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which the opera has given birth. Nothing finer in this style of poetry
is to be found even in the similar minor works of Metastasio. His A’
Lyra Desprezo (Farewell to Poetry), and the Palinodia, which
accompanies it, are alone sufficient to prove the perfect accordance
of the Italian and Portuguese language with respect to the laws of
musical poetry.363 But still finer is another Farewell, entitled, Fileno ä
Nize, despedida, which was probably composed by Da Costa on his
return to America. Here the old romantic inexhaustibility in the
poetic amplification of a favourite idea, sustained by a constantly
recurring burthen, is united with all the magic of Metastasio’s
versification.364 In some poems of the same class which Da Costa
composed in the Italian language, a certain degree of constraint is
observable. But his Portuguese cantatas, spiritual as well as
temporal, are not only free from that fault, but often bear the stamp
of excellence.

PROGRESS OF PORTUGUESE POETRY IN THE

LATTER PART OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.365
To make a detailed report of Portuguese poetry during the last thirty
years of the eighteenth century, is a task which must be consigned
to other writers. In this general history it is sufficient briefly to
describe how the new spirit of Portuguese literature acquired, even
on its poetic side, a marked influence, though it did not unfold itself
with that energy which was necessary to reproduce the poetry of the
sixteenth century under somewhat varied features. This period must
not yet be extolled as the commencement of a second golden age of
Portuguese poetry; but the poetic talent of the Portuguese has
opened for itself a wider field; and fantastic rhyming no longer finds
admirers among the educated class of readers. The Portuguese
zealously endeavour to rival, in polite literature, as well as in science,
those nations who have, or who seem to have outstripped them. But
this rivalry is happily combined with a revived veneration for the
poetry of the sixteenth century. Thus have the old national forms of
Portuguese poetry been preserved for modern times; and the
Portuguese drama alone seems doomed to be governed by French
laws.

TRANSLATIONS.
In the first half of the last thirty years of the eighteenth century, the
desire to cultivate a correct style in Portuguese poetry was fostered
by new translations of some of the latin classics. The Odes of Horace
were translated into Portuguese by Joaquim José da Costa e Sa;366
the Satyres of Sulpitia by Antonio Luis de Azavedo;367 Ovid’s
Heroides by Miguel de Couto Guerreiro;368 and the comedies of
Terence by Leonel da Costa.369 But it would appear that the
Portuguese did not in their wish to become more intimately
acquainted with genuine poetry, so happily commence the
translation of the Greek poets. On the other hand, several French
and English works obtained a suitable Portuguese dress. Telemachus
appeared in the year 1770; and Young’s tragedies in 1788. A
circumstance which cannot fail to excite surprize, at least in
Germany, is that in the year 1791 there appeared a Portuguese
translation of the Herman of Baron Shönaich, the most indifferent of
all German epic compositions;370 but Gessner’s Death of Abel also
appeared in the Portuguese language in the year 1785.

TITLES OF SOME OF THE POEMS PRODUCED IN

THIS PERIOD.
Among the best poems which appeared about this time in Portugal,
may be classed, The Rebuilding of Lisbon, an epic composition, by
Miguel Mauricio Ramalho;371 Satires and Elegies, by Miguel do Couto
Guerreiro;372 the Dream, a heroic poem, by Luis Rafael Soyé;373 the
Triumph of Innocence, by José Anastasio da Costa e Sà;374 Lusitania
transformed by Alvares do Oriente;375 Gaticanea, or the War
between the Dogs and Cats, by Joaõ Jorge de Carvalho;376 and some
others.

GARÇAÕ.
More particular attention is due to the poetic works of Pedro Antonio
Correa Garçaõ, which were written at an earlier period, but which
were only first collected and published in the year 1778.377 Since
Ferreira flourished, no other Portuguese poet had so decidedly
formed his taste by the imitation of Horace. Garçaõ, who for this
reason is called the second Portuguese Horace, did not content
himself as Ferreira had two hundred years before, with imitating in
Portuguese verse, the intellectual elegance and sprightly philosophy
of Horace’s odes, sermons and epistles; in the composition of his
odes he endeavoured to introduce into Portuguese poetry verse
constructed on the Horatian model. But, however distinctly the
Portuguese language may without prejudice to its abrupt
pronunciation be accentuated, and however readily it may, at first
sight, seem to accommodate itself to the ancient metres, it is in
reality as little subject to their laws as the Spanish and Italian; the
reason plainly is, that the Portuguese, like all modern languages, is
totally destitute of fixed syllabic quantity in monosyllabic words; and,
that like the Spanish and Italian languages, it is not sufficiently rich
in dactylic words to afford, in some degree, the means of concealing
this deficiency. In most of his imitations of ancient verse Garçaõ has
therefore merely strung together, in an unusual way, lines of long
and short iambics. In his sapphic odes, as he calls them, the sapphic
verse is not more obviously perceptible than in many older
compositions of the same kind, into which rhyme is admitted.378
Garçaõ endeavoured to make an approximation to alcaic verse by
the employment of dactylic words.379 But whatever objections may
be urged against the metrical form of Garçaõ’s odes, they must be
allowed to exhibit in their spirit and style proofs of a bold endeavour
to soar above the eternal sameness of the sonnet and the eclogue.
Of the spirit of Horatian philosophy, they present no deeper traces
than the odes of Ferreira;380 but they were well calculated to recall
the Portuguese to the exercise of a sound and vigorous judgment in
poetry. Garçaõ’s diction is worthy of a poet of the sixteenth century.
Among the lyric works of this poet are a Pindaric ode with strophes,
antistrophes and epodes;381 and a dythirambic, the character of
which is certainly somewhat frigid.382 Had Garçaõ been a pedant, he
would not have devoted so much labour on sonnets, and on canções
and glosses in the old national forms. He was, however, by his turn
of mind and cultivation better fitted to succeed in didactic satire and
epistles in the manner of Horace; and in this respect he again
resembles Ferreira. But his satires and epistles, which are among the
best in modern literature, possess more of Horatian gaiety and
airyness than the kindred works of Ferreira;383 there is in their moral
tendency occasionally something more social.384

