and do his duty. We then
marched to the front through a pine thicket, charged through acres
of felled trees, raised our first Confederate yell, and in a few minutes
found ourselves in a strong horseshoe fort, from which the enemy
had fled at our approach. We turned their splendid twelve-pound
napoleons upon them with telling effect, and charged on through
their deserted camp, under a galling fire. Five of our boys fell in a
few moments, — Bacon, Butler, Courtney, Holmes, and Pynes.
Sergeants John W. Ryland and William Meyer, Corporal Boliver
Lumpkin, and Privates Ben Carlton, Tom Segar, John Gresham,
Benjamin McLelland, H. C. Pendleton, John Willroy, George Hurt, Jim
Kelly, Hurt, Benjamin Sale, Tom Myrick, and others, were wounded.
Falling back after a while to the redoubt, we were relieved by other
troops. President Davis and General Lee appeared on the scene and
were vigorously cheered by our men. Dear Otey had fallen, and the
field was covered with our dead and wounded. Night closed the
scene. We slept on the field, ministering to the wants of the
wounded and dying. Never can the writer forget the last words of
that brave boy, Jimmy Bacon. He was mortally wounded and slowly
dying, and on being asked if anything could be done for his comfort,
he replied: " Just leave your canteen with me, to relieve my thirst,
and please take a lock of my hair and my watch for my mother, and
tell her I was not afraid to die, and cheerfully gave my life for our
cause." If Bacon's grave could now be found, we would erect a shaft
to his memory and engrave these brave words upon it. Sunday the
battle was renewed; but we were too much cut up to take part in it.
The roads were filled with ambulances and wagons conveying the
wounded to Richmond. We buried our dead on the field, and after
lying down that night to rest for a few hours, were called up, made a
forced march through mud and mire, and wagons and ambulances,
to a field where we at last found some rest.
 232 KING AND QUEEN COUNTY, VIRGINIA and began to
collect our scattered forces. General Johnson had been wounded,
and General Lee assumed command in a general order. [The battle
of Seven Pines.] Monday, June 9th. — Our company. Captain Otey's,
and Captain Jordan's, were ordered to report at once to Goode's
Regiment, Wise's Brigade, below Chaffin's Bluff, on James River. We
had now only thirty men for duty, and having pitched our tents near
the Childrey house, began again the dull round of daily drill.
Wednesday, the 25th. — Jackson swooped down upon the enemy's
right, and day after day we heard in the distance the seven days'
battle that culminated at Malvern Hill, July I St, and sent McClellan's
forces reeling to their gunboats. We did picket duty on the river, and
watched the result with intense solicitude. Great was the relief and
joy in Richmond. The month of July was without incident. Drill and
guard duty, chills and mosquitoes, were the order of the day. We
rarely had more than thirty-five men for duty. The captain was sick
at Coyner's Spring, and the first lieutenant in Richmond. The
exchange of prisoners now began, and they were constantly passing
our camp on the way to Varina. McClellan " changed his base," and
Lincoln called for 300,000 men. August brought its daily drills and
chills, and courts-martial. September gave us great joy over the
victory at Manassas, and the march into Maryland. On the 7th of this
month our company was again detailed for battery service under
Captain Page, and John Willroy dryly remarked that " once more we
had retired to the quiet of domestic life." Thursday, the i8th, was a
day of thanksgiving and prayer. Until the middle of October we were
engaged in hauling logs and building quarters for the winter, and on
through November we drilled daily at our two rifle guns, two
mortars, and one eight-inch columbiad, commanding the river below
Chaffin's Bluff. Regular religious services were held on Sunday and
during the week. Thursday, November 20th. — Our captain returned
 KING AND QUEEN COUNTY, VIRGINIA 233 from Richmond
with the rank of major. Lieutenant A. F. Bagby became captain; the
writer, first Heutenant; Lieutenant Hayes, second lieutenant; and at
an election held on the 24th Benjamin Walker was made third
lieutenant. Early in December there was a deep religious awakening
in the company, and Albert Gresham and John Parks made a
profession of religion. The services were conducted by Elders George
F. Bagby, John Pollard, and William E. Wyatt. Monday, December 2
2d. — Our young captain left under somewhat suspicious
circumstances. It was given out that he was on recruiting service.
