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Current Trends in Contrastive Linguistics
Studies in Functional and Structural Linguistics (SFSL)
Taking the broadest and most general definitions of the terms functional and
structural, this series aims to present linguistic and interdisciplinary research that
relates language structure — at any level of analysis from phonology to discourse —
to broader functional considerations, whether cognitive, communicative, pragmatic
or sociocultural. Preference will be given to studies that focus on data from actual
discourse, whether speech, writing or other nonvocal medium.
The series was formerly known as Linguistic & Literary Studies in Eastern Europe (LLSEE).

Founding Editor Honorary Editors

John Odmark Eva Hajičová Petr Sgall
Charles University Charles University

General Editors
Yishai Tobin Ellen Contini-Morava
Ben-Gurion University of the Negev University of Virginia

Editorial Board
Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald Jim Miller
La Trobe University University of Auckland
Joan Bybee Marianne Mithun
University of New Mexico University of California, at Santa Barbara
Nicholas Evans Lawrence J. Raphael
University of Melbourne CUNY and Adelphi University
Victor A. Friedman Olga Mišeska Tomić
University of Chicago Leiden University
Anatoly Liberman Olga T. Yokoyama
University of Minnesota UCLA
James A. Matisoff
University of California, Berkeley

Volume 60
Current Trends in Contrastive Linguistics. Functional and cognitive perspectives
Edited by María de los Ángeles Gómez González, J. Lachlan Mackenzie
and Elsa M. González Álvarez
Current Trends
in Contrastive Linguistics
Functional and cognitive perspectives

Edited by

María de los Ángeles Gómez González

University of Santiago de Compostela

J. Lachlan Mackenzie
VU University Amsterdam

Elsa M. González Álvarez

University of Santiago de Compostela

John Benjamins Publishing Company

Amsterdam / Philadelphia
 TM
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of
8

American National Standard for Information Sciences – Permanence of

Paper for Printed Library Materials, ansi z39.48-1984.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Current trends in contrastive linguistics : functional and cognitive perspectives / edited

by María De Los Ángeles Gómez González, J. Lachlan Mackenzie, and Elsa M.
González Álvarez.
p. cm. (Studies in Functional and Structural Linguistics, issn 0165-7712 ; v. 60)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Contrastive linguistics. I. Gonzalez, Maria de los Angeles, 1971- II. Mackenzie, J.
Lachlan. III. González Alvarez, Elsa.
P134.C87 2008
410--dc22 2008037972
isbn 978 90 272 1571 0 (Hb; alk. paper)

© 2008 – John Benjamins B.V.

No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any
other means, without written permission from the publisher.
John Benjamins Publishing Co. · P.O. Box 36224 · 1020 me Amsterdam · The Netherlands
John Benjamins North America · P.O. Box 27519 · Philadelphia pa 19118-0519 · usa
 Table of contents

Contributors vii
Abbreviations used in glosses xiii
Introduction
María de los Ángeles Gómez González, J. Lachlan Mackenzie and  xv
Elsa González Álvarez

part i. Grammatical categories in contrast

Ways of impersonalizing: Pronominal vs verbal strategies 3
Anna Siewierska
Construing reference in context:  27
Non-specific reference forms in Finnish and French discussion groups
Marja-Liisa Helasvuo & Marjut Johansson
The contrast between pronoun position in European Portuguese  57
and Castilian Spanish: An application of Functional Grammar
J. Lachlan Mackenzie
Modals and typology: English and German in contrast 77
Raphael Salkie

part ii. Contrastive linguistics and corpus studies

Parallel texts and corpus-based contrastive analysis 101
Michael Barlow
Machine translation and human translation: Using machine  123
translation engines and corpora for teaching and research
Belinda Maia
‘Basically speaking’: A corpus-based analysis of three English adverbs  147
and their formal equivalents in Spanish
Christopher S. Butler
 Current Trends in Contrastive Linguistics: Functional and cognitive perspectives

Causative make and faire: A case of mismatch 177

Gaëtanelle Gilquin

part iii. Meaning and cognition from a contrastive perspective

Universal human concepts as a basis for contrastive linguistic semantics 205
Cliff Goddard & Anna Wierzbicka
Subjective construal as a ‘fashion of speaking’ in Japanese 227
Yoshihiko Ikegami
Grammatical metonymy within the ‘action’ frame in English and Spanish 251
Francisco José Ruiz de Mendoza & María Sandra Peña Cervel
Towards a constructionist account of secondary predication with  281
verba dicendi et declarandi in English and Spanish
Francisco Gonzálvez García
Index of terms 323
Index of languages 329
Index of scholars 331
 Contributors

Michael Barlow is Associate Professor of Applied Language Studies at the University

of Auckland, New Zealand. He obtained his doctorate in Linguistics from Stanford
University and his thesis, A Situated Theory of Agreement, appeared in the Garland
Outstanding Dissertations series (1992). His current research interests are in the areas
of corpus linguistics, including the use of corpora in translation studies and in the
teaching of languages. He is the author of several text analysis programs (MonoConc,
ParaConc, and Collocate) and has compiled a corpus of Spoken Professional American
English. He is on the editorial board for Languages in Contrast and the International
Journal of Corpus Linguistics.
E-mail: [email protected]
Christopher s. Butler is Honorary Professor in the Department of Applied Linguistics
at the University of Wales, Swansea, UK. He has published several books and over
50 articles on a range of topics, including functional linguistics, computational and
statistical techniques of language study, and corpus linguistics, especially as applied
to the functionally-oriented study of English and Spanish. His Structure and Func-
tion: A Guide to Three Major Structural-Functional Theories (John Benjamins 2003)
offers, in two volumes, a detailed comparison of Functional Grammar, Role & Reference
Grammar and Systemic Functional Grammar. Other books recently co-edited are The
Dynamics of Language Use: Functional and Contrastive Perspectives (John Benjamins
2005) and Functional Perspectives on Grammar and Discourse (John Benjamins 2007).
E-mail: [email protected]
Gaëtanelle Gilquin is a researcher for the Belgian National Fund for Scientific
Research (FNRS) at the Catholic University of Louvain. She has mainly worked on
causative constructions, using a combination of corpus linguistics and cognitive
linguistics. She has also investigated the link between contrastive and learner corpus
research and applied this integrated contrastive model to English and French peri-
phrastic causative constructions. More recently, she has become interested in highly
polysemous verbs from a cross-linguistic perspective, as well as in the notion of proto-
typicality and its implications for foreign language teaching.
E-mail: [email protected]
Cliff Goddard is a Professor in Linguistics at the University of New England, Australia.
In the 1980s he published a grammar, a dictionary, and a number of scholarly
articles on dialects of the Western Desert Language (Central Australia); in the 1990s
his attention turned to Malay (Bahasa Melayu). He works primarily in the natural
 Current Trends in Contrastive Linguistics: Functional and cognitive perspectives

semantic metalanguage (NSM) framework originated by Anna Wierzbicka. They

have co-edited Semantic and Lexical Universals (John Benjamins 1994), Meaning and
Universal Grammar (John Benjamins 2002), and Cultural Scripts (special issue of Inter-
cultural Pragmatics 2004), and Goddard is the sole editor of Ethnopragmatics (Mouton
de Gruyter 2006) and Cross-Linguistic Semantics (John Benjamins 2008). He has also
published the textbooks Semantic Analysis (1998) and The Languages of East and
Southeast Asia (2005), both with OUP.
E-mail: [email protected]
María de los Ángeles Gómez González is Full Professor of English Language and
Linguistics at the University of Santiago de Compostela, Spain. Her research interests
include the interfaces between grammar and discourse and between language produc-
tion and linguistic structure, paying particular attention to the areas of grammar, infor-
mation structure, coherence and cohesion, especially in English, but with comparisons
with Spanish and Galician. Her books are The Theme-Topic Interface: Evidence from
English (authored, John Benjamins 2001), A New Architecture for Functional Grammar
(co-edited, Mouton de Gruyter 2004), Studies in Functional Discourse Grammar (co-
edited, Lang 2005), The Dynamics of Language Use: Functional and Contrastive Perspec-
tives (co-edited, John Benjamins 2005) and Languages and Cultures in Contrast and
Comparison (co-edited, John Benjamins 2008).
E-mail: [email protected]
Elsa González Álvarez is a Lecturer in English at the University of Santiago de
Compostela, Spain. Her early work concentrated on L2 learners’ lexical strategies
(Adquisición y aprendizaje del léxico de una L2, 1999), moving on to consider problem-
solving strategies in L2 oral communication, in particular morphological creativity
and word coinage, cf. her Phd dissertation (Lexical Innovation in the Oral Production
of English by Spanish Learners), and book Interlanguage Lexical Innovation (Lincom
Europa 2004). Lately, she has taken a cognitive approach to the acquisition of L2
prepositions and studied the effect of manipulating task complexity on L2 acquisition
(article in Investigating Tasks in Formal Language Learning, Maria del Pilar García-Mayo
ed., Multilingual Matters 2006).
E-mail: [email protected]
Francisco Gonzálvez García is Lecturer in English Language and Linguistics, Uni-
versity of Almería, Spain. His research interests centre on syntax, semantics and prag-
matics from functionalist, cognitivist and constructionist perspectives. The direction
of his Phd thesis The syntax-semantics interface in complex-transitive complementa-
tion in contemporary English (University of Bologna) is reflected in his article “A mo-
dality view of predicate selection in small clauses” (Texas Linguistic Forum 1997). His
most recent publications have been devoted to the comparison of models (“Mapping
functional-cognitive space”, co-authored, Annual Review of Cognitive Linguistics
2006), the Goldbergian analysis of passive verbless configurations (“Passives without
 Contributors 

actives: evidence from verbless complement clauses in Spanish”, Constructions

SV1-5/2006) and the whole family of object-related depictives in English and Spanish
(forthcoming in Language Sciences).
E-mail: [email protected]
Marja-Liisa Helasvuo is Professor of Finnish at the Department of Finnish and
General Linguistics at the University of Turku. She received her MA in Finnish
Language at the University of Helsinki, and her Phd in Linguistics at the University
of California, Santa Barbara. Her research interests lie in the area of interactional
linguistics, where she has focused on the relationship between syntax and conversa-
tional organization. She has also studied adult-child interaction and interaction with
aphasic speakers. She is the author of Syntax in the Making (John Benjamins 2001) and
co-editor (with Lyle Campbell) of Grammar from the Human Perspective: Case, Space,
and Person in Finnish (John Benjamins 2006) as well as having published numerous
research articles.
E-mail: [email protected]
Yoshihiko Ikegami is Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo (English) and
teaches at Showa Women’s University. A Yale Phd (1969), he has been invited to
universities across the world. Among his major publications are Eishi no Bumpo
(Grammar of English Poetry, 1976), The Semological Structure of the English Verbs of
Motion (1970), Imiron (Semantics, 1975), suru to naru no Gengogaku (Linguistics of
doing and becoming, 1981), Shigaku to Bunka-Kigoron (Poetics and Cultural Semiotics,
1983), Kigoron e no Shotai (Invitation to Semiotics, 1984), and (ed.) The Empire of
Signs: Semiotic Essays on Japanese Culture (1989), Eibumpo o Kangaeru (Rethinking
English Grammar, 1991), and Shizen to Bunka no Kigoron (Semiotics of Nature and
Culture, 2002).
E-mail: [email protected]
Marjut Johansson is Professor of French Language at the University of Turku, Finland.
Her research interests lie in the areas of pragmatics, interaction analysis and socio-
linguistics as well as foreign language teaching and learning at the university level.
She has been working on different genres of mediated interaction, notably on political
media interviews (Recontextualisation du discours d’autrui: Discours représenté dans
l’interview politique médiatique, 2000). She is also interested in multilingualism, in
language policies and practices in the European Union and in ideologies and attitudes
concerning languages. In this area she is co-editor (with R. Pyykkö) of the book Moni-
kielinen Eurooppa – kielipolitiikkaa ja käytäntöä (Multilingualism in Europe: Language
policies and practices; Gaudeamus 2005).
E-mail: [email protected]
J. Lachlan Mackenzie is Honorary Professor of Functional Linguistics at VU Univer-
sity Amsterdam, Netherlands and works at ILTEC (Lisbon, Portugal) as a Consultant
in Languages and Linguistics. His professional interests are mainly in the analysis of
 Current Trends in Contrastive Linguistive: Functional and cognitive perspectives