Garçaõ also endeavoured to give a new direction to the dramatic

poetry of Portugal. He did not possess sufficient dramatic invention
to satisfy a public accustomed to all the extravagance of operatic
and theatric pomp. But he exerted his utmost efforts to counteract
the influence of that pomp, and of the general bad taste which
seemed to have obtained a complete dominion over the national
theatre. His theory, which will be further noticed in the next chapter,
could only be promulgated within a narrow circle. As a dramatic
poet, he first declared war against the rude opera taste, by writing a
little comedy in the style of Terence, the title of which is:—Theatro
Novo, drama, (The New Theatre, a drama). It is a mere dramatic
trifle, with a very simple plot. An adventurer of fallen fortune
conceives the idea of establishing a new theatre, in which
speculation he is to be assisted by his two fair daughters and a rich
Englishman, Arthur Bigodes, (a name formed from the English oath,
“by God.”) He engages several other individuals in his scheme. Two
love affairs, the one sincere and the other compulsory, impart comic
interest and dramatic unity to the piece. The principal scene, to
which the others merely serve as auxiliaries, is that in which each
member of the dramatis personæ delivers a critical opinion
respecting the kind of pieces which ought to be represented at the
new theatre. But judicious and patriotic as the result of the
deliberation might be, it was nevertheless very liable to be
interpreted by the public of Lisbon to the prejudice of a reformer,
who consigned the execution of his plan to a ruined adventurer. This
was, however, the first step towards raising the dignity of
Portuguese comedy, and restoring it to its former rank as a national
drama. The Portuguese public was susceptible of patriotic
sentiments, and Garçaõ understood how to touch the national
feeling without having recourse to pedantry. Accordingly, he makes
the manager of the new theatre, in a comic situation, say, that his
beloved native country is not a little indebted to him for the trouble
he has taken to rescue her from the abyss of ignorance in which she
lay, miserable and infatuated, amidst wretched dramas.385 He
observes, that genuine comedy must again become the school of
manners, as it had been to the ancients. In conclusion, he solemnly
invokes the shades of Gil Vicente, Ferreira, and Saa de Miranda.386
This little comedy is written in light and agreeable iambic verse, and
is not destitute of dramatic spirit.

Another comedy by Garçaõ appears to have been intended as an

example of the kind of character drama which the author wished to
introduce on the Portuguese stage. It is called Assemblea ou Partida,
(the Assembly or the Party).387 This modern Gallo-Portuguese title
denotes that the author intended it to be an elegant conversational
piece, affording a picture of fashionable manners. It is called merely
a drama, and is attributed to no particular species, because it
consists of only one act, which indeed is a tolerably long one. Thus it
is not entirely faithful to the plan of a regular comedy in the style of
Terence. The satire of the piece is directed against that sort of
ostentatious boasting, to realize which the finances of the
fashionable braggadocio are not always adequate. The characters
are well drawn. To accommodate the national taste in every way,
Garçaõ has introduced into the piece some well written sonnets, and
a half-comic cantata, which is set to music and performed at the
party of a lady. This comedy exhibits no trace of any particular
imitation of the French style. Garçaõ wished to reform the
Portuguese drama on classic principles, but, as he himself on
another occasion observes, he wished to effect the reformation with
a due regard to modern times and manners, and consequently
without any rigorous adoption of the ancient dramatic laws in their
full extent.

THE ABBOT PAULINO.

The ingenious prelate, Paulino Cabral de Vasconcellos, Abbot of
Jazente, who is commonly called merely the Abbot Paulino, deserves
to be honourably distinguished among those Portuguese poets, who
at the latter end of the eighteenth century reclaimed the national
taste, and brought it under the rules of classic cultivation.388 The
collection of his poems, printed in the year 1786, consists of sonnets
only; but without having read them, it is scarcely possible to
conceive that this species of poetic composition should have
acquired so many new charms towards the close of the eighteenth
century. In this collection of two hundred and forty-five sonnets,
which are probably selected from a still greater number of
compositions of the same kind by the Abbot Paulino, there is
scarcely one that can be pronounced dull or heavy; most of them
display a peculiar union of clearness, lightness and elegance, with a
tone of Horatian philosophy and irony. The study of French literature
seems to have contributed to the singular cultivation of the Abbot
Paulino. But the spirit of his poetry is by no means French. In one
poetic glance he comprehended the various situations of real life,
viewing them sometimes on the romantic, sometimes on the rural,
and sometimes on the comic side; and the pictures of sentiment and
reflection which he thus calls up, are compressed into the sonnet
form in the most pleasing and natural manner. The best of Paulino’s
sonnets are those which are conceived in a tone of elegant satire;389
and some which, though apparently frivolous, occasionally remind
the reader of Propertius.390 The satire of this Portuguese poet,
however, very seldom degenerates into grossness.