We soon learned that he had captured a fair damsel near Walkerton,
and mustered her into the Confederate service on Christmas day. On
the 30th she was Introduced at the officers' quarters as the first
female recruit. January, 1863, was a dull month in camp; rains were
incessant, and we had nothing to do, nowhere to go, and nothing to
eat. The excitement each day was Norvell Ryland's return from
Richmond with papers and letters for the command. February was
no better. Snows and rains suspended all military operations. March
7th. — Captain Page was ordered to Charleston, greatly to our
regret. The question of supplies was now becoming a serious one.
The men drew as a day's rations, one quarter-pound of meat, one
quarterpound of sugar, one and a half pounds of flour, and a little
rice and salt. April was without special incident. Saturday night. May
2d. — Jackson was wounded at Fredericksburg, and Sunday
Richmond was wild with excitement over the enemy's raid around
the city. The relief was great when the news came of Hooker's
defeat, but the immortal " Stonewall " Jackson died on the evening
of the loth; on the iith his remains were brought to Richmond, and
on the 12th lay In state In the Capitol, where thousands called to
look upon the dead hero. May was spent by us in camp, turfing
magazines and discussing Vicksburg, now the center of military
Interest.
 234 KING AND QUEEN COUNTY, VIRGINIA We again began
our infantry drill, and this gave us more to do. Purkins took a two-
horse plow from a neighbor, " just to keep his hand in," he said, and
with Jim Eubank as driver, was preparing for a crop of vegetables.
June was another dull month with us. Lee was in Maryland, filling
the North with terror. Hooker was relieved, and Meade put in his
place. Gettysburg was fought July ist, and Vicksburg fell on the 4th.
On the i6th President Davis called out all men from eighteen to
forty-five. The month of August witnessed a great revival in the
Twenty-sixth Regiment, under the preaching of Rev. A. Broaddus of
Kentucky. About one hundred and eighty-five professed religion, of
whom Chaplain Wyatt baptized nearly one hundred. Towards the last
of the month there was much sickness in camp, thirtythree being
with chills at one time. The writer was separated from his command
until November. September 4th. — Wise's Brigade was ordered to
Charleston, our company and Captain Montague's being included.
The command passed through Petersburg, Weldon, Wilmington, and
Florence, and reaching South Carolina, went into camp early in
October on Wapper Creek, near Charleston. The months of October
and November gave us but little employment. An occasional change
of camp, the constant shelling of Fort Sumter by the enemy, and
furloughs to Virginia, were the staple of conversation. November
28th. — Rev. R. H. Bagby arrived from King and Queen with 1200
pounds' weight of supplies for our company. We regarded him as an
angel of mercy. He had followed us up through the fortunes of war,
ministering to our temporal and spiritual wants. In December we
were doing picket duty on Little Britain Island. Rations were small;
lean beef, rice, and potatoes constituted our bill of fare. Flour was
$125 per barrel, corn $60 per bushel, and neither love nor money
could purchase coffee and butter. January 15th, 1864. — Colonel
Goode was assigned to the command of the second subdistrict, with
headquarters at Adam's Run, the Fourth and Forty-sixth Regl 
 KING AND QUEEN COUNTY, VIRGINIA 235 merits,
Whilden's Cavalry, and Kemper's Battery, constituting his command.
He extemporized a staff, selecting an officer and several men for
duty from our company. February 9th. — The enemy landed on
John's Island, capturing our pickets. A part of our brigade went
down at once, but they had left as suddenly as they came.
Wednesday, March 2d. — The writer was at home on furlough, and
had the pleasure of taking part in the capture of Dahlgren's raiding
party, near Stevensville. Papers found on his person were said to
contain directions to capture and sack Richmond, release all
prisoners there, hang Jefferson Davis and his Cabinet, and then
make for the Rappahannock River. The last of this month witnessed
another religious awakening in our company. News now reached us
from Virginia that General Grant had been placed in command, and
immense preparations were going on there to overwhelm us in the
spring campaign. A day was set apart for fasting and prayer.