Western European languages from the perspective of Functional Discourse Grammar

(FDG). Among recent books co-edited in this area are A New Architecture for
Functional Grammar (Mouton de Gruyter 2004), Crucial Readings in Functional
Grammar (Mouton de Gruyter 2005), Studies in Functional Discourse Grammar (Lang
2005) and Languages and Cultures in Contrast and Comparison (John Benjamins 2008).
He is co-author, with Kees Hengeveld, of Functional Discourse Grammar (OUP 2008).
E-mail: [email protected]
Belinda Maia is an Associate Professor at the University of Oporto, Portugal and
a member of the research institute “Centro de Linguística da Universidade do
Porto”. She teaches and researches in the areas of contrastive linguistics, transla-
tion, information technology applied to translation, and terminology. She has
published a wide variety of articles at a national and international level and is
supervisor of the PoloCLUP branch of the Linguateca project (see http://www.
linguateca.pt) which has produced some interesting software tools for the study of
corpora, terminology and machine translation. She is at present coordinator of a
Master’s degree in Terminology and Translation.
E-mail: [email protected]
Maria Sandra Peña Cervel is a Lecturer in English Grammar, Pragmatics and Cogni-
tive Linguistics at the National University of Distance Education (UNED) in Madrid,
Spain. Her main research interests concern the organization of knowledge in the
form of Idealized Cognitive Models, and recently the way in which Role & Refer-
ence Grammar and Cognitive Linguistics can complement each other. Her Cognitive
Linguistics: Internal Dynamics and Interdisciplinary Interaction (co-edited, Mouton
de Gruyter 2005) compiles chapters by several leading cognitive linguists. She has
published several articles in leading journals. Her book Topology and Cognition (Lincom
Europa 2003) has been translated into Korean (Hankook Publishing Company 2006).
E-mail: [email protected]
Francisco José Ruiz de Mendoza is Professor of English Linguistics and Dean of
the Faculty of Humanities and Education, University of La Rioja, Spain. He works
in cognitive linguistics, inferential pragmatics, functional grammar and their applica-
tions to language acquisition, cognitive modelling, and lexicology. He has published
two books on metonymy and some 100 articles and book chapters. He is co-editor
of Cognitive Linguistics: Internal Dynamics and Interdisciplinary Interaction (Mouton
de Gruyter 2005), and Cognitive Linguistics: Current Applications and Future Perspec-
tives (Mouton de Gruyter 2006). He is the editor of the Annual Review of Cognitive
Linguistics and serves on the editorial and scientific boards of various journals.
E-mail: [email protected]
Raphael Salkie is Professor of Language Studies at the University of Brighton, UK.
His research interests are in contrastive linguistics and translation studies using mul-
tilingual corpora, and tense and modality in English, French and German. He has
 Contributors 

developed the intersect translation corpus of English, French and German. He is

co-editor of Modality in English: Theory and Description, a selection of papers from
the 2004 Pau conference on modality in English, to be published by Mouton in 2008.
He is currently working on a book about the expression of future time in the languages
of Europe.
E-mail: [email protected]
Anna Siewierska has been Professor of Linguistics and Human Communication in the
Department of Linguistics and English Language at Lancaster University, UK, since
1994, having earlier worked in Australia, Poland and the Netherlands. Her major re-
search interests are in language typology, the comparison of different theoretical frame-
works, diachronic change, discourse pragmatics and most recently the morphosyntax
of English dialects. Her books to date are The Passive: A Comparative Linguistic Analysis
(Croom Helm 1984), Word Order Rules (Croom Helm 1988), Functional Grammar
(Routledge 1991), Constituent Order in the Lan­guages of Europe (edited, Mouton de
Gruyter 1997), Case, Grammar and Typology (co-edited, John Benjamins 1998), Person
(CUP 2004) and Universals and Universal Grammar (OUP, forthcoming).
E-mail: [email protected]
Anna Wierzbicka is Professor of Linguistics at the Australian National University. Her
work spans a number of disciplines, including anthropology, psychology, cognitive
science, philosophy and religious studies as well as linguistics, and she has published
in many journals across all these disciplines. She has lectured extensively at universities
in Europe, America and Asia and is the author of numerous books, including Cross-
Cultural Pragmatics (Mouton de Gruyter 1991, 2nd edition 2003), Semantics: Primes and
Universals (OUP 1996), Understanding Cultures through Their Keywords (OUP 1997),
Emotions across Languages and Cultures: Diversity and Universals (CUP 1999), What
Did Jesus Mean? Explaining the Sermon on the Mount and the Parables in Simple and Uni-
versal Human Concepts (OUP 2001), and English: Meaning and Culture (OUP 2006).
E-mail: [email protected]
 Abbreviations used in glosses

Where morphological glosses are applied in this book, they follow the Leipzig
Glossing Rules.
1 first person ines inessive
2 second person inf infinitive
3 third person inter interrogative
a1 first argument ipfv imperfective
a2 second argument loc locative
a3 third argument m masculine
abe abessive n neuter
acc accusative neg negative
act.ptcp active participle nom nominative
ade adessive obj object
aff affirmative obl oblique
all allative pass passive
aux auxiliary path path
clt clitic particle pers person marker (of the finnish passive)
comp complementizer pfv perfective
cond conditional mood pl plural
conf confirmatory particle poss possessive
dat dative prep preposition
dep dependent pron pronoun
det determiner prox proximate
dist distal prs present
ela elative pst past
ess essive pst.ptcp past participle
exclam exclamative ptcp participle
f feminine ptv partitive
fut future purp purpose
gen genitive refl reflexive
ger gerund refl.pass reflex passive
ill illative rel relativizer
imp imperative mood sbjv subjunctive
indep independent sg singular
indf indefinite tran transitive
 Introduction

María de los Ángeles Gómez González,

J. Lachlan Mackenzie & Elsa González Álvarez
University of Santiago de Compostela, Spain/VU University, Netherlands/
University of Santiago de Compostela, Spain

This book is devoted to exploring the contribution of various recent developments in

current linguistics to the contrastive analysis of languages. It offers twelve chapters in
all, each of which develops a presentation given to the Fourth International Contrastive
Linguistics Conference (ICLC4), which took place in Santiago de Compostela, Galicia,
Spain from 20 to 23 September 2005. It is a companion volume to Gómez González,
Mackenzie and Álvarez González (2008), which arose from the same conference but
focuses on socio-cultural contrasts between language communities.1 The chapters of
the present book similarly range across a broad gamut of languages, with most atten-
tion being given to those of Europe. It is characteristic of all these chapters that the
phenomena examined are not seen as autonomous but as reflecting in various ways the
cognitive and interactive strategies of language users. For most of the authors, too, there
is an explicit or implicit desire that their work should be accessible and applicable in the
daily practice of translators and language teachers. The book as a whole gives insight
into how developments in theory and in the application of computer technology are
advancing the field of contrastive linguistics.

1. Grammatical categories in contrast

Current Trends in Contrastive Linguistics begins with four chapters that show how
developments in grammatical theory are helping scholars to provide more sophis-
ticated accounts of the similarities and differences between languages. The chapters
emphasize the relationships between contrastive linguistics and language typology
as well as the importance of embedding the treatment of grammatical categories in
their pragmatic contexts of use. In this sense, they all contribute to the development
of ‘functional-typological linguistics’, to use Givón’s (1984) term for the tradition

. For further papers from the same conference, see Studies in Contrastive Linguistics (Santiago
de Compostela University Press, 2006), co-edited by Cristina Mourón Figueroa and Teresa Iciar
Moralejo Gárate.
 María de los Ángeles Gómez González, J. Lachlan Mackenzie & Elsa González Álvarez

of considering language universals and differences from the viewpoint of interper-

sonal communication, a tradition that can be traced back to Greenberg (1963). The
four chapters show, each with its particular methods and emphases, not only how
typology induces implication hierarchies from the comparison of multiple languages
(Siewierska) but also how typology can impact the core business of contrastive
linguists, i.e., the confrontation of pairs of languages: in providing cross-linguistic
categories that provide a secure foundation for contrastive corpus analysis (Helasvuo
and Johansson), through the development of grammatical theories that reveal
unsuspected contrasts and generalizations (Mackenzie), and by identifying struc-
tured domains of meaning – typological clusters – which provide a unified context
for language comparison (Salkie).
The first chapter is by the distinguished typologist Anna Siewierska, who explores
the use of the impersonal third person plural (3pl) construction (They say that …)
across the languages of Europe. The fundamental hypothesis is that the referential
range of the construction in any one language correlates with the degree of its gram-
maticalization. It emerges that, of the various impersonal constructions found in
the 31 languages examined, it is the third person plural construction that is most
restricted in its reference, typically excluding speaker and hearer, and normally indi-
cating a plural referent. The minority of languages that do permit an individual read-
ing are those in which the third person plural morphemes are expressed solely by
bound forms, as in Hebrew or Italian. The data suggests a tripartition of languages:
the few that allow the individual reading, those permitting at best only a ‘joint specific
activity’ reading and those limited to ‘organizational group use’; these are arranged in
an implicational hierarchy.
The study of impersonal constructions is also central to the following chapter,
by Marja-Liisa Helasvuo and Marjut Johansson. Whereas Siewierska gathered her
data from an extensive questionnaire, Helasvuo and Johansson have adopted a radi-
cally different methodology, examining data drawn from internet forum discussions
in Finnish and French on the new currency, the Euro. Their interest is above all in
understanding how participants in these discussions place themselves in the discourse
world and in indicating how ‘non-specific reference forms’ serve this goal. They focus
on the passive in both languages and on certain 3rd person forms, namely the French
pronoun on and the so-called zero person in Finnish. The authors’ characterization
of the contexts of use of each construction suggests that the French passive and the
Finnish zero person are used in parallel contexts (where the communicator wishes
to generalize), and that the French on construction and the Finnish passive are both
deployed to create alliances among the participants.
The following chapter, by J. Lachlan Mackenzie, uses the typologically oriented
model of Functional Grammar (FG) to tackle the contrast between object pronoun
position in Castilian Spanish and European Portuguese and to engage with current
 Introduction 

debates on this matter. The treatment of syntax in FG ascribes particular importance

to the clause-initial position P1, and Mackenzie argues that the positioning of pro-
nouns in the two languages under comparison follows from differences in the occu-
pancy of P1. The placement of syntactic constituents in P1 is shown, in typically
typological-functionalist style, to be strongly associated with such pragmatic factors
as Topic-Focus distribution and illocutionary force. The approach is shown to have
consequences for the analysis of Subject in the two languages, and a case is made for
treating the Subject of ‘pro-drop’ languages as being in an appositional relationship to
the verb, finite or non-finite; its placement in the syntactic string is dependent, again,
on pragmatic factors.
The final chapter of this section, by Raphael Salkie, introduces the notion of a
typological cluster, a development of prototype theory. This notion is applied to the
domain of modality and more specifically to the modal verbs of English and German.
A typological cluster is any collection of linguistic features which have typological sig-
nificance: an example would be the famous transitivity prototype of Hopper & Thompson
(1980). Since typological work on modality is still in its infancy, working with clusters
is more sensible in this area than advancing the stronger claims associated with hier-
archies or conspiracies. On this basis, Salkie approaches the data, which are drawn
from a translation corpus, in the light of the four clustered criteria of possibility/neces-
sity, epistemic/deontic modality, subjectivity and scalarity. In this way he lays bare
similarities and differences between the language systems, showing how each modal
expression can be evaluated in its own terms with relation to the core identified by
the cluster.

2. Contrastive linguistics and corpus studies

The second section focuses more strongly on methodological issues, exploring the
enormous potential offered by parallel, computer-accessible corpora to the further
development of contrastive linguistics. A recurrent theme here is the contribution of
these relatively new forms of data-gathering to enhancing the testability, authentic-
ity and general empirical adequacy of cross-linguistic studies. The trend nowadays is
towards more nuanced approaches to difference and equivalence, with old-fashioned
one-to-one comparisons yielding to text-wide calculations of the relative frequency of
supposed equivalents and to statistically supported statements about the collocations of
alternatives. In translation studies, this has permitted much more refined notions of cor-
respondence between source and target (Barlow) and better-founded statements about
collocational fit (Maia and Butler). In various applied areas such as language pedagogy
and terminology mining, we see how linguistically informed computer programs are
now revealing vital advantages (Maia). In descriptive linguistics, too, computer-assisted
 María de los Ángeles Gómez González, J. Lachlan Mackenzie & Elsa González Álvarez

corpus work is showing that cognates, once ignored or assumed to be unproblemati-

cally ‘the same’, in fact differ appreciably from language to language (Butler, Gilquin).
The section begins with chapters outlining two major projects in corpus-driven
contrastive linguistics. The first of these is by Michael Barlow, who presents his paral-
lel concordancer ParaConc and illustrates its uses. He applies this tool, analogously to
Salkie in the last chapter of the preceding section, to a corpus of translated texts (English
and French) with a view to identifying recurrent patterns in them; the congruence
that is uncovered is argued to be a truer and more textually valid type of equivalence.
He focuses on the pair go and aller, gradually taking the reader ever deeper into the
analytical possibilities afforded by the program, showing how it can automatically
locate translation equivalents. Of particular importance is the frequency of collocates,
and Barlow stresses their relevance for determining equivalent collocations in the
languages compared, or more precisely the text types compared.
The second instrument for corpus research described here is Corpógrafo, a user-
friendly and readily accessible suite of on-line tools created by PoloCLUP, a project of
the Linguateca resource centre in Oporto, headed by Belinda Maia. Maia sets out its
importance for the construction and analysis of corpora and explains the nature of
the databases that have already been created with it. The various tools that have been
developed are shown to have important pedagogical uses as well as allowing termi-
nology extraction, concordancing, and the elaboration of text statistics. The chapter
details how the tools can illuminate multiple problems in English–Portuguese transla-
tion and demonstrates their usefulness for the assessment of machine translation. An
important conclusion from the application of these techniques is that the lexicon has a
much stronger influence on language structure than has generally been thought.
The lexicon is central to Christopher S. Butler’s contribution, which demonstrates
the potential of corpus analysis in the form of an interesting case study. At issue are
the properties of the English adverbs basically, essentially and fundamentally – which
dictionaries define in similar terms – as contrasted, on the basis of a thorough consulta-
tion of large bodies of authentic textual materials in both languages, with the related
forms in Spanish, básicamente, esencialmente and fundamentalmente. After describing
the text collections and analytical methodologies used, the chapter sets out the frequency
distributions of the adverbs in the corpora of spoken and written English and Spanish.
Butler then analyses the collocational profiles of each of the adverbs in order to detect
the semantic areas associated with each. The chapter ends with a corpus-based analysis
of the syntactic (particularly positional) properties of each adverb. This analysis reveals
that the apparently similar items in fact display major differences, a fact that has thought-
provoking consequences for the practices of linguistics and language teaching.
In similar vein, Gaëtanelle Gilquin in the final chapter of this section uses data
from parallel corpora to debunk any notion that causative make and faire are direct
equivalents in English and French respectively. Her study reveals that this is far from
 Introduction 

being the case. In fact, applying the concept of ‘mutual translatability’, she finds that the
two verbs correspond to one another in only a small minority of cases. A number of
explanations are given for this lack of equivalence. Gilquin shows that make and faire
differ with regard to such matters as the animacy of the causer, the nominal or pro-
nominal status of the cause and the transitivity of the non-finite complement as well as
the existence in French of causeeless constructions which have no direct equivalent in
English (cf. faire remarquer ‘lit. make notice; observe’; faire oublier ‘lit. make forget; dis-
tract attention from’). The result is a nuanced description of similarities and differences
that epitomizes the descriptive potential of the corpus-based contrastive method.