DONA CATHARINA DE SOUSA—HER TRAGEDY OF

OSMIA.
But dramatic poetry in Portugal required some particular excitement
to make it keep pace with the new cultivation of the nation; and an
impulse of this kind was given when the Lisbon academy of sciences,
which, during the last twenty years of the eighteenth century, was
constantly embracing new objects, turned its attention to polite
literature. The academy offered a prize for the best tragedy in the
Portuguese language. Competitors came eagerly forward. But none
of the tragedies which have been crowned by the academy, obtained
so much popularity as the Osmîa of Dona Catharina de Sousa.391 It is
probable that no other female writer who has acquired celebrity in
the eighteenth century, could have produced such a work, though,
perhaps, in other respects she might rank higher as a poetess than
Catharina de Sousa. The fable of the tragedy, according to the
conditions required by the academy, in the year 1785, is selected
from the Portuguese national history. Three tragedies were produced
within the space of three years. In the year 1788 the academy
awarded the prize to Osmîa; and on opening the sealed note, in
which the author’s name was supposed to be inscribed, it was found
to contain only a reference to a prize question respecting
improvements in the cultivation of the olive in Portugal, with a
request that the academy would apply to that object the prize which
was renounced for the tragedy of Osmia. But the equally generous
and ingenious authoress soon became known. The tragedy was first
printed without her name; but a second edition was published in the
year 1795. It owes its celebrity not merely from the circumstance of
its being the production of a female pen. In several scenes of this
drama, tragic pathos is, in the happiest way, combined with an
elegance which from the sex of the writer was more to be expected
than the former quality. The subject is chosen from the history of the
ancient inhabitants of Portugal, rather than of the Portuguese. A
story from the age of romance would have better fulfilled the idea of
a national tragedy; but Dona Catharina de Sousa, in the spirit of
modern cosmopolite education, in a great measure formed by
French reading, followed the Gallic taste even in a predilection for
the Roman age in tragic drama. Osmia, the heroine of the tragedy, is
a Lusitanian Princess of the race of the Turdetani, who in the second
century of the Christian era, sought to emancipate themselves from
the Roman yoke. She is, contrary to her inclination, united to Prince
Rindacus, who heads the Turdetani in their insurrection against the
Romans. Osmia combats like a heroine. The Turdetani are, however,
defeated; Rindacus disappears, and Osmia is made prisoner by the
Romans. The Roman Prætor Lælius becomes deeply enamoured of
the fair captive, and she in her turn is not indifferent to his passion.
With the principal persons thus situated the developement of the
dramatic action commences. The composition would doubtless have
been much more rich and brilliant if the authoress had not so
rigorously confined herself within the rules of French tragedy. The
Roman characters appear modernized in the French style. In this
very absurd way the Prætor Lælius is drawn. On several occasions
he complains of his “poor heart” in as doleful a strain as a hapless
lover of modern times. But in the delicate representation of the
relationship of Osmia with the Prætor, and with her rude barbarian
husband, the sentiments of a noble-minded woman are painted in
such a manner as none but a woman could paint them. The tragic
grandeur of the composition rests on the character of Osmia, who
will not on any consideration render herself unworthy of her noble
descent. The loftiest pride of patriotism contends in her bosom with
love for the Roman Prætor, whom she wishes to hate, but whose
tender generosity she feels less and less power to resist.392 The
feminine heroism of her character thus acquires a pensive
gentleness, which renders her, as a woman, more and more
interesting in every scene. The character of Osmia is forcibly relieved
by contrast. A Turdetanian prophetess, who is also among the
number of the captives, burns with national pride and hatred of the
Romans; and her energetic but unfeminine patriotism is the means
of constantly producing tragic concussions in the train of the events,
until the husband of Osmia unexpectedly re-appears. The authoress
has been eminently successful in the gradual heightening of the
tragic interest.393 She did not venture to shed blood on the stage.
The death of Osmia is related; but at the end her husband enters
wounded and dying. Notwithstanding the simplicity of the
composition, the tragedy comprises a considerable share of action.
The rapid flow of the dialogue in some of the scenes, approximates
more nearly to the tragic style of Voltaire, than to that of Corneille
and Racine. The language is dignified throughout; though in some
scenes it is deficient in poetic keeping. But according to the rule
which the authoress herself was accustomed to consider as the only
correct one in the estimation of dramatic perfection, she could not
avoid faults which she theoretically regarded as beauties. The
present is not the proper place for analysing the individual fine
passages of this tragedy. The feminine character of the whole
composition, however, well merits a minute analysis in a theory of
poetry.

FAILURE OF OSMIA ON THE STAGE—PREVALENCE

OF DRAMATIC IMITATIONS AND TRANSLATIONS.
The great difference between such a tragedy as Osmia and the
dramatic entertainments to which the Portuguese public were
accustomed, must have impeded the good effect which under other
circumstances might have been produced by the prizes which the
academy of Lisbon continued to offer. Osmia was performed; but it
did not obtain a favourable reception from the public, and some
similar tragedies by which it was succeeded experienced nearly the
same fate. The Italian opera maintained its consideration in Lisbon;
and the dramas which have since been produced on the Portuguese
stage, are for the most part, either imitations of foreign pieces or
translations. No modern Portuguese poet seems to have attempted
to pursue the path of dramatic composition in the style of the
Spanish comedy, and to carry it forward from the point at which Gil
Vicente had stopped. Of the modern Portuguese comedies in the
French style those from the pen of Guita have the highest
reputation. But the Portuguese appear still to cherish as a favourite
dramatic entertainment, the burlesque and truly national entremeses
(interludes) which have either risen out of the Spanish compositions
of the same class, or have with them one common origin.394

RECENT PORTUGUESE POETS:—IN PARTICULAR

TOLENTINO DA ALMEIDA.
Among the latest Portuguese poets of eminence, may be numbered
Manoel de Barbosa du Boccage, Francisco Bias Gomez, Francisco
Cardoso, Alvarez de Nobrega, Xavier de Matos, Valladares, and
Nicolao Tolentino de Almeida. The last mentioned writer seems to be
greatly admired for his poignant satires, which have for their subject
various local relations in Lisbon.395 The wit of this poet, whose
writings betray much dissatisfaction with his lot in life, is not always
intelligible to a foreigner; but he evinces a decidedly national spirit,
which when combined with the representation of modern manners,
becomes peculiarly interesting.396 In the works of Tolentino are
revived most of the ancient national metres of the Portuguese in
redondilhas.397

ARAUJO DE AZAVEDO—HIS TRANSLATIONS OF

ENGLISH POEMS.
It would be unjust to close this History of Portuguese Poetry, without
recording the name of Araujo de Azavedo, minister for foreign affairs
in Lisbon, a writer of talent and learning, and a statesman to whom
his country and its government is much indebted. His excellent
translations of Dryden’s Alexander’s Feast, some of Gray’s Odes, and
the Elegy in a Country Church-yard, are truly valuable acquisitions to
the national literature of Portugal. His object in making these
translations was to direct the attention of his poetical
contemporaries to the hitherto unexplored side of the Portuguese
Parnassus; and it may be expected that genius will readily follow the
tract of such a guide.398
 CHAP. III.
HISTORY OF PORTUGUESE ELOQUENCE, CRITICISM,
AND RHETORIC, DURING THIS PERIOD.