Chaplain Robert gave us an excellent sermon. April 15th. — Major
Bagby left us to recruit his shattered health in Virginia. General Wise
tells us he is constantly expecting marching orders; but he is busy
making combs, spoons, and pipes, and working in his garden.
Tuesday, May 3d. — Our marching orders came at last from General
Samuel Jones, commanding our department. All was bustle and
excitement. On the 5th our regiment took its departure, filling two
trains. We heard as we passed through Charleston that the enemy
were moving against General Lee on the Rapidan, up the Peninsula,
and on the south side. We reached Florence on the 6th, all in high
spirits, cheering everyone we met, and making the woods ring with
our songs. We reached Wilmington Saturday, hungry as wolves, and
found peanuts $2.00 a quart, and short measure at that. Sunday we
passed through Weldon, and reached Jarratt's Station at 8 that
night. A raiding party of the enemy, in command of Cutts and Spears
— ominous
 236 KING AND QUEEN COUNTY, VIRGINIA names — had
just destroyed all the railroad property there. We marched all day, to
Stony Creek. Tuesday, the loth, we passed through Petersburg, and
out to the Dunlap House, where we were in arms all day. We heard
that there was some reluctance on the part of General Wise to serve
under General Bushrod Johnson. There was considerable activity
along the lines, — shelling and picket firing and constant shifting of
the few troops on the ground. We learn that General Lee has
repulsed Grant every day for a week, as he shortens his line and falls
back towards Richmond. Wednesday, May nth, 1864. — Our forces
moved across Swift Creek against the enemy, but did not engage
them. We were then ordered to Dunn's, three miles below the city,
on the City Point road. Got — — Here the diary ended. It would be
impossible now for the writer to finish the sentence, or to add a
word to it. We evidently " got " into business. The siege of
Petersburg began now in earnest. We had but little time for rest, and
could not complain of neglect when any work or fighting had to be
done. A mere handful of men kept Burnside's magnificent corps in
check for days, when it really had nothing to do but to march into
Petersburg. The effort to drive Butler's heavy force gave us hard
work, and our company did its full share. A stirring and affecting
incident occurred during one of our charges to get possession of the
Osborne Turnpike. Crossfield had received a mortal wound, and was
being borne to the rear on a stretcher. Meeting us, he waved his
hand in triumph, and exclaimed: "Go in, boys, and give it to them. It
makes no difference about me." It is impossible now to recall dates
and events during this summer. We settled down to life in the
trenches, being rarely relieved, except for a day or two at a time,
when we sought rest in the ravine just behind old Blanford
Cemetery. Casualties were constantly occurring. We ate, slept, had
our social gatherings and our religious services within the lines for
many weeks. The
 KING AND QUEEN COUNTY, VIRGINIA 237 monotony,
drudgery, and constant exposure of such a life were borne with
great patience and fortitude. On the morning of July 30 the battle of
the Crater occurred, and the death of Edward Bagby, while bravely
defending an important part of the lines, cast a gloom over our
whole company. To the gentleness of a woman he added a moral
courage that knew no fear in the discharge of duty. The fall set in
with no additional activity on the part of the enemy. It seemed to be
a dogged perseverance on both sides. We can never forget the
faithfulness and devotion of our camp servants. With every
opportunity to escape, they were as true and faithful to us as the
best of us were to our cause. Being in command of a part of the
lines one day, the writer said to the servant who brought him his
dinner: "Jack, there are your friends, not five hundred yards distant.
They say they love you, and have come to set you free. If you wish
to join them, the way is open; not a musket shall be lifted upon you,
and in five minutes you will be a free man." The boy's eyes actually
filled with tears at such a suggestion, and he answered quickly: "I
s'posed you thought mo' ob me dan dat. Gi' me a gun, an' I'll show
you whar I stan' ! " This seemed to be the common feeling of our
old servants who followed our fortunes through the war, and
endured all the hardships of camp life. October 27th, 1864. — In the
evening one hundred picked men of the enemy made a sortie upon
a salient of our lines defended by a battery. It was a bold movement,
and was well executed. They were soon in possession of this part of
our line, killing and wounding many of the artillerymen and infantry
stationed there. This was to be the beginning of a general attack.