3. Meaning and cognition from a contrastive perspective

The final section, again with four chapters, turns to various aspects of the contrastive
analysis of meaning, starting from the lexical concerns that were raised in the final chap-
ters of the preceding section and then gradually moving out to the meaning of entire
constructions. The theoretical frameworks applied are those of Natural Semantic Meta-
language, Cognitive Grammar and Construction Grammar. In all these approaches,
meaning is not seen as propositional or subject to truth conditions. Rather, a broader
view is taken, which may even encompass imagery. The objective representation of real-
ity is coupled to language-specific cognitive strategies and even to cultural differences
in subjective awareness and the fashioning of personal identity. The result is a grow-
ing area of research which studies cross-linguistic differences between meanings and
between forms of meaning creation, holding out the prospect of a semantic typology, to
use the term to which Levinson & Wilkins (2006) have given initial currency.
The section starts with a study of the relevance of the Natural Semantic Metalan-
guage (NSM) approach to the contrastive study of languages and the cultures in which
they are used. The authors are the leading proponents of this approach, Cliff Goddard
and Anna Wierzbicka. Contrastive semantics, they insist, needs a tertium comparatio-
nis that is stable and language-neutral and represents the conceptualization of native
speakers in maximum detail. The authors argue that NSM offers exactly these advan-
tages, analysing data from Polish, Russian, Spanish, Galician and Australian English
to support their case with regard to expressions of yearning and nostalgia as well as
morphological diminutives. The method yields explications that lack the ethnocen-
trism of standard western semantic terminology and are easily accessible to speakers
of the languages under analysis.
An analogous concern with avoiding the pitfalls of a purely propositional approach
to meaning characterizes the chapter by Yoshihiko Ikegami. His central point is that
Japanese differs essentially from English and other western languages in privileging
subjective construal. Rather than objectifying the conceptualizer, the Japanese ‘fashion
 María de los Ángeles Gómez González, J. Lachlan Mackenzie & Elsa González Álvarez

of speaking’ – to employ Whorf ’s (1956) phrase – involves the speaker-cognizer in the

very scene s/he is construing. The self is embedded in the environment as an ecological
self that may be projected into the other. This point is illustrated with examples taken
from published renderings of Japanese literary extracts into French, German and English,
in which the formulations in the original are ‘perceiverless’ in a way that cannot be
captured in the translations. The lesson to be learned is that a cognitively oriented
linguistics must be open to both objective and subjective language types.
It is Cognitive Linguistics (CL) that provides the framework for the chapter by
Francisco José Ruiz de Mendoza Ibáñez and María Sandra Peña Cervel. They show
that CL’s intricate and systematic theory of metaphor and metonymy offers tools
with which to understand not only lexical questions but also, at a higher level, entire
syntactico-semantic constructions and the alternations between them. Examining data
from English and Spanish, the authors concentrate on the middle construction (The
bread cuts easily; El pan se corta fácilmente) and the causative/inchoative alternation
(He opened the door/The door opened; Abrió la puerta/Se abrió la puerta). Their CL
method reveals how the two languages share the construction but also how they differ
as a consequence of divergent conceptual strategies: thus in Spanish inchoatives, where
there is no reduction of argument positions (cf. the examples given), the undergoer of
the process is expressed through the reflexive pronoun se, the true agent is omitted,
and the grammatical subject takes over this role.
The final chapter of the book pursues the extension of Cognitive Linguistics into
the analysis of the syntactic expression of semantic configurations, adopting the frame-
work of Construction Grammar (CxG). Francisco Gonzálvez García offers a detailed
analysis of verbless complement constructions after verbs of calling and saying in English
and Spanish (They called me a Frankenstein/Me llamaban Frankenstein). Drawing
on the British National Corpus and the CREA Corpus of Spanish, Gonzálvez García
outlines the main semantico-pragmatic motivations for treating configurations of this
type as a specific ‘declarative’ sub-construction within the ‘subjective-transitive’ con-
struction. It is shown that this sub-construction is subject to ‘constructional polysemy’
(whereby one construction neutralizes distinct but related senses) and also to ‘coercion’
(whereby the presence of one unit within a construction enforces a re-interpretation
of another). Although both languages examined possess the declarative subjective-
transitive sub-construction, the CxG method allows the author to lay bare subtle but
important distinctions between the uses that each language makes of it.

Acknowledgments

We would like to take this opportunity to thank our plenary speakers, the Conference
participants, the members of the Organizing and the Scientific Committee, as well as
 Introduction 

our collaborators from other Departments of the Faculty of Philology at the University
of Santiago de Compostela (USC): their involvement in and assistance on the occasion
of the celebration of ICLC4 were the first contribution towards this volume.
The editors are also grateful to the following institutions and publishers who spon-
sored the conference and the publication of this volume: the USC (2004/RC066–4),
the Department of English Philology, the Xunta de Galicia (Consellería de Educación
e Ordenación Universitaria; XUGA 2005/000070–0), Consellería de Innovación,
Industria e Comercio (XUGA IN 811A 2005/63–0), Dirección Xeral de Investigación,
Desenvolvemento e Innovación (XUGA 2004/RC066–2), Dirección Xeral de Promo-
ción Científica e Tecnolóxica do Sistema Universitario de Galicia (Rede de lingua e
literatura inglesa e identidade, XUGA 2007/000145–0), the European Regional Devel-
opment Fund (ERDF), the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation for supporting
the project A comparative perspective on the Grammar-Discourse Interface in English,
with special reference to Coherence and Subjectivity (HUM2007–62220) other grants
awarded are (HUM 2004 23420-E, BFF2002–02441; DGES HUM 2005–00–562/
FILO), Caja Duero, Xacobeo 2004, John Benjamins, Cambridge University Press and
Oxford University Press.

References

Givón, Talmy. 1984. Syntax: A Functional-Typological Introduction. 2 vols. Amsterdam/Phila-

delphia: John Benjamins.
Gómez González, Maria de los Ángeles, Mackenzie, J. Lachlan and González Álvarez, Elsa.
(Eds), 2008. Languages and Cultures in Contrast and Comparison. Amsterdam/Philadelphia:
John Benjamins.
Greenberg, Joseph, H. 1963. “Some universals of grammar with particular reference to the
order of meaningful elements.” In Universals of Grammar, J.H. Greenberg (Ed.), 73–113.
Cambridge MA: MIT Press.
Hopper, Paul and Thompson, Sandra, A. 1980. “Transitivity in grammar and discourse.”
Language 56(2): 251–299.
Levinson, Stephen C. and Wilkins, David, P. 2006. Grammars of Space: Explorations in Cognitive
Diversity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Whorf, Benjamin Lee. 1956. “The relation of habitual thought and behavior to language.”
In Language, Thought and Reality: Selected Writings of Benjamin Lee Whorf, 134–159.
Cambridge MA: MIT Press.
part i

Grammatical categories in contrast

 Ways of impersonalizing
Pronominal vs. verbal strategies

Anna Siewierska
Lancaster University, UK

The term impersonal is used in the literature to denote subjectless constructions,

constructions featuring only a pleonastic subject, and constructions which lack a
specified agent. This chapter focuses on the third of these types, which are often
expressed in languages by the non-personal use of personal pronouns (pronominal
impersonals) or by agentless passives, reflexive impersonals and participial
impersonals (here designated by the cover term ‘verbal impersonals’). This chapter
compares the use of pronominal impersonals, in particular that of the third person
plural with verbal impersonals, with respect to their referential range. Adopting
the principles of grammaticalization, I argue that third person plural constructions
are more referentially restricted than their verbal counterparts.

1. Introduction

The notion ‘impersonal’ as used in linguistics is a very wide and arguably disparate one
(see e.g., Siewierska 1984: 93–125, 237–251; Moreno 1987; Kitagawa & Lehrer 1990;
Bauer 2000: 93–150; Blevins 2003). This is due to the fact that while some scholars
conceive of impersonality in semantic terms, others adopt a syntactic approach and
yet others a morphological perspective. Therefore any discussion of impersonalization
must be prefaced by a specification of how exactly this term is to be interpreted.
The semantic characterizations of impersonality centre on two notions. The first
of these is human agentivity or rather the lack of it.1 Constructions which qualify as
impersonal by virtue of the lack of a human agent controlling the depicted situation

. The notion of agentivity is a highly controversial one. One reflection of this is that in Cogni-
tive Linguistics it is viewed as a radial category with prototypical instances at the centre and less
prototypical ones on the periphery. Langacker (1991: 238) defines a prototypical agent as being
“human, exercising volitional control, being an energy source, directing action outward, and
remaining basically unaffected by it”. My use of the term here covers both the prototypical and
less prototypical instantiations (intransitive actions, no necessary control of effects of action) of
agenthood provided that it involves humans.
 Anna Siewierska

or event include: (a) those expressing weather phenomena such as Está chovendo ‘It’s
raining’ in Galician and also many other European languages including English, (b)
bodily sensations and emotions such as the Irish Tá ocras orm ‘I’m hungry’ (lit. is
hunger on me) or the Latin Me pudet ‘I’m ashamed’ (lit. me shames) and (c) modality
such as the Polish Trzeba odejść ‘It’s necessary to leave’ (lit. necessary to leave). The
second semantic interpretation of impersonality has to do with reference. In contrast
to the first approach, constructions which are considered to be impersonal in this sec-
ond sense of the term depict situations and events which may be brought about by a
human agent but crucially one which is not specified. This non-specificity of the entity
bringing about the situation or event is variously understood. For some scholars it is
taken to mean no concrete person, i.e., no concrete individual or group of individuals,
for others it is interpreted as implying any person, i.e., anyone and/or everyone. These
differences in interpretation have quite significant repercussions on the nature of con-
structions which are considered to be impersonal in this semantic/referential sense of
the term. Both include within their scope the potential referents of the Portuguese se-
construction in (1) as well as its English translation featuring the generalized one.
(1) Portuguese (Cavadas Afonso 2003: 17)
Corta- se cabelos às terças.
cut.prs.3sg refl.3sg hair.pl at.def.pl Tuesdays
‘OneˉcutsˉhairˉonˉTuesdays.’

However, only the former embraces the Polish no/to participle impersonals illus-
trated in (2) since such clauses cannot be seen as involving the speaker and thus
literally anyone.
(2) Polish
W szkole Piotrowi często dokuczano.
in school Peter.dat often makeˉfun.ipfv
‘Atˉschool,ˉPeterˉwasˉoftenˉmadeˉfunˉof.’