Further Decline of Portuguese Eloquence.

Before it was possible for any thing like true eloquence to find a
place in Portuguese literature, public spirit had to revive from that
state of feebleness and apathy into which it had been plunged by
the rapid decline of Portugal from the pinnacle of national glory. It
was indispensable that a time should return in which the human
mind might move with somewhat more freedom in the trammels of
ecclesiastical tyranny. The nation had to become once more capable
of contemplating great objects. The national taste was to be
reclaimed from the affectation of pompous phraseology, and it was
necessary that the spirit of philosophy should be allowed to make
suitable approaches towards the spirit of poetry. But these, and all
the other conditions requisite for the revival of polite prose in
Portugal, were never more decidedly wanting than precisely at the
period when the introduction of French manners seemed likely to
infuse a French taste into the national literature. But reckoning from
the latter end of the seventeenth century, the imitation of French
taste had operated for a considerable time, and yet had influenced
only the forms of social life. Its presence in Portuguese literature,
was scarcely perceptible. It has already been shewn that during the
first half of the eighteenth century, Portuguese poetry, even in the
hands of the few poets who were not unwilling to learn elegance
from the French, continued subject to the style of the Gongorists
and Marinists. Of course still less was it to be expected that
Portuguese writers should be capable of imitating the polite prose of
the French, since such an imitation would pre-suppose a cultivation
of the understanding which at that time was not practicable in
Portugal. The French taste in so far as it really found admission into
Portugal, doubtless contributed at first, as about the same time its
adoption did in Germany, to repress the loftier style of eloquence, for
the language became so corrupted by foreign words and phrases,
that it was difficult for the prose writer to know what tract it was
proper to follow. The poet might, if he pleased, still adhere to the
style of the sixteenth century; for his language was not like that of
prose composition, subject to the laws of fashion. But no author
could attempt classic prose, in the language of the sixteenth century,
without encountering the risk of being regarded as a pedant by his
contemporaries; and if he wished to follow the fashion, he was
obliged to disfigure the language in which he wrote.

A few works of research which were written during the first half of
the eighteenth century, are, with the exception of books of devotion,
almost the only compositions which still preserved a kind of national
prose style in Portuguese literature. Barbosa Machado’s great
national Dictionary of Learned Men, is not written without rhetorical
care. The author wished to express himself with correctness and
elegance, particularly where he uses the language of panegyric, but
even then he could not avoid frigid and pompous phraseology; and
some phrases, which he seems to have admired, are constantly
recurring in the work; as for example when he calls a poet “one of
the most melodious swans of the Portuguese Parnassus,” without
considering that Parnassus is neither a river nor a pond. A few
affected metaphors were the only recognized beauties of prose
composition at this period in Portugal. Didactic prose could no longer
exist when the philosophic and scientific cultivation of the
Portuguese became daily more abridged, and was almost limited to
the small remnant which was taught in the cloisters and the colleges
of the Jesuits. The lectures which under these circumstances were
delivered in the academies, were considered to have sufficiently
fulfilled their objects if they did not lull the auditors to sleep. The art
of historical composition was now completely extinguished in
Portugal.

NEW CULTIVATION OF ELOQUENCE—CLASSICAL

PROSE AUTHORS STILL WANTING IN MODERN
PORTUGUESE LITERATURE.
In the second half, and more especially during the last thirty years of
the eighteenth century, the spirit of improvement was awakened,
and began to diffuse itself into every department of Portuguese
eloquence. The admirable clearness, precision and facility of the
French prose, has at length exercised an advantageous influence on
the Portuguese. Without enforcing with pedantic rigour the
restoration of all the old forms of the sixteenth century, the best
Portuguese authors now endeavour to write their mother tongue
with purity, and at the same time to satisfy the new wants created
by the progress of time and the spirit of the age. The praiseworthy
diligence which the Portuguese now manifest in collecting scientific
knowledge of every kind, and in republishing the works of their early
authors, appears, however, to have operated indirectly to the
prejudice of eloquence, for among the men of talent, to whom
Portugal is indebted for her regeneration, none have yet
distinguished themselves in prose composition. But the Portuguese
have had so many things to retrieve, that they have scarcely had
time to devote particular attention to the rhetorical form of didactic
works. An effort to avoid the bad taste of the preceding age, and
upon the whole to cultivate a clear and dignified form of expression,
is perceptible in most of the modern treatises of the Portuguese.
Empty bombast has given place to the language of reason. The
Portuguese nation have now to wish for a modern historian qualified
to tread in the footsteps of Barros, Brito and Andrada. Such a writer
might succeed in still more firmly rivetting the connecting link
between the promising present and glorious past in the hearts of
Portuguese patriots.

ROMANTIC PROSE—TRANSLATIONS.
A new era of romantic prose might also have been commenced in
Portugal, had the poetic spirit of the old Portuguese pastoral
romances been modified, instead of being enfeebled by the
introduction of the cultivated forms of modern prose. Translations of
foreign novels seem to have too readily satisfied that portion of the
Portuguese public, whose cultivation was, through this species of
reading, gradually approximating to the taste of the other nations of
Europe. A translation from the French of Le Sage’s popular Gil Blas
was supplied by the poet Barbosa Du Boccage, who is probably
descended from a French family. This was soon followed by
translations of the Moral Tales of D’Arnaud, and of various works of a
similar description.