When the firing began the writer was in the Crater, detailing a picket
for the night from Colonel Tabb's ■regiment, the Fifty-ninth. Squads
had already been sent out from the other regiments to relieve those
who had been in the rifle pits on our front all day. Supposing that,
through mistake, our command was firing on the relieved pickets as
they came in, he ran down the
 238 KING AND QUEEN COUNTY, VIRGINIA trenches,
ordered the companies through which he passed to cease firing, and
in a few moments found himself in the salient held by the enemy.
His consternation can better be imagined than described. There was
no chance to escape. In a few moments he was hurried over the
rampart and across the narrow field separating the two armies ; and
although he fell twice, hoping thus to break the hold of his captors
and hide in a rifle pit, and tried to feign death by stretching out his
limbs convulsively and then ceasing to breathe, the experiment
failed, and he found himself a prisoner of war, — along with Colonel
Harrison, Lieutenant-Colonel Wise, and Lieutenant Cox, of the Forty-
sixth Virginia. And here his humble contribution to the history of our
company must close. A few days at City Point, two months at the old
capital at Washington, and six in Fort Delaware, brought with them a
suspense far more unendurable than the hardships and dangers of
daily service in the field. Other hands must trace the record of the
hard winter that followed, — the battles of Hatcher's Run and
Sailors' Creek, the retreat from Petersburg, disasters that " followed
fast and followed faster," until failure was written upon the
Confederate cause, and the sun went down upon it at Appomattox
Courthouse.
PART III DOMESTIC AND SOCIAL
 CHAPTER XII SELECTIONS FROM THE POEMS OF KING
AND QUEEN [The following beautiful and touching lines were written
by Mrs. Sarah Jane Bagby, the wife of Rev. Alfred Bagby, of King and
Queen County, Virginia, on the death of her mother, Mrs. John
Pollard, whose high-toned Christian character and earnest piety shed
for many years a bright luster upon Mattapony Baptist Church, of
which she was a member.] MY MOTHER There is a form now hid
from view. From which my own its being drew. It sweetly sleeps
beneath the sod, — The darkened way the Savior trod, — My
Mother. There is a spirit, glad and free. Now dwelling in eternity; It
calmly rests in Jesus' love, Forever blest in heaven above, — My
Mother. I fain would tell the matchless grace. And all the many
virtues trace. That shone in form, in face, in heart. And made her
seem of heaven a part, — My Mother. But ah! 'tis vain. The sun doth
light This world of ours, and make it bright: So she was sunshine in
our home, — A radiance reaching to the tomb, — ^ My Mother. And
then above, wfth gentle hands, They raised a monument. It stands
To tell, so all around may hear, Her memory is supremely dear— My
Mother. 241
 242 KING AND QUEEN COUNTY, VIRGINIA And surviving
daughters come to weep O'er the cold grave where she's asleep,
And strew with flowers the sacred mound Where peaceful rests in
hallowed ground My Mother. A sister's love she never knew ; An only
brother, fond and true. Clasped her cold hand. How sweet 't will be
To clasp it in eternity! My Mother! While yet a babe upon her knee,
She spoke of Jesus' love to me, And bade my aspirations rise To
better things beyond the skies — My Mother. In after years, when
storms arose, And trials grew, and many woes Came thick and fast,
she bade me still " Be happy in thy Father's will " — My Mother. " As
dies the wave upon the shore," She calmly slept, then woke no more
To this vain world, but far away She woke to an eternal day, — My
Mother. Her loving sons then sadly bore Her body to the grave; but
o'er That precious earth, that silent tomb, There cometh nought of
fear or gloom, My Mother. Yes, she is gone! and I am left, And earth
of half its joy bereft. As oft her empty chair I see, The world seems
empty then to me, — My Mother. Yet there is one who more doth
miss Her loving smile. His earthly bliss i Was centered there. But ah!
'tis fled; He's lonely now, since she is dead, — I My Mother. /!
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