The syntactic characterizations of impersonality involve subjecthood. Impersonal

constructions are seen to either lack a grammatical subject altogether or alternatively
feature only a pleonastic (semantically empty) subject, be it an overt one or potentially
a covert one. Chief among constructions which qualify as impersonal in these terms
are impersonal passives such as the one in (3) from Lithuanian, in which the human
agent is not the subject, or the one in (4) from German, in which there is no lexical
candidate for subject.
(3) Lithuanianˉ(Ambrazasˉ1997: 282)
Vaikų bùvoˉ miĕgama sodé.
child.pl.gen be.pst.3sg sleep.pst.ptcp.n garden.loc
‘Theˉchildrenˉsleptˉinˉtheˉgarden.ˉ(lit.ˉ“Byˉtheˉchildrenˉwasˉbeingˉsleptˉinˉ
theˉgarden.”)’
 Ways of impersonalizing 

(4) German
Es wurde getanzt.
it become.pst.3sg dance.pst.ptcp
‘Thereˉwasˉdancing.’
Also included under this type of impersonals are extraposed constructions with pleonastic
elements such as the Dutch (5) as well as various existential constructions such as the one
in (6) from Spanish, and locative constructions such as the one in (7) from French in which
the only overt candidates for subject do not display the full range of subject properties.
(5) Dutch
Er heeft iemand gelachen.
there has someone laughed
‘Someoneˉlaughed.’
(6) Spanishˉ(GillaspyˉMarshˉ2002: 421)
Hay tres estudiantes atrasados.
have three students late
‘Thereˉareˉthreeˉlateˉstudents.’
(7) Frenchˉ(Hoekstraˉ&ˉMulderˉ1990: 43)
Ilˉest tombé unˉenfant dansˉleˉcanal.
itˉis fallen aˉ child intoˉtheˉcanal
‘Aˉchildˉhasˉfallenˉintoˉtheˉcanal.’
Finally, under the morphological view of impersonality, impersonal constructions are
identified as having a main verb, normally differentiated for person, which either lacks
any person specification altogether or is invariably third person. The former is exem-
plified by infinitival constructions such as the Russian root infinitival clause in (8), the
latter by Finnish clauses with verbs in the 3sg and no lexical subject such as (9).
(8) Russianˉ(Perlmutterˉ&ˉMooreˉ2002: 620)
Mne ne sdat’ ekzamen.
1sg.dat not pass.inf exam.acc
‘It’sˉnotˉ(onˉtheˉcards)ˉforˉmeˉtoˉpassˉtheˉexam.’
(9) Finnishˉ(Hakulinenˉ&ˉKarttunenˉ1973: 165)
Jos aikoo laihtua lopettaa syömisen.
if intend.prs.sg lose.weight.1st.inf finish.prs.3sg 4th.inf.gen
‘Ifˉyouˉwantˉtoˉloseˉweightˉyouˉgiveˉupˉeating.’
These different characterizations of impersonality are not necessarily mutually
exclusive.2 For example, weather constructions in many languages qualify as imper-

. A somewhat different typology of impersonal constructions is suggested by Moreno

(1987), who makes a distinction between impersonals expressing uncontrolled events and those
 Anna Siewierska

sonal not only by virtue of the lack of a human agent but also by the presence of a
pleonastic rather than a thematic subject, as is the case in English, and significantly
also by featuring verbs which are invariably third person. Impersonal passives, in
turn, may not only lack a thematic subject but also involve a non-specified human
agent, as may also infinitivals and constructions with an invariant 3sg form of the
verb. Nonetheless, convergences such as the above should not obscure the fact that
the two semantic, the syntactic and the morphological notions of impersonaliza-
tion sketched above are distinct. Although it is not impossible that there may be a
top-order notion under which all four senses of impersonal may be unified, no such
notion has yet emerged.3
The current chapter concentrates on impersonal constructions in the second of
the above-mentioned semantic senses of the term, i.e., on non-specific agent imper-
sonals. In particular it seeks to establish how pronominal impersonals differ from what
I will refer to, for want of a better term, as verbal impersonals. Pronominal imper-
sonals will be here represented by the third person plural (3pl) construction, and
the verbal impersonals by agentless passives such as The results were eagerly awaited,
reflexive impersonals such as the Portuguese se-construction cited earlier in (1) and
participle impersonals such as the Polish construction in (2). In languages in which
3pl impersonals co-exist with some type of verbal impersonals, the former are often
seen as potential functional equivalents of the latter (cf. They’ve stolen my bag. vs. My
bag has been stolen.).
In this chapter I will explore the extent to which this is indeed so. The focus of
attention will be on the issue of the referential range of the 3pl as compared to that of
the verbal impersonals. The hypothesis underlying the investigation is that there may
be a correlation between the referential range of impersonal constructions and the
degree of grammaticalization of the linguistic expressions of their referents. If this is
the case, the referential range of pronominal impersonals, in our case the 3pl one, may
be expected to be more closely tied to the person/number features of the pronominal
forms in question than that of verbal impersonals which feature minimal or no

expressing controlled events. The former are agentless impersonals which are subdivided into
those involving external events (e.g., weather phenomena) or internal events (e.g., bodily sensa-
tions). The controlled impersonals also fall into two types, those with a non-specific controller
(which include my non-specified agent constructions) and those with a specific one which,
however, is not the subject (agentless passives).
. What the four types of impersonals have in common is that they lack a definite human agent
as subject. Accordingly, they may all be seen as a means of agent backgrounding or defocusing.
This, however, is hardly enough to provide a unifying definition of impersonals to the exclusion
of other constructions such as anticausatives (e.g., The stick broke), unaccusatives (e.g., Mary fell)
or instances of subject ellipsis (e.g., [I] returned late and found John waiting), for example.
 Ways of impersonalizing 

morphological expression of their referents. Further, there may also be differences in

the referential range of pronominal impersonals realized by free forms as opposed to
bound, with the latter exhibiting fewer referential restrictions than the former.
The discussion is structured as follows. Section 2 takes a look at 3pl impersonal
constructions from the point of view of different notions of impersonality and reviews
their cross-linguistic distribution. Section 3 considers the referential properties of 3pl
impersonals in the light of the impersonal vs. generic distinction and the extent to
which the difference posited holds cross-linguistically and may be related to the degree
of grammaticalization of the 3pl construction. In Section 4 we compare our findings
relating to the referential range of the 3pl construction with the corresponding obser-
vations that have been made with respect to verbal impersonals. Concluding remarks
will be provided in Section 5.

2. What is a third person plural impersonal construction?

While in some languages person forms of the 3pl may be interpreted non-specifically
in other than subject function under some set of circumstances, here we will be
concerned only with non-specific uses of the 3pl as subjects. Two cases in point are
illustrated below.

(10) Icelandic
Þeir eru búnir að loka veginum einu sinni enn.
3pl be.3pl finished toˉ close road.def.dat one time again
‘They’veˉclosedˉtheˉroadˉonceˉagain.’

(11) Polish
Muszę kończyć niestety,ˉ bo czekają na
must.1sg finish unfortunately because wait.3pl on
mnie z biadem.
me with dinner
‘Unfortunately, I must end (our conversation) because they’re waiting for me at
the dinner table.’

In so-called pro-drop languages such as Polish the impersonal reading of the 3pl is
typically seen to depend on the absence of a corresponding free 3pl form. In other
words the addition of oni ‘they’ in (11) is said to induce a definite interpretation of the
3pl. This is a curious property of not only the 3pl but also of other pronominal imper-
sonal constructions, which, however, does not hold across the board. We will return to
the issue below. But first let us consider some of the subdivisions of 3pl impersonals
that have been suggested.
 Anna Siewierska

2.1 Vague vs. impersonal reference

In characterizing the different senses of the term impersonal in Section 1, I mentioned
that even when conceived of as denoting an non-specific human agent, the notion of
impersonality is not uniformly interpreted. For some scholars, for example, Cinque
(1988), Cardinaletti & Starke (1998), Alonso-Ovalle (2002), it means essentially that
the speaker has no concrete individual or sets of individuals in mind. For other schol-
ars, most notably Kitagawa & Lehrer (1990), the notion of impersonality necessar-
ily implies anyone or everyone with the possible inclusion of speaker and addressee.
Under this second view the 3pl constructions in (10) and (11) do not qualify as imper-
sonal. In fact, according to Kitagawa & Lehrer 3pl constructions are never imper-
sonal, only vague, where by ‘vague’ is meant a specific group of individuals who are not
identified or identifiable by the speaker and exclude the speaker and addressee. And
indeed in terms of this approach the only instances of 3pl constructions which emerge
as impersonal rather than vague would be ones where the 3pl is anaphoric to people,
everyone or anyone as in (12), for example.4
(12) Ifˉanyoneˉthinksˉthey’reˉperfect,ˉtheyˉmustˉbeˉcrazy.
Needless to say, this restricted interpretation of impersonality is not the one
espoused here.
A different characterization of the distinction between vague and impersonal which
does not exclude 3pl constructions from the domain of impersonality has been suggested
by various scholars including Cavadas Afonso (2003). Cavadas Afonso seeks to sub-divide
Kitagawa & Lehrer’s class of vague constructions by making a distinction between the
specificity of a group and the individuals comprising the group. Under this analysis vague
reference occurs when the speaker is assumed to have a specific group in mind but not any
specific individuals within that group. In the case of impersonal reference, on the other
hand, not only the individuals but also the group is unspecified. That 3pl constructions
can be both vague and impersonal in this sense of the terms is suggested by examples
such as those in (13) and (14) in which the relevant instances of the 3pl are in italics.5
(13) Wellˉmyˉfather’sˉbestˉfriendˉwasˉaˉgrocerˉbutˉheˉunfortunatelyˉdiedˉandˉ
theyˉputˉaˉmanagerˉintoˉtheˉshopˉandˉIˉgotˉaˉjobˉasˉanˉapprentice,ˉwellˉ
anˉunauthorizedˉapprentice.
(14) Whatˉwasˉtheˉtoiletˉlike?
It was a flush toilet, we were one of the lucky ones. They’d just started flush
toilets in ordinary houses.

. The speaker may be included in certain types of so-called generic 3pl constructions, such as
the one illustrated further below in (17).
. Most of the English examples of 3pl impersonal constructions are taken from a 50,000-
word corpus of Lancaster dialect originating from the Northwest Sound Archive in Clitheroe.
 Ways of impersonalizing 

In the case of (13) it is highly likely that the speaker knows which group of people were
involved in the arranging of a manager but not the actual identity of the individuals
comprising the group.6 In (14), on the other hand, the nature of the group is unknown
also to the speaker. It could consist of the council authorities, builders, plumbers,
people in Britain, etc.
While Cavadas Afonso’s reinterpretation of the distinction between impersonal
vs. vague points to the need for a more detailed analysis of the range of referents of 3pl
constructions, we will not pursue her particular approach to doing so here. Rather we
will concentrate on yet another bifurcation of impersonals that has been suggested in
the literature, namely into impersonal vs. generic.

2.2 Impersonal vs. generic

Whereas Kitagawa & Lehrer’s notion of impersonality excludes 3pl constructions
from its scope, in terms of the approach outlined in Cinque (1988) and further
developed by Cardinaletti & Starke (1998), 3pl constructions emerge as not only
impersonal but as prototypically so. Cinque and Cardinaletti & Starke juxtapose
impersonal constructions to generic ones. Under their view impersonal constructions
express propositions which apply to some unspecified individual or set of indi-
viduals, while generic constructions express law-like propositions which hold for
all the members of a group, however defined.7 Given their law-like nature generics
are associated with the absence of specific time reference. The situations and events
expressed in impersonal constructions, by contrast, take place at a specified time.
The impersonal vs. generic distinction is captured by Cardinaletti & Starke in terms
of the four contrasts in (a) through (d):

a. Impersonal reference may be seen as involving quasi-existential quantification

‘There is at least one X’, while generic reference is associated with quasi-universal
quantification ‘For every/all/any X’.
b. Impersonal reference requires specific time reference, while generic reference
precludes it.

. This is even clearer in the Polish example in (11) given earlier, where the group of people
waiting are the speaker’s family (and potentially friends); the speaker is having a telephone con-
versation from home.
. For a more comprehensive discussion of genericity and especially the difference between
generic NPs and generic statements, on the one hand, and generic statements and character-
izing sentences, on the other, see Behrens (2005) and the references therein. The constructions
considered as generic by Cardinaletti & Starke (1998) would qualify as characterizing sentences
as opposed to true generics in the more traditional approach discussed by Behrens and typically
adopted within formal semantics.
 Anna Siewierska

c. Impersonal reference is incompatible with the inclusion of the speaker, while

generic reference allows for the inclusion of the speaker.
d. Impersonal reference forbids but generic requires a range restriction on the subject.

Significantly in the light of these contrasts 3pl constructions may be used imperson-
ally as in (15a) or generically as in (15b).
(15) a. TheyˉhaveˉcleanedˉaˉcowˉtodayˉinˉSwitzerland.
b. TheyˉusuallyˉcleanˉcowsˉinˉSwitzerland.

Cardinaletti & Starke argue that while the identity of the impersonal they in (15a) is
truly unknown, it could be anybody, that of the generic they in (15b) is restricted to the
inhabitants of Switzerland. Thus the impersonal construction can be best paraphrased
as ‘Somebody, whoever, cleaned a cow today and this event took place in Switzerland’
while the closest paraphrase of the generic they is ‘People who inhabit Switzerland
clean cows’.
My analysis of spoken British English strongly suggests that the impersonal use
of 3pl constructions is far more common than the generic. It must be pointed out,
however, that the distinction between an impersonal and generic reading is not always
as obvious as in the case of the examples in (15). In my corpus data there are examples
in which the context of utterance imposes a generic interpretation despite the lack of
an overt range restriction and/or the presence of specific time reference in the clause
containing the 3pl. Consider (16), for instance.
(16) Howˉoldˉwereˉyouˉwhenˉyouˉleftˉschool?
15. ButˉI’dˉstayedˉonˉaˉyearˉlonger.ˉTheyˉleftˉatˉ14ˉthen.

The clause containing they in (16) refers to a habitual activity in the past. They is clearly
generic, in the sense of the term used by Cardinaletti & Starke, since it does not refer to
some unidentified set of individuals but rather to any schoolchild at a certain period of
time at a specific place, namely the North-West of England. But this restriction on the
referential value of they is due to the context, not to any range-imposing adverbial in
the clause itself. A similar situation may be observed in (17).8
(17) Well there were no procedures, it was just willy nilly, anybody when they’re
ready … (…) boys and girls got bathed in front of each other you know in
those days, you know at that age they didn’t bother.

Interestingly, in both (16) and (17) the speaker is implicitly included among the poten-
tial referents of they.