PORTUGUESE CRITICISM OF THE EIGHTEENTH

CENTURY.
The progress of genuine prose in Portuguese literature during the
eighteenth century, may, upon the whole, be estimated by the style
of Portuguese criticism in the same period. It may be presumed that
the authors of critical treatises on literary subjects, endeavoured by
their own prose to shew the relationship, which, according to their
opinion, ought to exist between poetry and eloquence; and it is
certain that the principles on which they wrote precisely
corresponded with the rhetorical cultivation of the age, within the
boundaries of Portuguese taste. These theoretical labours, in their
relation to Portuguese poetry and eloquence, deserve to be
particularly noticed.
ERICEYRA’S INTRODUCTION TO HIS HENRIQUEIDA.
A new epoch in Portuguese criticism seems to commence with the
critical treatises of the Count da Ericeyra; for this writer studiously
availed himself of the principles of French criticism, and his authority
gave full effect to the example he set. But there was more of
semblance than reality in Ericeyra’s appropriation of French criticism.
He had too little feeling for the essence of poetry to be able to
modify the idea of beauty according to French principles of
correctness, without losing sight of the true foundation of that idea.
With all his critical rules, therefore, he never rose above what may
be termed the external apparatus of poetry. Within that apparatus
his taste was altogether circumscribed. His general opinions on
poetry are developed with sufficient clearness in the copious
introduction to his Henriqueida,399 and in the explanatory notes
which he has attached to that epic composition. The introductory
dissertation is written in good prose; but the observations which the
author makes on the subject of epic poetry, partake more of prosaic
than of poetic views. The subject with which the Count da Ericeyra’s
critical essay commences is imitation; but, composing in the spirit of
his own system, he first speaks of the celebrated poets whose works
he had imitated, and afterwards of the imitation of nature. He
speaks of Homer with emphasis; and yet at the same time
acknowledges that he was acquainted with that poet only through
Madame Dacier’s prose translation. Under these circumstances he
reasonably enough speaks with still greater emphasis of Virgil,
whose works he could read in the original. Of all human works,
Virgil’s Æneid, in the opinion of Ericeyra, approaches nearest to
perfection.400 On the other hand, he says, that Ariosto’s Orlando
Furioso, belongs more properly to the class of romantic tales of
chivalry, than to epic poetry; but that it is nevertheless worthy of
imitation on account of its pleasing narrative style and the “fertility
of poetic genius,” which the Count acknowledges Ariosto to possess.
Voltaire’s Henriade, however, which was then the newest epic
production, is pronounced to be particularly distinguished for its
“elevated and natural poetry.” Ericeyra takes this opportunity of more
accurately defining his theory of perfection in epic poetry. It belongs,
in his opinion, to a perfect epic action, that the hero of the poem
should as much as possible be kept present in the scene of action.
On epic machinery Ericeyra pronounces nearly the same judgment
as Boileau, namely, that when a modern introduces into his poetry
the Christian system of the ancient mythology, the pleasure to be
derived from epic composition is destroyed. Even the Jerusalem
Delivered, would be a tedious work, had not Tasso enlivened the
“pious melancholy of the subject” by the introduction of magic and
by other means. The example set by Camoens, who introduced into
modern poetry all the mythological deities as allegorical characters,
is recommended as highly worthy of imitation; but nevertheless
Tasso’s plan is not to be altogether condemned. Ericeyra makes
some very judicious observations on the epic treatment of real
history. Lucan, he says, was the first who disfigured epic poetry by
writing merely as a poetic historian; and he attributes the ill success
of the Spaniards in epic poetry to their having always preferred
Lucan to every other model. His remarks on the epic character are
no less correct; and his opinions on language and style are such as
might be expected from a man of sound and cultivated
understanding. He praises the dramatic style of Corneille, Racine and
Moliere. From these authors, he observes, a writer may learn how to
express naturally the heroic and tender passions in their full force,
and without the false glare which disfigures the works of many
modern and also some ancient poets. Thus the Count da Ericeyra
endeavoured to vindicate his own poem before the tribunal of the
public. The most remarkable circumstance with respect to the whole
treatise is the little value which the author attaches to poetic
allegory. When it is recollected in what esteem allegory was held by
the early Portuguese critics, Ericeyra’s treatise, though in other
respects unimportant, and only interesting in its connection with the
whole of Portuguese literature, will be recognised as at least a step
gained in literary criticism.
 GARÇAÕ’S LECTURES.
Among the treatises of criticism by which it was hoped, about the
middle of the eighteenth century to reform the taste of the
Portuguese, some consideration is due to those written by Garçaõ,
the imitator of Horace.401 They are in the form of lectures, and were
delivered in an assembly called the academy of the Portuguese
Arcadians. On this account they are also entitled to rank among
works of oratory. In two of these lectures, Garçaõ zealously defends
the Aristotelian theory of tragedy in its application to the modern
drama. He insists on obedience to the rule of not shedding blood on
the stage. Accordingly he commends the French drama; and notices
Addison’s Cato with approbation. His opinion, on this point, he
conceives is sufficiently supported by these two remarks—1st. That
to fulfil the object of tragic art it is not necessary to shed blood on
the stage—and 2dly. That it is improper, because at an intellectual
entertainment disgusting objects should not be presented to the
eye. Garçaõ appears also to have understood in the usual way the
condition of Aristotle, that tragedy should refine the passions of the
spectator. He expatiates much on the moral utility of a perfect
tragedy, through which the theatre might, in his opinion, be easily
converted into an excellent school of morals. To this effect the
opinions of the French critics Le Bossu and Dacier, are industriously
cited in concert with those of Aristotle. Both lectures were given in
the year 1757. The main object of a third lecture which Garçaõ
delivered to the same society in the same year, is to demonstrate
that the imitation of the classic poets of antiquity is one of the most
essential requisites of modern poetry. He observes that the judicious
and the servile imitator must not be confounded together, for that
the latter is in fact merely a plagiarist. Garçaõ himself seems,
however, to have been somewhat puzzled to make out this
distinction; for he asserts that Camoens has in his pastoral poems
imitated Virgil in the same manner as Virgil has Theocritus. A skilful
imitator, he says, may excel the poet whom he imitates, as Horace
has in many passages excelled Pindar. At the same time it must be
allowed, that these and the following lectures of Garçaõ possess the
merit of pure, natural, and dignified language; and that in several
passages they display true eloquence.402 Garçaõ, who felt a patriotic
interest in the improvement of the polite literature of his country,
expected that the academy of the Portuguese Arcadians would by its
exertions revive the good taste of the sixteenth century. Only such a
society, zealously competing for the welfare and honour of the
country, can, he says, become “the Alexander who will cut this
gordian knot of bad taste, the Achilles who will conquer this Troy.”403
But it appears that he appealed to his Arcadians in vain. Their
literary patriotism was of a very passive character; and the
advantages which Garçaõ hoped this society would procure, were
destined to be obtained through another.