8. The they in (17) is ambiguous in that it may be seen as anaphoric to boys and girls or as
antecedentless.
 Ways of impersonalizing 

The impersonal vs. generic distinction as described above not only provides jus-
tification for regarding 3pl constructions as impersonal ones but more importantly is
claimed to carry with it a host of additional morpho-syntactic reflexes. One of these
relates to the obligatory absence of a free-form subject pronoun in pronominal imper-
sonal clauses in so-called pro-drop languages as mentioned at the beginning of Section 2.
Recall that in the relevant languages, an overt free form is claimed to induce a definite
interpretation. According to Cardinaletti & Starke (1998: 157) this is indeed so but
only in clauses which are impersonal under their narrow interpretation of impersonal,
not in generics. They argue that whereas an impersonal interpretation is compatible
only with what they call deficient pronouns (weak forms, clitics and affixes), a generic
pronoun may be strong, i.e., an independent person form. Their data suggest that
this is so in Italian and Slovak. In Russian, Polish, Spanish and Greek, however, even
in generic contexts the presence of a 3pl free form induces a definite reading. Thus
(18a) in contrast to (18b) can receive only a definite or deictic interpretation not a
generic one.
(18) Russianˉ(Perlmutterˉ2001: 9)
a. Zdes’ umirajut ot goloda i boleznej.
here die.3pl from hunger and diseases
‘Hereˉthey’reˉdyingˉofˉhungerˉandˉdiseases.’
b. Zdes’ oni umirajut ot goloda i boleznej.
here they die.3pl from hunger and diseases
‘Hereˉthey’reˉdyingˉofˉhungerˉandˉdiseases.’

What underlies the possibility of an overt 3pl form receiving a generic as opposed to a
necessarily definite interpretation remains unclear. The issue has not yet been system-
atically and exhaustively tested either within languages or across languages.9
Now that we have a somewhat better idea of what is meant by the term ‘3pl imper-
sonal construction’, we are in a position to say a few words about its cross-linguistic
distribution. In what follows I will use the term ‘impersonal’ in both the broad sense of
the term, i.e., for a construction denoting a non-specific agent irrespective of whether
the agent may or may not receive a generic interpretation and in the narrow sense,
where impersonal means non-generic, clarifying in each case the relevant reading.

2.3 The commonality of 3pl impersonals

In the light of the above discussion of the impersonality of 3pl constructions one
would expect 3pl impersonals, at least in the generic sense of the term, to be universal.

9. Testing such delicate differences with informants is very difficult since the distinction between
a non-specific group of individuals and anybody who fits the bill is not so easy to explain.
 Anna Siewierska

However, this does not appear to be so. There are languages in which 3pl forms may
receive only a definite reading. According to the respondents to my questionnaire this
is the situation in Mandarin, Cantonese and Colloquial Sinhala as well as Japanese,
Vietnamese and Thai.10 That the latter three languages do not allow for an impersonal
reading of the expression used for third persons is not surprising, since they are typi-
cally seen as lacking true personal pronouns. The nominals that are used in lieu of
pronominal forms continue to have transparent semantic content and are thus not
easily interpretable as impersonal. Mandarin, Cantonese and Colloquial Sinhala, on
the other hand, do have true person forms. While my data relating to these languages
may be unreliable, the possibility that they may indeed not allow for impersonal inter-
pretations of their 3pl forms is suggested by the fact that there are yet other languages
in which the impersonal use of the 3pl forms is marginal at best. This is so in the
Baltic-Finnic languages, especially Finnish and Estonian (Holvoet 2001: 381). In both
languages the impersonal use of the 3pl seems to occur only with speech act verbs,
particularly in reporting rumours, as in (19).
(19) Finnishˉ(Mullonenˉ1963: 34)
Siellä kuuluvat tienaavan hyvin.
there be.rumoured.prs.3pl earn.act.ptcp well
‘Itˉisˉsaidˉthatˉoneˉearnsˉwellˉhere.’

This use of the non-specific 3pl with speech act verbs is widely attested in European
languages though in many it is stylistically restricted to proverbs, myths and fables.
This is not the case in colloquial British English in which they with speech act verbs,
particularly call, is not uncommon. Nonetheless, even in British English, the agent-
less passive (as in the translation of (19)) is a much more common option than the
3pl with speech act verbs. According to the respondents to my questionnaire, in
other European languages either the agentless passive is used with the relevant type
of verbs or another non-specific agent construction. For example, in German, Dan-
ish and Swedish the man-construction and in French the on-construction are also
possibilities. It is therefore quite curious that a usage of the non-specific 3pl which is
so heavily stylistically restricted in other European languages is the only one which

10. I developed a questionnaire aimed at establishing the uses of the 3pl in 15 different con-
texts which was filled out by 39 colleagues and postgraduate students of the Linguistics and
English Language Department at Lancaster University. The questionnaire was rather elaborate
and too difficult to enable one to regard the responses of the informants as entirely reliable.
I have therefore treated the results as suggestive rather than conclusive.
 Ways of impersonalizing 

occurs in Finnish and Estonian.11 In some of the other Baltic Finnic languages such
as Vespian and Livonian the 3pl appears to be used impersonally more widely. This,
however, is attributed to the influence of Russian and/or Latvian. What is important
in the context of this discussion is that there are good reasons to assume that the
impersonal use of the 3pl may not be universal. Whether this is indeed so remains
to be established.
Claims to universality aside, the impersonal use of 3pl forms is clearly widely
attested. My own investigations reveal that such usage occurs in most macro-areas
of the globe. In Eurasia it is found in virtually all branches of Indo-European: Indic
(e.g., Kashmiri), Iranian (e.g., Persian), Greek, Celtic, Germanic, Romance, Slavic and
Baltic. It also occurs in most branches of the Uralic languages, i.e., the Samoyedic (e.g.,
Nenets), Ugric (e.g., Hungarian), Permic (e.g., Udmurt, Komi), Volgaic (e.g., Erzya
Mordvin, Mari) as well as in the Turkic languages (e.g., Turkish), Caucasian (e.g., Abkhaz),
the isolate Basque and in Dravidian (e.g., Tamil). In Africa non-specific uses of the 3pl
are documented among the Afro-Asiatic languages within the Semitic (e.g., Hebrew,
Arabic) and Chadic (e.g., Mupun) groups, among the Niger-Kongo languages in Bantu
(e.g., Babungo, Nkore-Kiga), in Gur (e.g., Koromfe), Kru (e.g., Godie) and among the
Nilo-Saharan languages in the Sudanic group (e.g., Kunama, Mundani, Ngiti). Among
the languages of Oceania non-specific 3pl usage has been noted in, for example,
Paamese, Tawala and the languages of New Caledonia. In New Guinea non-specific
3pl forms have been reported in Amele and Kobon and in Australia in Marunguku.
Among the languages of North America the non-specific use of the 3pl appears to be
less common. It is attested in Copala Trique and Tetelcingo Nahuatl. However, accord-
ing to Mithun (1991) many families of the North have special non-specific bound
forms attached to the verb corresponding to European free forms such as somebody,
someone which are used impersonally rather than the 3pl.
In what sense of the term ‘impersonal’ the 3pl constructions in the above languages
are actually used is by no means clear. The issue is not discussed in reference grammars,
and data beyond just a few examples are available virtually only for some European
languages. And even in the case of European languages much unclarity about the uses
of the 3pl impersonal remains. The following discussion will be confined in the main to

11. This is not to say that a 3pl impersonal construction is the preferred non-specific agent
construction with verba dicendi in Finnish and Estonian. The impersonal passive or the 3sg
impersonal seem to be the preferred choice. In fact only one of the two Finnish respondents to
my questionnaire allows the impersonal usage of the 3pl.
 Anna Siewierska

the languages of Europe and will draw on the information that I have collected from the
previously mentioned questionnaire, which has been filled out for 31 languages.12

3. The referents of the 3pl

The range of referents of the 3pl in impersonals differs from those of generics in rela-
tion to both semantic role and referential properties.
Beginning with semantic role, 3pl impersonals are seen to be restricted to agentive
subjects of either transitive or intransitive clauses. Accordingly, the 3pl in the examples
in (20) through (22) featuring an unaccusative verb (20), a copulative verb (21) and
occurring as the subject of a passive clause (22), can only receive a specific reading.
(20) Spanishˉ(Jaeggliˉ1986: 50)
Mueren en defensa de la democracia.
die.3pl in defence of the democracy
‘Theyˉdieˉinˉdefenceˉofˉdemocracy.’
(21) Italianˉ(Cinqueˉ1988: 543,ˉ545)
Ieri, sono stati villani con tutti.
yesterday aux.prs.3pl be.ptcp rude with all
‘Yesterday,ˉtheyˉwereˉrudeˉtoˉall.’
(22) Theyˉwereˉexposedˉtoˉaˉlotˉofˉradiationˉinˉ1986ˉinˉChernobyl.

3pl generics, on the other hand, are argued by Cinque (1988: 545) and Cardinaletti &
Starke (1998: 157) to be compatible with non-agentive subjects. Thus (23) through
(25), featuring the same verb types as in (20) through (22), are seen to be fine under a
generic interpretation.
(23) Spanish
Aquí mueren en defensa de la democracia.
here die.3pl in defence of the democracy
‘Hereˉtheyˉdieˉinˉdefenceˉofˉdemocracy.’
(24) Italian
In questo ufficio, sono molto gentili col pubblico.
in this office be.prs.3pl very kind with.the public
‘Inˉthisˉofficeˉtheyˉareˉveryˉkindˉtoˉtheˉpublic.’

. I would like to express my thanks to colleagues and postgraduate students of the Depart-
ment of Linguistics and English Language at Lancaster University and several international col-
leagues for taking the trouble to fill out this rather demanding questionnaire.
 Ways of impersonalizing 

(25) InˉChernobyl,ˉthey’veˉbeenˉexposedˉtoˉaˉlotˉofˉradiation.

As for referential properties, in its generic use the 3pl is always semantically plural and
typically denotes people at some location, as in the examples above. The referents of
3pl impersonals are also often semantically plural but they need not be. The referents
of 3pl impersonals typically involve what I will refer to following Myhill (1997) as
organizational grouping, i.e., one or more members of some organization or institu-
tion acting as a group. In (26), for example, the group in question is the army.
(26) This er very good orderly got local leave after he’d done his stint up country ’cos
he’dˉmadeˉsuchˉaˉgoodˉjobˉofˉit,ˉtheyˉgaveˉhimˉlocalˉleave.

In (14) cited earlier the group is the local authorities. Much less frequently a 3pl
impersonal is used to denote a group of unspecified agents involved in the same spe-
cific physical action as in (27) and (28).
(27) (…) and it showed where they used to take the prisoners in and they took ’em in
at the side where the steps are going up to Townley, they took them in at the side
while they were dancing in the long gallery that was the ballroom and they’d take
them in underneath there and they were torturing them

(28) Didˉyourˉfatherˉworkˉafterˉhisˉaccident?
Oh, yes, he went back to work. You see, the accident, I was only a baby. I must
have been only two months old actually when that happened. He
used to joke about it. They brought him home on a door, carrying him
from up these quarries up here on a door.

In both of these examples the referents of the italicized instances of they do not have
any clear institutional or organizational affiliation. In (27) they denotes whoever was
involved in bringing in prisoners to the castle and dealing with them there. The people
in question may well have always been representatives of the same group of guards,
but they may have had different affiliations. What seems to be relevant here is not their
common affiliation but the fact that they were jointly involved in performing a series
of specific activities. This is even clearer in (28), in which the only contextual indica-
tion of who they might have been is not provided until the subsequent clause.
The results of the questionnaire suggest that of the above two uses of 3pl imper-
sonals, the organizational grouping one, as in (14) and (26), and the joint specific com-
mon activity one, as in (27) and (28), the former is cross-linguistically commoner than
the latter. The joint specific common activity use does not appear to be available in
Swedish or the South-West dialect of Finnish and is considered to be marginal at best
in Icelandic, Danish and German. These languages do, however, allow for the orga-
nizational group use. Significantly, there are no languages among those that I have
considered which allow for the joint specific common activity use of the 3pl but not
for the organizational group use. In short, it appears that the possibility of the joint
 Anna Siewierska

specific common activity use in a language implies the possibility of the organizational
group use, but not vice versa. It is worth mentioning that even those languages which
do allow the common activity use differ with respect to the conditions under which
such usage occurs. For instance, Myhill (1997: 814–815) suggests that English imposes
considerably stricter requirements on this usage of the 3pl than does Hebrew. Accord-
ingly, while in Hebrew, the 3pl may be used in a context such as (29), in English it
cannot, and the agentless passive must be used, instead.
(29) vayishlax par’oh vayikra et-yosef vayricuhu
and.sent Pharaoh and.3sg.called acc.Joseph and.3pl.hurried.3sg
min-habor…ˉ
fromˉtheˉdungeon
‘ThereuponˉPharaohˉsentˉforˉJoseph,ˉandˉheˉwasˉrushedˉfromˉtheˉdungeon.’
(#ˉtheyˉrushedˉhimˉfromˉtheˉdungeon)

Coming back to the organizational grouping use, as pointed out by Myhill, it is often
unclear whether one or more individuals are literally involved in the action. For instance
in (26) it could well have been a single individual who decided that the orderly should
have left or alternatively a number of individuals. In English as well as in Dutch it is
mainly in such instances, i.e., when they are acting as representatives of a group, that
the referents of a 3pl impersonal are open to an individual interpretation. However,
this is not the case in other languages. For instance, Perlmutter (2001: 10) states that in
Russian (30) is fine even when the speaker hears only a single person knocking.
(30) Russian
Stučat v dver’.
knock.3pl at door
‘Someoneˉisˉknockingˉatˉtheˉdoor.’

And Myhill (1997: 815) mentions that (31) is possible in Modern Hebrew in an out-
of-the-blue context when there is no reason to suppose that more than one individual
is involved.
(31) Hebrew
Ganvu li et-ha-mexonit,
stole.3pl to-me acc-def-car
‘Myˉcarˉwasˉstolen.’ˉ(Lit.ˉ‘They’veˉstolenˉmyˉcar.’)13

. Myhill (1997: 816) maintains that the Hebrew construction in this case cannot be translated
into an analogous they-construction in English since the English they requires some context
to make it less vague, such as a preceding clause as in My car has been broken into. They’ve
taken the radio. Weiner & Labov (1983: 34), however, note that they elicited three uses of non-
specific they e.g., They broke into the liquor closet in response to the question What happened?.
 Ways of impersonalizing 

In some languages the referent of a 3pl impersonal may actually be a person known to
both speaker and addressee. For instance in both Spanish and Italian a 3pl impersonal
may be followed by a clause specifying the identity of the person in question, as in (32).
(32) Italianˉ(Cinqueˉ1988: 543)
Prima hanno telefonato:ˉ mi pareva tua sorella.
earlier have.3pl telephoned me seemed your sister
‘Someoneˉ(*They)ˉtelephonedˉearlier.ˉItˉseemedˉtoˉmeˉthatˉitˉwasˉyourˉsister.’

I have not been able to determine whether such a sequence would be felicitous in Rus-
sian. In Polish it would not be.
According to the respondents of my questionnaire, 3pl impersonals are not open
to an individual reading in all languages. No such reading appears to be available in
French, Swedish, Norwegian, Danish, Icelandic or German (for one informant) or
the previously mentioned South-West dialect of Finnish. It is of interest to note that,
with the exception of French, these are the very languages in which the joint common
specific activity use of the 3pl was either marginal (Icelandic, Danish and German)
or completely disallowed (Swedish and Finnish). Thus among the languages in my
sample the distribution of the uses of 3pl impersonals seems to be in line with the
implicational hierarchy in (33):
(33) organizationalˉgroupˉuseˉ>ˉjointˉspecificˉactivityˉuseˉ>ˉsingleˉindividualˉuse

While the conditions under which an individual reading of the 3pl is possible differ from
language to language, the possibility of such a reading seems also to imply the possibility of
a joint specific activity use of the 3pl, and the existence of such usage in a language seems
to entail the possibility of the organizational group use. That the individual use of the 3pl
should be the least common is not surprising if one takes into consideration the seman-
tics of 3pl forms. Interestingly enough, in the languages which do not appear to allow an
individual reading of 3pl impersonals, the 3pl is realized either exclusively by a free form
or necessarily by both a free and a bound form but not solely by a bound form. Observe
that none of the above mentioned Germanic languages nor French are pro-drop ones, and
Finnish normally drops first and second person pronouns but not third person ones.

4. Verbal impersonals

Verbal impersonals, in the sense of the term used here, cover agentless passives, on the
one hand, and active impersonal constructions such as the Romance or Slavic reflexive