PHILOLOGICAL AND CRITICAL TREATISES OF THE

ACADEMICIANS JOAQUIM DE FOYOS—FRANCISCO
DIAS—ANTONIO DAS NAVES, &C.
Among the literary treatises (Memorias de Litteratura) published by
the Royal Academy of Sciences in Lisbon,404 are to be found the
latest contributions to Portuguese criticism and eloquence; and that
society may justly boast of the well directed efforts of its members
to promote the literary cultivation of the nation. At the head of these
literary treatises, there appeared in the year 1792 a remarkable
essay on Portuguese pastoral poetry by Joaquim de Foyos.405 This
treatise served at once to record the unconquerable predilection with
which the Portuguese adhered to their pastoral poetry, and the new
freedom of opinion which ventured to shew itself in opposition to the
oracles of French criticism. Joaquim de Foyos asserts, that pastoral
poetry must be the oldest, and consequently the most natural and
original style of poetry. In the history of human nature, he observes,
the shepherd’s life is in the natural course of the transition from
barbarism to social cultivation. It is, he adds, precisely in this stage
of the developement of human wants and energies, that the mind is
particularly awakened to poetic activity: and as in pastoral life man is
surrounded by the sweetest tranquillity of nature, so must pastoral
poetry be the true poetry of nature. Joaquim de Foyos has indeed
related consistently with his own notions, the history of mankind and
poetry in a way which is well calculated to set forth the particular
merits of bucolic composition: otherwise history might soon have
convinced him that pastoral life has scarcely ever been the passage
from the savage state to civilization: that the kind of pastoral state
which favours the ground work of bucolic poetry, has only arisen
under particular circumstances in a few places; and has, even there
been of little advantage to poetry: that Greek poetry no more
originated in Arcadia, than German in Switzerland: that the oldest
Greek poetry exhibits no trace of the pastoral character: that
Theocritus first devoted himself to this style of composition at the
voluptuous court of the Ptolemies in Alexandria: and that its revival
in the romantic age, like its birth in Alexandria, presupposes a
degree of social cultivation, whence the human mind longingly
reverts to a more natural existence, on which it at last bestows ideal
beauties. Joaquim de Foyos judges of the French critics by more just
principles. He observes, that these critics, of whom Le Bossu may be
placed at the head, deduce numerous chimerical rules from what
they term the morality of a poem. Dacier, he says, has also
misunderstood Aristotle in wishing to render the story of a poem a
sort of Æsopic fable. The ingenious and elegant Marmontel has
fallen into the same error.

A philological treatise in the form of a dictionary, by Antonio Pereita

do Figueiredo, on the genius of the Portuguese language, according
to the Decades of Barros,406 though not immediately connected with
poetry and rhetoric, is nevertheless worthy of honourable notice,
since it is calculated to direct Portuguese writers to the study of
Barros, and the spirit of their mother tongue. Another treatise by the
same writer, has for its object to recommend Barros as a model for
Portuguese eloquence.407
The analysis of the poetic language and style of Saa de Miranda,
Ferreira, Bernardes, Caminha and Camoens, by Francisco Dias, is
more useful than most of the treatises of the same kind previously
written in Portuguese.408 The investigations of this intelligent writer
are philological rather than critical; but the critical observations
which he introduces are dictated by a clear judgment and just
feeling. The improvements which Saa de Miranda effected in the
poetic language of the Portuguese are here exhibited in their true
light. Even the latinisms of Ferreira are placed in an advantageous
point of view by the author. He speaks of Camoens in terms of
enthusiasm; but in the encomiums which have lately been bestowed
on Caminha, Dias does not concur.409 The treatise is, upon the
whole, very well written.410

An Essay by Antonio das Naves Pereira on the proper use of the

language of the Portuguese writers of the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries, abounds in judicious critical remarks.411 It is written
expressly to condemn the gallicizing (a Francezia) of modern
Portuguese. This learned philologist and critic is likewise the author
of a comparative view of the language and manner of the principal
Portuguese poets with particular reference to the peculiarities of
each style of poetry.412

The want of a work which might in the strict sense of the term be
called a complete theory of criticism, does not appear to have yet
been felt by the Portuguese. A compendium of rhetorick by Antonio
Teixeira de Magalhaens was published in the year 1782;413 and a few
years after a French art of rhetorick by Gisbert, as translated into
Portuguese.414
 CONCLUSION.

COMPARISON OF PORTUGUESE AND SPANISH

LITERATURE.
On a general comparison of the treasures of the polite learning of
Spain with the poetry and eloquence of Portugal, there will appear
on the Spanish side a balance of literary riches, but not of genius
and cultivation. The heroic romances, the satire of Cervantes, and
the dramatic poetry of the Spaniards, still preponderate, though the
epic poem of Camoens, and all the beautiful and singular
productions of Portuguese pastoral poetry be weighed in the
opposite scale. The greater number of the old Portuguese lyric
poets, does not, as to intrinsic value, raise the Portuguese lyric
poetry above the Spanish. The dramatic works of Gil Vicente, which
are completely thrown into shade by those of Lope de Vega and
Calderon, would still be eclipsed, did they even possess the riper
cultivation of the few dramas of Saa da Miranda, Ferreira, and
Vasconcellos; which, however, is again more than counterbalanced
by the dramatic energy and lofty poetry of the works of Moreto,
Antonio de Solis, and other Spanish authors. But in a general view of
the poetic genius of both nations, it would be wrong to overlook the
different extent of the territories to which the two languages belong,
or to forget that in the style of romantic pastoral poetry, which
shines so brilliantly in Spanish literature, the Portuguese instructed
the Spaniards, and never were excelled by them. Generally speaking
it may be said, that in no earnest literary competition between the
Portuguese and the Spaniards, have the former ever suffered
themselves to be outdone by the latter. Accidental circumstances,
not want of energy, prevented the Portuguese from keeping pace
with the Spaniards in dramatic poetry; and under these
circumstances no serious competition could arise. In the cultivation
of modern eloquence both nations have at last advanced to nearly
the same degree of improvement.

Portuguese poetry is no less national than the Spanish. The

tendency to orientalism, with which the Spaniards have been so
frequently reproached, was, in like manner, a characteristic of the
poetic genius of the Portuguese, until the general influence of
French taste produced a remarkable change in manners and in
literature. To form a just estimate of the works of Saa de Miranda,
Camoens, Rodriguez Lobo, and the other principal Portuguese poets,
it is not the Greek or Latin, and by no means the French rule of
criticism, which ought to be made the measure of poetic excellence.
From a right understanding of what really constitutes natural and
ideal poetry, is derived the only true principle whereby the judgment
ought here to be guided in forming its decision. Keeping this
principle in view, attention must be paid to local circumstances,
which, whenever ancient or modern poetry has arisen out of the
poetic perception of nature and human life, rather than out of
reading, or philosophic and critical abstractions, give to the poetic
creations of the mind the true impress of reality;—and, amidst
realities, the poets of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries lived.
These poets sufficiently satisfied their contemporaries and their age,
but they had no wish to recommend themselves to posterity by a
theoretically cultivated and universal style of poetry. Their poetic
world is, accordingly, something more than a mere imaginary world;
and what they only wrote to please themselves and their
contemporaries, must increase in value with every succeeding
century; because the circumstances under which such a style of
poetry could arise, are gradually becoming more and more rare.

END OF VOL. II.

AND OF THE HISTORY OF PORTUGUESE LITERATURE.

E. Justins, Printer, 41, Brick Lane, Whitechapel.

 ERRATA VOLUME II.

Page 103, l. 2 from the top, for farcas read farças.

110, l. 3 from the top, for rareshow read rareeshow.
115, l. 3 from the top, for prediliction read predilection.
120, l. 1 first note, for a ode read an ode.
134, l. 7 from the top, for opening Ferreira’s tragedy Ferreira’s
tragedy.
164, l. 2 of the note,for hrone read throne.
165, l. 7 from the top,for the poetic survey read this poetic
survey.
199, l. 11 from the top, for redondillas read redondilhas.
211, l. 7 from the top, espistles read epistles.
233, l. 10 from the top, for exercisesd read exercised.
252, l. 6 from the top, for remaind read remained.
302, l. 14 from the top, for stile read style.
313, l. 2 from the bottom of the second note, for he read the.
318, l. 6 from the bottom, for a more natural dignified read a
more natural and dignified.
324, l. 10 from the bottom, for antithesis read antitheses.
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 FOOTNOTES:
1 See the History of Spanish Literature, p. 12 and 17.

2 The Portuguese of former times never resigned the

common denomination of Spaniards to the inhabitants of
the Castilian monarchy. They invariably styled the
Spaniards Castelhanos. Even in the late edition of the
poems of Camões, that writer, who composed only a few
trifles in Castilian verse, is distinguished by the title of
Principe dos Poetas de Hespanha, (Prince of Spanish
poets).

3 Detailed information concerning the settling of French

knights in Portugal, under Henry of Burgundy, may be
found in Manuel Faria y Sousa’s well known work:—Europa
Portuguesa, v. i. p. 448.

4 See the History of Spanish Literature, p. 17.

5 Further information on this subject is contained in Manuel

de Faria y Sousa’s Europa Portuguesa, vol. iii. p. 378,
whence all these particulars are derived.

6 It is difficult to collect any sense from the words. Those

who understand Portuguese may try their skill on the
following specimen:—

Tinhe rabos nom tinhe rabos

Tal a tal ca monta?
Tinheradesme, nom tinheradesme,
 De là vinherasdes, de cà filharedes,
Ca amabia tudo em soma.
Per mil goyvos trebalhando
Oy oy vos lombrego
Algorem se cada folgança
Asmey cu: porque do terrenho
Nom ha hi tal perchego.

The above fragment is contained in the Europa

Portuguesa, vol. iii. p. 379.—Dieze has also printed it in his
Remarks on Velasquez.

7 Two complete songs by Egaz Moniz are given in the work

of Manuel de Faria y Sousa already mentioned, vol. iii. p.
380. One commences as follows:—

Bem satisfeita ficades

Corpo doyro
Alegrade a quem amardes,
Que ei jà moyro.
Ei bos rogo bos lembredes
Ca bos quije
A que dolos nom abedes
Que bos fije.
Cambastes a Pertigal
Por Castilla
A amade o mei mal
Que dor me filha.