Significantly though, the question was asked of people “milling round the broken door to the
liquor closet”, so in a situational context, not completely out of the blue.
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
 Essay XL PELASGI AND HELLENES. 547 The Pelasgi scarcely
appear as a distinct people in Asia at the period when Herodotus
writes. They formed apparently the first wave in the flood of Indo-
European emigration, which passing from the Asiatic continent broke
upon the islands and the coasts of Greece. Abundant traces of them
are found in early times along the western shores of Asia Minor ;^
but except in a few towns, as Placia and Scylace on the Propontis,^
they had ceased to exist separately in that region, having been
absorbed in other nations, or else reduced to the condition of serfs.
^ (ii.) The Indo-European character of the Phrygians is apparent
from the remnants of their language, whether as existing in
inscriptions, or as reported by the Greeks.^ 8 Horn. II. ii. 840 ;
Herod, i. 57 ; Strab. V. p. 221 ; xiii. p. 621. Compare what has been
shown (i. 171, note ^ ) of the Leleges, a kindred race. 9 Herod, i.
57. 1 As in Caria. See Philipp. Theang. Fr. 1. 2 The inscription on the
tomb of Midas (vide supra, i, 14) has long been known, and its
Greek character noticed. (See Mliller's Dorians, vol. i. p. 9, note '. E.
T.) It has been copied by several travellers, among others recently
by M. Texier, and is found (according to himj to run as follows : —
Here the chaiacters, the case endings, and several of the words are
completely Greek. Line 1 may be understood thus : — "
AtesArciaefas, the Acenanogafus, built (this) to Midas the warrior-
king." Line 2 thus : — " Lord (lit. father) Memefais, son of Prsetas, ...
a native of Sica, built (this)." It will be seen that the nominative,
genitive (?), and dative cases exactly resemble common Greek
forms. The nom. is mai'ked by -as, -es, ( = rjs), LS, and os — in one
instance by a. (Compare vicpeKy^y^p^ra, evpvSiTa, iinrora, K. T. A.)
the gen. by -afos (compare vaos, ypais, yrtpaos, k. t. A.), the dative
by -a. and -6i. The A^erb, which is probably in past time, seems to
have the augment (e-5aes) ; while the third pers. sing, is marked by
the ancient suffix s (retained in SiSoxrt, ridrjai^ K. T. A.) The word
Ba/3a connects with the Greek Trainras, Zeus TLairias, and the like;
while 'faj/a/cTet is within a letter of &uaKTi, and eSaes suggests a
variant of Sefiu}, indicated likewise by the Latin word cedes. The
locative termination -fxav (if the word ^iKefiav be rightly rendered),
although unknown in Greek, reappears in Oscan, and may be traced
even in the Latin tamen ( = ta-men, " these things being so
situated.") Another inscription, of greater length and of a more
ancient character, recently given to the Avorld for the first time by
Texier (Asie Mineure, vol. ii. p. 157), confirms the impression which
the writing on the tomb of Midas has created among comparative
philologists. It is written in the manner called fiov(rTpo(pr]Uv, and is
unfortunately somewhat illegible in the latter portion. Texier gives it
thus : — 5:^r^sAIT•/^AT£pEJ:EF£IeK$
£T/i•$f/K>^»^'/^A;^/1AY'/^.•fA/■7 2 N 2 This
 548 LYDIANS AND CARIANS. App. Book I. (iii.) That the
Lydians belonged to this Indo-European familyis probable from what
we know of their language,^ as well as from their geographical
position, and connexion with other Indo-Germanic races. They had
common temples with the Carians and Mysians,* and in mythical
tradition the three nations were said to have had a common
ancestor.^ In manners and customs they closely resembled the
Greeks,^ and their habit of consulting the Hellenic oracles^ would
seem to show that their religion could not have been very different.
They may therefore with much probability be assigned to this family,
and regarded as a race not greatly differing from the Greeks. (iv.)
The Carians, whose connexion with the Lydians was peculiarly close,
are said by Herodotus to have been Leleges ^ — a stateThis may be
read conjecturally : — KtjAoktjj fevapTvu afras fxarepes *' Celoces
sepulchrum suae matris aofffaair fiarepes EfeTeKffcris Ofefivovo/j-aV
Aox*t ya exstruxit matris Ephetexetis ex Ofefinone. Soi'tita est Tellus
fiarepav apiffaffriv ' Bovox, AKcvavoyafos, Bonok, qui Acenanogafus
erat, Ivavwv, AKevavoyafos, Inanon, Acenanogafus, * * * ♦ matrem
amatam. cpeKvy TcXaros (Toffrvr ' hordeum sacrificii obtulit. In this
archaic Phrygian, while the fonns and words in general resemble the
Greek, there are some Avhich differ from those upon the tomb of
Midas, and are more akin to the Latin. The third pers. sing, of the
verb is marked by the termination -t instead of -s, as in (Tocreadir,
AaxtT, and (probably) coiTTvr. (Compare the Greek passive
terminations -Tat, -TO, and for the v in troCTUT compare de'iKuvfii,
^evyuvfii, &c.) The augment is wanting, being replaced in one
instance ((TO(T€
 Essay XI. MYSIANS AND LYCIANS. 549 merit which is
probably beyond the truth, ^ but which he could scarcely have made
(having been born and bred up on the Carian coast) unless the two
races had been connected by a very near affinity. That the Leleges
were closely akin to the Pelasgi does not admit of a doubt.^ Of the
Carian tongue the remains are too scanty to furnish us with any very
decisive argument, but Philip of Theangela, the Carian historian,
remarked that it was fuller than any other language of Greek
words.^ The Carians too seem to have adopted Greek customs with
particular facility,^ and perhaps the very epithet of " strange-
speaking," which they bear in Homer,* is an indication of their near
ethnic approximation to the Greek type, whereby they were led to
make an attempt from which others shrank, and to adopt in their
intercourse with the Greeks, the Greek language.^ (v.) The Mysians,
who, like the Carians, claimed kinship with the Lydian people, and
had access in common with persons of these two nations to the
great temple of Jupiter at Labranda^ — who spoke, moreover, a
language half Lydian and half Phrygian,^ must evidently be classed
in the same category with the races with which they are thus shown
to have been connected. (vi.) The Lycians and Caunians belong
likewise to the IndoEuropean family, though rather to the Iranic or
Arian, than to the Pelasgic group. Their language is nOw well-known
through the inscriptions discovered in their country, and, though of a
very peculiar type,^ presents on the whole characteristics decidedly
Indo-European. Herodotus says that in manners and customs the ^
See the foot-note on the passage. apparent from the labours of Sir
C. Fellows 1 See, for a summary of the arguments, and Mr. Daniel
Sharpe. Bilingual inscripThirlwall's History of Greece, vol. i. pp. tions,
in Greek and Lycian, upon tombs 42-45, and Chnton's Fasti Hellenici,
vol. i. rendered the work of decipherment compp. 31-34. paratively
easy. The most important speci2 See Miiller's Fragm. Hist. Gr. vol. iv.
mens are given at the end of this Essay. p. 475 (Fr. 2), rj yXwrra tmu
Kapa)U . . These inscriptions are sufficient to show TrAeio-Ta
'EWtjviko. ov6fxaTa e^et Kara- that in syntactical arrangement and
inflexfie/xiy/jLeua. ional rules and forms the Lycian language 3
Strab. xiv. p. 947 ; Herod, vii. 93. is Indo-European, coinciding, as it
often does, ^ Hom. II. ii. 867. almost word for word with the Greek:
e.g.^ ^ This at least is the explanation which Ewuinu itatu mene
prinafutu Strabo (1. s. c.) gives of the Homeric epithet. rovro (rb)
fxyrj/xa [&] epydtrauro Lassen admits its truth (Ueber die Sprachen
Polenida Molleweseu se Lapara Kleinasiens, p. 381), while
maintaming the 'AiroWuviS-qs MoWtctos Ka\ Aairdpus Semitic
character of the Carians. Folenidau Porewemeteu prinezeyewe ^
Herod, i. 171. Strab. xiv. p. 943, ' AiroKKuviSov Uvpifidrios oIk€7oi ^
Xanthi Fragm. ap. Miiller (Fr. 8), t^v urppe lada epttewe se [twj'
Muo-fij/] SidXcKTOV /xi^o\vBi6v ircos iirl (toTs) yvva^^iv (tuIs)
kavTuv Ka\ civai Ka\ jxil^ocppvyiov. tedeeme. s Professor Lassen of
Bonn has recently (toTj) €yy6voLS. published an account of these
inscriptions The roots, however, are for the most part (Ueber die
Lykischen Inschriften, and Die curiously unlike those in any other
IndoAlten Sprachen Kleinasiens, von Professor European language :
the most certainly Christian Lassen, published in the Zeitschrift
known, tedeeme (child), prinafu (work), V. Morgenland), in which he
has proved itatu (memorial), se (and), urppe (for), more
scientifically than former writers the &c., have no near
correspondents either in Indo-European character of the language,
the Arian or the European tongues. Lada This, however, had long
been sufficiently (wife) may perhaps compare with " lady "
 550 EASTEEN MIGRATION App. Book I. Lycians resembled
the Carians and tlie people of Crete, and their art has undoubtedly a
Grecian character ; but these are points upon which it is not
necessary to lay any great stress, since their ethnic affinity is
sufficiently decided by their language. (vii.) The Matieni are added to
this group conjecturally, on account of their position and name ; ^
but it must be admitted that these are merely grounds affording a
very slight presumption. The term itself may not be a real ethnic title
; it is perhaps only a Semitic word signifying " mountaineers,"^ and
may not have been really borne by the people. It certainly
disappears altogether from this locality shortly after the time of
Herodotus, while even in Mount Zagros it vanishes after a while
before that of the Gordiaei or Kurds,^ so that its claim to be
considered the real name of a race is at least questionable. 13. The
eastern or Arian migration, whereby an Indo-European race became
settled upon the Indus, is involved in complete obscurity. We have
indeed nothing but the evidence of comparative philology on which
distinctly to ground the belief, that there was a time when the
ancestors of the Pelasgian, Ly do-Phrygian, Lycian, Thracian,
Sarmatian, Teutonic, and Arian races dwelt together, the common
possessors of a single language. The evidence thus furnished is,
however, conclusive, and compels us to derive the various and
scattered nations above enumerated from a single ethnic stock, and
to assign them at some time or other a single locality. In the silence
of authentic history, Armenia may be regarded as the most probable
centre from which they spread ; and the Arian race may be
supposed to have wandered eastward about the same time that the
two other kindred streams began to flow, the one northward across
the Caucasus, the other westward over Asia Minor and into Europe.
The early history of the Arians is for many ages an absolute blank,
but at a period certainly anterior to the fifteenth century before our
era they were settled in the tract watered by the Upper Indus, and
becoming straitened for room began to send out colonies eastward
and westward. On the one side their movements may be traced in
the hymns of the Eig-Veda, where they are seen advancing step by
step along the rivers of the Punjab, engaged in constant wars with
the primitive Turanian inhabitants, whom they gradually drove
before them into the various mountain ranges, where their
descendants still exist, speaking Turanian dialects.^ On the other,
their progress is as distinctly marked in the most ancient portions of
(although Lassen questions this, p. 348), (xi. p. 748) : his chief
inhabitants of Mount and the pronouns have some analogy to the
Zagros are the Gordiaei (xi. p. 769, 772, Zend. xvi. p. 1046, 1060,
&c.). In Pliny the 9 Their position as a connecting link be- Mattiani
are found only east of the Caspian tween Armenia and Phrygia, has
been (vi. 16). In Ptolemy they disappear altoalready noticed (supi'a,
p. 546). Their gether. name seems to connect them with the Medes
3 ggg Miiller's Essay on the Bengali Lan(Mada). Comp, Sauro-mato.
guage in the Report of the British Asso^ See note ^ on Book i. ch.
189. ciation for 1848, p. 329; and Bunsen's 2 Strabo calls a certain
part of Media by Philosoph. of Univ. Hist. vol. i. pp. 340the name of
Media Mattiana (i. p. 108, xi. 364, 742), but he barely mentions the
Mattiani
 Essay XL NATIONS OF THE AEIAN STOCK. 551 tlie
Zendavesta, the sacred book of the western or Medo-Persic Arians.
Leaving their Vedic brethren to possess themselves of the broad
plains of Hindoostan, and to become the ancestors of the modern
Hindoos, the Zendic or Medo-Persic Arians crossed the high chain of
the Hindoo-Koosh, and occupied the region watered by the upper
streams of the Oxus.* Here too the Arians would come into contact
with Scythic or Turanian races, whom they either dispossessed or
made subject. Sogdiana, Bactria, Aria (or Llerat), Hyrcania,
Arachosia, Rhagiana, Media Atropatene (Azerbijan),^ were
successively occupied by them, and they thus extended themselves
in a continuous line from Affghanistan to beyond the Caspian. At this
point there was, perhaps, a long pause in their advance, after which
the emigration burst forth again with fresh strength, projecting a
strong Indo-European element into Aimenia, and at the same time
turning southward along the chain of Zagros, occupying Media
Magna, and thence descending to the shores of the Persian Gulf,
where Persia Proper and Carmania formed perhaps the limits of its
progress. Everywhere through these countries the Tatar or Turanian
races yielded readily to the invading flood, retiring into the desert or
the mountain-tops, or else submitting to become the dependents of
the conquerors. 14. The nations which may be distinctly referred to
this immigration are the following: — The Persians, the Medes, the
Carmanians, the Bactrians, the Sogdians, the Arians of Herat, the
Hyrcanians, the Sagartians, the Chorasmians, and the Sarangians.
The similarity of the language spoken by the more important of
these nations has been noticed by Strabo,^ who includes most of
them within the limits of his " Ariana." Modern research confirms his
statements, showing that the present inhabitants of the countries in
question, who are the descendants of the ancient races, still speak
Arian dialects.^ A few words will suffice to indicate the special
grounds upon which these various tribes are severally assigned to
this family. (i.) The Persian language, which we possess in five of its
stages,^ furnishes the model by which we judge of Arian speech,
and distinctly shows the ethnic character of the people who spoke it,
proving their connexion on the one hand with the non-Turanian
inhabitants of India, on the other with the principal races of * This
tract is probably the Aryanem^ speech, corrupted however in places
by an Vaejo of the Veudidad. (See Hupfeld's admixture of later
forms. 2- The AchameExercitat. Herod. Spec. Diss. ii. p. 16.) nian
Persian, or language of the Cuneiform " The Varena of the Vendidad
is, per- Inscriptions from the time of Cyrus to that haps, this region.
(Vide supra, Essay iii. of Artaxerxes Ochus. 3. The several varip. o27,
note 7.) eties of Pehlevi (a.d. 226-651), known to ^ 'ETre/CTeiVerat
Se Toijifo/xa rrjs ^Apiavrjs us from rock inscriptions, legends on
coins, /ie'xpt ixepovs Tiuhs Koi Uepaau Ka\ Mtj- and the sacred
lxx)ks of the Parsees. 4. The Scou, Koi 6Ti Tuv TTphs ^pKTwu
BuKTpiwu Pazeud or Parsi, preserved to us in the Koi 'Zoydiavuv eWi
yap ttws Ka\ 6fx6~ commentaries on the Zend texts, and recently
yKoiTToi Trapa jxiKpov. Strab. xv. p. 1026. critically treated by M.
Speigel. And, 5. ' See I\Iiiller, Languages of the Seat of The Persian
of the present day, which is War, pp. 32-34. a motley idiom, largely
impregnated with ^ These are, 1. The Zend, or language Arabic, but
still chiefly Arian both in its of the Zendavesta, the earliest type of
the grammar and its roots.
 552 MEDES AND CARMANIANS. App. Book I. Europe. As
tliis point is one on which ethnologers are completely agreed/ it is
not necessary to adduce any further proof of it. (ii.) That the Medes
of history were Arians, closely akin to the Persians, has been already
argued in the Essay " On the Chronology and History of the Great
Median Empire."^ Whether the name originally belonged to the
Scythic races inhabiting the country immediately east of Armenia
and Assyria, and was from them adopted by their Arian conquerors
— as that of Pashtii or Pushtu is said to have been by the Aifghans,^
and as that of Britons has certainly been by the Anglo-Saxons — or
whether it is a true Arian sectional title first brought into that region
by the Arian races at the time of their conquest, is perhaps
uncertain.'* But, however this may be, there can be no reasonable
doubt that the Medes of authentic history, the conquering subjects
of Cyaxares, were Arians, of a kindred race to the Persians, who had
accompanied them from the east during the migrations recorded in
the Yendidad. The name Arian was recognised by all the surrounding
nations as proper to the Medes.^ The similarity of their language
with the Persian was noticed by Nearchus, the naval commander of
Alexander,^ and by Strabo ; ^ it is also remarkably evidenced by the
entire list of authentic Median names, which are distinctly referable
to Arian roots,^ and have a close resemblance to the names in
common use among the Persians. Isolated Median words, the
meaning of which is known, lead to the same conclusion.^ And the
special trust reposed by the Persians in the Medes, ^ together with
the identity between the two races presumed by the Greeks,^ mark
still more strikingly the affinity which they bore to one another. (iii.)
The Carmanians are included by Herodotus among the tribes of the
Persians,^ and were said by Nearchus, who coasted along their
shores, to resemble the Medes and Persians both in customs and
language.* Their descendants, the modem people of Ker^ See
Prichard's Phys. Hist. vol. iv. ch. x. irKuffra %B7\ Koi r^v SiolX^ktov
rwv KapBunsen's Philosophy of History, vol. i. pp. fiaviruu riepcTi/ca
re Kal MTjSt/ca etpriKe. 110-127 ; Miiller's Languages of the Seat ^
See note ^ on the preceding page, where of War, p. 32. the passage
is quoted. 2 Supra, pp. 325-327. ^ See the analysis of the Persian
and . 3 Miiller's Languages of the Seat of War, Median names at the
close of Book vi. p. 32. ^ As spaca, "dog," which occurs in the * In
favour of the view that Scythic same sense in Zend, and in some
modern Medes preceded the Arian Medes in these Persian dialects :
^y-c?aAa/^ (A styages), (nom. parts may be urged, 1. The belief of
Berosus Ajis Dahako), which is used symbolically in a Median
dynasty at Babylon before for the Median nation throughout the
Zend B.q. 2234 (Fr. 11). 2. The Greek myths Avesta, and means
literally in Zend " the of Andromec/a and Medea, which connect
biting snake ;" being, moreover, still used the Medes with the early
(Scythic) Phoeni- for " a dragon " in Persian at the present cians and
with the Colchians. The strongest day. argument against it is, the
absence of the ^ See note 7, p. 326. word Mede {Mad) from the
Assyrian insci'ip- 2 ggg j^o^e ', p. 326. tions till the time of the
black-obelisk king, 3 Herod, i. 125. The form of the name ab. B.C.
800. (Vide supra, p. 327.) used by Herodotus is Gennanians (rep^
Herod, vii. 62. Ol MtjSoj iKoKeovro ixdvioi) ; a word which may teach
us cauTToAot irphs iravTuv ''Apioi. Compare Mos. tion in basing
theories of ethnic affinity on a Chor. i. 28. mere name. 6 Ap. Strab.
xv. p. 1053. Neapxos ra * gg^ above, note \
 Essay XI. SOGDIANS, BACTEIANS AND HERATEES. 553
man, spoke a distinct dialect allied to Persian up to a recent period
of history.* (iv.) The Bactrians are included by Strabo in his ' Ariana,'
and are said by him to have " differed but little in language from the
Persians." ^ Herodotus remarks their similarity in equipment to the
Medes.'' That they belonged to the most ancient Arian stock is
evident from the Vendidad, where Bakhdhi, which is undoubtedly
Bactria, is the third country occupied by the Arians after they quit
their primitive settlements. It may further be noticed that the few
Bactrian names which have come down to us on good authority are
either Persian or else modelled upon the Persian type.^ (v.) The
reasons adduced for regarding the Bactrians as Arians apply for the
most part to the Sogdians. Qughdha, or Sogdiana, appears in the
Vendidad as the first place to which Ormazd brought his worshippers
from the primitive Airyanem vaejo. Strabo includes it with Bactria in
his Ariana, and makes the same remark concerning the language of
the two people. Sogdian names are wanting ; but the intimate
connexion of Sogdiana with Bactria^ would alone render it tolerably
certain that the two countries were peopled by cognate races. (vi.)
The Arians of Herodotus seem to parade their ethnic character in
their name ; but it is not improbable that this apparent identity is a
mere coincidence. Herodotus himself distinguishes between
the"Apioi and the "Apf tot ;' and a still wider difference is observable
in the corresponding terms as they come before us in the
Zendavesta and the cuneiform monuments. In the Vendidad the
original Ariana is Airya [Airyayiem vaejo), the later Aria is Haroyu.
Similarly in the inscriptions of Darius, Arian in its wider sense is
Ariya^ Aria (the province) Hariva.^ The initial aspirate, which was
lost by the Greeks," but which still maintains its place in the modern
Herat and in the Heri rud or *' Arius amnis," sufficiently distinguishes
the two words, which differ moreover in the final element — Aria
(the province) having a terminal u or v, which ^ Von Hanmer
(Farhang Jehangiri, pre- 308) is probably a fictitious name, face),
quoted by Prichard (Phys. Hist. vol. ^ Sogdiana follows immediately
upon Baciv. p. 16). [At present there is no distinct tria in the three
lists of the satrapies (Beh. dialect known as /{erindni. — H. C. R.]
Ins. col. i. par. 6 ; Persep. Ins. pai*. 2 : ^ See note ^ on the last
page. Apollodorus Nakhsh-i-Rustam Ins. par. 3). The Bacof Artemita
had included Bactria in Ariana trians and Sogdians are closely united
by before Strabo. (Strab. xi. p. 752). Strabo in many places (ii. p.
107, 169 ; xi. "^ Book vii. ch. 64. 752-3, &c.). Compare Arrian (Exp.
Alex. ^ As the Roxana and Oxyartes of Arrian, iii. 8 ; iv. 1 ; v. 12,
&c.). which are Persian (comp. Arrian, Exp. Alex, ' This is the name
given to the Arians of A-ii. 4, with Ctes. Pers. Exc. § 12), and his
Herat in Book iii. ch. 93. In Book vii., Spitamenes, which is on a
Persian type. Com- however, the difference is overlooked, and pare
the Median names Spithobates (Diod. both they and the true Arians
are called Sic), Spitamas, Spitaces, Spitades, (Ctesias), "Apioi.
(Comp. chs. 62 and 66). the initial element in all these names being
^ Nakhsh-i-Rustam Ins. par. 2, ad fin. ; the Zend Sventa or Spenta, "
Sacred," and Behist. Ins. (Scythic version), col. i. par 5. the lapse of
the nasal before the dental being a 3 Behist. Ins. col. i. par. 6;
Persep. peculiarity of Persian articulation ; and for Ins. (I. Lassen)
par. 2. The Nakhsh-ithe termination menes compare Achsemenes,
Rustam inscription is imperfect. Hieramenes (Thucyd.),
Phradasmenes (Ar- ■* By Hellanicus (Fr. 168), Strabo aad .rian), &c.
Tenagon in iEschylus (Pers. Ptolemy, as well as by Herodotus.
 554 HYECANIANS, SAGAETIANS, & CHORASMTANS. App.
Book I. has no correspondent in the other word. The eastern Arians
therefore ('ApeLoi) are not to be assigned to the Medo-Persic or
Iranic family on account of their name. They are, however, entitled
to a place in it from the occurrence of their country in the
Zendavesta among the primitive Arian settlements, as well as from
their being constantly connected with races whose Arian character
has been already proved.^ Herodotus also, it is worthy of notice,
mentions that in their arms and equipments they resembled the
Medes and Bactrians.^ (vii.) The country of the Hyrcanians (called
Vehrkana) appears in the Zendavesta among those occupied by the
Arians. Their equipment in the army of Xerxes exactly resembled
that of the Persians.^ A name too mention^ in Ctesias as that of a
Hyrcanian is Arian.^ These seem to be sufficient grounds for
assigning them to the Medo-Persic family.^ (viii.) That the
Sagartians were Persians in language,^" and to a great extent in
dress and equipment,^ is witnessed by Herodotus. Their Arian
character is apparent in the inscriptions, where Chitratakhma,^ a
Sagartian, throws Sagartia into revolt by proclaiming himself a
descendant of Cyaxares.^ Darius seems to include their country in
Media,* while Herodotus informs us that in the army of Xerxes they
" were drawn up with the Persians."* (ix.) The Arian character of the
Chorasmians is apparent from the mention of their country
(Khairizao) in the Zendavesta^ in close connexion with Aria (Rerat)^
Margiana (Merv), and Sogdiana (Sughd). The word itself is probably
of Arian etymology,'' and the Chorasmians are almost always found
conjoined with races of the Arian stock.^ A Chorasmian name too,
preserved by a Greek writer, is plainly Arian.^ ^ In the Inscriptions
they usually accom- '' After relating the revolt of Sagartia pany the
Bactrians. In Herodotus they are under Chitratakhma, and its
reduction, Daplaced with the Sogdians and the Choi'as- rius
concludes by saying " this is what was mians f iii. 93, sub fin.). done
by me in Media " (ibid. par. 15). ^ Herod, vii. 66. ^Apioi 5e To^oiffi
jxiv ^ Herod, vii. 85. iTrererdxaro [ot 2ai(rK€va(Tfx€uoi ^arau
MtjSikoio-i, to Se &XXa ydpTioi] is rovs U4p(ras. KaTOLTrep
BaKTpioi. 6 jj^ ^he fourth Fargard. See Burnouf s ^ Herod, vii. 62.
"tpKavioi Kard-n-ep Commentaire sur le Ya^na, p. 108. Tlepa-at
icrea-dxaro. 7 Burnouf derived it from khairi, " nou8 Artasyras,
Persic. Exc. § 9. Compare, rishment," and zemo, "land," or " earth,"
for the initial element, the names Arta- giving it the sense of "
fruitful land." SirH. xerxes, Arta-banus, &c., and for the final one,
Rawlinson suggests a connexion with the Santhe Sanscrit surya, "
light," or " the sun." sciit swarga, " heaven." (Vocabulary, p. 91.) 9 It
may be added that the name Hyrca- ^ Herodotus joins them in the
same nians signifies " the wolves " in Zend, and is satrapy with the
Sogdians and Arians of exacj;ly represented by the modern Persian
Herat (iii. 93). In the army of Xerxes he Giirgan. — [H. C. R.] unites
them with the Sogdians and Ganda^^ Herod, vii. 85. "Zaydprioi . . .
^Qvos rians, noticing that they wore the same TlepffiKov rij (pcovfj.
arms with the Bactrians (vii. 66). In the ' Ibid. ^aydpTioi . . .
(TKevrjv fxera^v cuneiform inscriptions they are conjoined exovci
'Kiivon)ixiv'i]v ttjs re neptrt/c^s koL with the Arians and the
Bactrians (Beh. rris liaKTv'iKris. Ins. col. i. par. 6), with the Sogdians
and 2 For the Arian character of this name, see Sattagydians
(Persep. Inscr.), and with the Sir H. Rawlinson's Vocabulary of the
Ancient Sogdians and Sarangians (Nakhsh-i-Rustam Persian
Language, pp. 143-5 ; and compare Inscr.). the note on
Tritantaechmes (supra, i. 192.) » Pharasmanes (Arrian, Exp. Alex. iv.
3 Behist. Ins. col. 11, par. 14. 15). Compare the Pharismanes of the
 Essay XI. SARANGIANS AND GANDARIANS. 555 (x.) The
Sarangians of Herodotus, whose arms resembled those of the
Medes,' and who are generally conjoined with Arian tribes,^ seem to
be correctly identified with the Drangians of later writers,^ whose
close affinity to the Persians is witnessed by Strabo.* Their name
does not occur in the Vendidad, but their country, called after its
chief river, the Etymandrus * (modern Helmend), is distinctly noticed
among the earliest settlements of the Arians.^ (xi.) The Gandarians,
whose country {Sindhu Gandhard) lay upon the Upper Indus,^ have
not been included among the Arians of this migration, since they
appear to have been (as Hecatseus was aware ®) an Indian rather
than an Iranian race.'* They probably remained in the primitive
settlements of the Arian people, while the MedoPersic tribes moved
westward, sending with them only some few colonists, who carried
the name into Sogdiana and Khorassan.^** With the Gandarians
may perhaps be classed the Sattagydians and the Dadicse, who
were included with them in the same satrapy,' and who occur
generally in this connexion.^ These nations form a subdivision of the
Arian group. 15. The subjoined table will exhibit at a glance the
connexion which it has been here the object of this Essay to trace
among the various races. same author (ib. vi. 27), who is a Persian ;
and see the analysis of Arian names appended to Book vi. J Herod,
vii. 67. 2 With the Sagartians (Herod, iii. 93) ; with the Arians of
Herat (Beh. Ins. and Persep. Ins.) ; with the Chorasmians and
Arachotians (Nakhsh-i-Kustam Ins.). 3 Strab. XV. pp. 1 023-1026 ;
Arrian, Exp. Alex. iii. 21, 28; vii. 10, &c ; Ptol. vii. 19 ; Steph. Byz.,
&c. * Strab. XV. p. 1027. Oi Apdyyai ■jreptrt^o j/T€s T^AAia Kara
t6v fiiov oXvov (TTcavi^ovcri. ^ The reasons for regarding the
Sarangians as the inhabitants of the country called in the Zendavesta
Haetumat are given by Hitter. (Erdkunde, West-Asien, ii. pp. 64-66.)
^ As the primitive historical traditions of Persia refer to this province,
so does the name of the Drangians etymologically signify '* the
ancient." It was probably indeed here that the Perso- Arians first
exercised sovereignty. — [H. C. R.] 7 See Sir H. Rawlinson's
Vocabulary, sub voc. Gadara (pp. 125-8). The Gandarians of the
Indus seem to have first emigrated to Candahar in the fifth century
of our era. 8 Cf. Hecat. Fr. 178. Vdv^apai, 'IvZSov edi/os ; and for
his knowledge of their location upon the Upper Indus, compare his
Kaa-irdirupos, iroXis TavSapiK-ff (Fr. 179) with Herod, iv. 44. 9 The
Gandarians appear as Indians in Sanscrit history (Wilson's Arian
Antiq. p. 131, et seqq. ; Lasseji's Indisch. Alterthumskunde, p. 422,
&c.), and are commonly joined with the Indians in the Inscriptions.
(Persep. Ins. and Nakhsh-i-Rust. Ins.) ^^ Gandarians (Candari) are
found on the northern frontier of Sogdiana in Pliny (H. N. vi. 16),
and Ptolemy (vi. 12). Compare Mela (i. 2). Isidore of Charax has a
town Gadar in Khorassan (p. 7). 1 Herod, iii. 91. 2 The Gandarians
and the Dadicge were united under one commander in the army of
Xerxes (Herod, vii. 66). Gandaria occurs in juxtaposition with
Sattagydia in the Behistun and Nakhsh-i-Rustam inscriptions.
 556 TABLE OF EACES. App. Book ITUEANIAN Hamltic or
Cushite .Scythic or TStar ' Assyro-Babylonian Semitic \ Hebrseo-
PhcEnician Arabian Indo-European Lydo-Phrygian Lycian Thracian
Western Arian or Medo-Persic \ Eastern Arian or Indie . . (Southern
or Himyaritic Arabs. Canaanites (early). Ciialdsans (early). Susianians
(early). Ethiopians of Asia. 'Cappadocians (early). Cilicians (early).
Armenians (early). Sapirians. Colchians. Moschi. Tibereni. Alarodii
(?). Macrones (?). MosyncBci (?). Mares {?). Budii. Magi. Sacje.
Parthians. (Assyrians. Babylonians. Syrians. j Canaanites (later).
Hebrews. Phoenicians. ' Cyprians. Cilicians (later). I Solymi. ' Pisidse.
C Joktanian Arabs. ( Ishmaelite Arabs. Phrygians. Lydians. Mysians. I
Carians. Pelasgi. Greeks. f Lycians. \ Caunians. {Thynians.
Bithynians. Mariandynians. Paphlagonians. Chalybes (?). Persians.
Medes. Bactrians. Sogdians. Arians of Herat. Hyrcanians.
Chorasmians. Sarangians. Sagartians. Carmanians. Armenians
(later). Cappadocians (later). (Indians. I Gandarians. Sattagydians
(?). IDadicse (?).
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accurate