8 There is no poetry in the specimens quoted by Faria y

Sousa. For example the following:—

A Juliam et Horpas a saa grei daminhos,

 Que em sembra cò os netos de Agar fornezinhos
Huna atimarom prasmada fazanha,
Ca Muza, et Zariph com basta campanha
De juso da sina do Miramolino
Com falsa infançom et Prestes maligno
De Cepta aduxerom ao Solar Espanha.
Et porque era força, adarve, et foçado
Da Betica Almina, et o seu Casteval
O Conde por Encha, et pro comunal
Em tarra os encreos poyarom a Saagrado,
El Gibaraltar, maguer que adordado,
Et co compridouro per saa defensaõ,
Pello susodeto sem algo de afaõ
Presto foy delles entrado et filhado.

9 See Barbosa Machado, article Dionis.

10 The changes which the name Alphonso undergoes in

Spanish and Portuguese may mislead persons who are not
intimate with those languages. In Spanish it is
indiscriminately either Alfonso or Alonzo; the latter form,
however, is chiefly used in common life. In Portuguese,
from the natural tendency of that language to omit the
letter l, the name is invariably pronounced and written
Affonso.

11 This poem is given by Barbosa Machado, under the head

D. Pedro I.—As it is written in the Castilian language, it
would be out of place in a collection of specimens of
Portuguese poetry. The Portuguese songs of Pedro I. are
included in Garcia de Resende’s Cancioneiro.

12 The Spanish Don becomes Dom in Portuguese.

13 See the History of Spanish Literature, p. 49.

 14 Manuel de Faria y Sousa has printed it in his Discurso de
los Sonetos, prefixed to his Fuente Aganippe, that is to
say, his poems, vol. i. The language and style of this
sonnet are sufficiently ancient.

Bom Vasco de Lobeyra, e de gram sem,

de pram que vos av des hem contado,
o feito de Armadis, o namorado,
sem quedar ende por contarhi rem.

E tanto vos aprougue, e a tambem,

que vos seredes sempre ende loado,
eu entre os homes hos por bo mentado,
que vos eram adeante, e que hora hem.

Maes porque vos fizestes a fremosa

Breoranja amarendoudo hu nom amarom
esto, combade, e contra sà vontade.

Ca eu hey gram dò de a ver queixosa,

por sa gram fremosura, e sa bondade,
e ber porque o sim amor nom lho pagarom.

15 One of these sonnets is printed, as a specimen, in the

before-mentioned Discurso de los Sonetos. There is in the
antiquated diction a degree of precision which
approximates to the style of the original:—

Vinha Amor por o campo trebelhando

com sà fremosa Madre, e sàs donzellas;
el rindo, e cheo de lédice entre ellas,
ja de arco, e de sas setas nom curando.

Brioranja hi a sazom sia pensando

 na gram coita que ella ha, e vendo aquellas
setas de Amor, filha em sa mano huna dellas,
e metea no arco, e vayse andando.

Des hi volveo o rosto hu Amor sia.

Her, disse: ay traidor que me has falido;
en prenderey de ti crua vendita.

Largou a mano, quedou Amor ferido:

e catando a sa sestra endoa do grita,
hay merce, a Brioranja que fogia.

16 See Sarmiento’s Obras Posthumas, p. 323.

17 The Cronica do Condestabre de Portugal Nun Alvarez

Pereyra, printed in gothic letters at Lisbon 1526, in folio,
may serve for an example. That this chronicle was
composed about the end of the fourteenth century is a
fact which admits of no doubt. Though written quite in the
dry style of the chronicles, yet the author seems to have
had a vague idea of historical arrangement; and he
sometimes aims at a certain degree of skill and eloquence
in antithesis. Thus in the preface, which commences in
the following manner:—

Antigamente foy costume fazerem memoria das cousas

que se faziam, assi erradas, como dos valentes e nobres
feitos; dos erros, porque dellos soubessem guardar, e dos
valentes e nobres feitos, aos boõs fizessem cobiça a ver
peras cousas semelhantes fazerem.

With this artificial commencement, the simplicity of the

following passage forms a remarkable contrast:—

E por nom fazer longo prollego (prologo), farei aqui

começo em este virtuoso Senhor, do qual veo o valente y
 muy virtuoso conde estabre Dom Nunalvaréz Pereyra. E
assi dehi em diante siguiremos nossa historia.

18 See the preceding vol. p. 74.

19 Dieze, in his Remarks on Velasquez p. 105, has printed a

commencing stanza of one of these songs, which presents
no great merit, together with a translated passage from
Argote de Molina’s Nobleza de Andalusìa.

20 Even Cervantes in his Journey to Parnassus, makes

Mercury assign to Lusitania the supplying of Amores, in
order to collect together the ingredients of romantic
poetry.

21 What is stated by Barbosa Machado shews how highly

Garcia de Resende was esteemed by his contemporaries.

22 Barbosa Machado likewise gives an account of this

collection under the head D. Pedro I. p. 540, a place in
which such a notice would scarcely be looked for.

23 This is expressly mentioned by the Spanish writer

Sarmiento, who says:—El cancionero Portuguez contiene
muchissimos mas poetas que el Castellano. Este contiene
solos los del siglo xv. pero aquel contiene algunos del
Siglo xiv.—Obras posth. p. 323.

24 It will soon be necessary to make this author the subject

of a particular notice.

25 I have met with no notice of a Romanceiro distinguished

from the Portuguese Cancioneiro by any remarkable
number of narrative romances.

26 Dieze, in his Remarks on Velasquez, p. 76, has collected

notices of the lives of those Portuguese who in the
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