Essay XL BILINGUAL INSCKIPTIONS. 557 (1.) At Limyra.

eweeya erafazeya mete prjnafatu Sedereya Pe . , . ^'^•f :
TFAI^EME •{-P^^EtTAEt^•BEi1^ neu tedeeme urppe etle euwe se
At^AE • t+B EStTE AtEME fW?Alade euwe se tedeeme P , . . A^lt
TOMr'HMATOAEED leye to /nvrffia rode eVOIHZATOZIiliAPIOZPAPME
oiriffaro "^iSapios Uap/aeA^TOZYIO^EAYTS>IKAITHiry^ pros vtos
kavrif Kai rr) yvvAlKIKAlYIQirVBIAAHI ot/ct KUi VIC}) Uv^iaXr).
The text on this page is estimated to be only 4.27%
accurate

558 BILINGUAL mSCEIPTIONS— App. Book I. Ul GCX % T

14) < + S z o >^ CD r LU ^ lij lU < . N r
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accurate

Essay XI. LYCIAN AND GREEK. 559 h^l .^ I X LLI ^ s < LLI
c P? C! ^4 ^ s < g 111 i^J' LU
 560 EPITHETS OF JUPITEK. App. Book L NOTE (A). ON THE
VARIOUS TITLES OF JUPITER. Herodotus, in eh. 44 (p. 33), invokes
Jupiter nnder three names, illustrative of the subdivision of the Deity,
mentioned in notes on ch. 131, B. i. App. and on oh. 4, B. ii. App.
Cicero (de Nat. Deor. b. iii.) mentions three Jupiters : one the son of
^ther, and the father of Proserpine and Bacchus ; another the son of
Heaven, and father of Minerva ; and the third born to Saturn in
Crete, where his tomb was shown. Many characters and epithets
were also given to him by the Eomans, as by the Greeks. (Cp.
Aristot. de Mundo, 7.) He often took the place and office of other
Gods, as of Neptune, JEolus, the Sun, and many more ; he
contained all others within himself (see note on ch. 4, B. ii. App.) ;
he was supreme, ordering all human events, and directing them at
his own pleasure, ^schylus, however, makes him subservient to
Fate, and this accords with the reply of the oracle of Delphi to
Croesus, that " it is impossible even for a God to evade destiny"
(Herod, i. ch. 91) ; and though Homer shows that Jupiter willed and
promised, still man's destiny was settled at his birth, at which
therefore the Fates attended. But the promises of Jupiter were
equally fixed and unalterable as fate, and thus Sarpedon's death
once pronounced to Thetis could not be revoked. (Cic. de Div. ii. 10.)
Of the philosophers, the Stoics particularly held to destiny ; while the
views of the Peripa-tetics on this subject were less stringent. (Of the
Stoics and Fate, see Cicero de Div. ii. 8 ; and of TrpdvoLa,
Providence, the Anima Mundi, see Nat. Deor. ii. 22 and 29.) To
illustrate the variety of epithets applied to Jupiter by the Greeks, I
avail myself of the following remarks, for which I am indebted to the
kindness of the Eev. A. Cumby, who, by a long research in the works
of the ancients, has collected a mass of valuable information on their
manners, customs, and literature, particularly of the Greeks, which
we may hope will some day be given to the public : — " As the giver
of success and failure he is called .Zeuy eTrtSt^TTjs, Pausan. viii. 9,
2; Z. xapiSoTTjs, Plut. Op. Mor. 1048 C. ; Z. TcXeios, Msch. Ag. 973,
Eum. 28, Pausan. viii. 48, 6, Athen. 16 B. ; Z. Kr-ffffios, Demosth.
xxi. p. 531, Antiph. i. p. 113; Isseus, viii. p. 70, Harpocrat. s. v.
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