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THE WORK OF GREGORY XIII. 383 of the last and one of

the most important measures of Gregory XIII. A short time before
Bonhomini reached Cologne that pontificate which had witnessed the
beginning of a new era for the Church in Germany came to an end.
During the pontificate of Gregory great things had been
accomplished in the north ; the dioceses of Hildesheim, Cologne
and, for the most part, of Minister, had been saved to Catholicism ;
at Fulda, Wiirzburg and Eichsfeld the ecclesiastical revival had made
great progress, and the Catholic restoration was in preparation in
Austria as well as Bavaria. It had been in a special way due to the
Pope that things had developed as they had.1 It was due to the
nuncios whom he sent that the Church of Germany was inspired with
new life ; the colleges which Gregory had founded shared the merit
of having laid the foundations upon which the new religious life
could be built up. In Rome men of great influence had long resisted
the conviction that it was no longer by the disciplinary measures of
the middle ages that the new doctrines in the countries which had
apostatized could be destroyed, but that salvation could only come
from the instruction given by a clergy trained for the purpose from
the beginning. In the time of Gregory XIII. the great protector and
founder of the colleges, these ideas had won the day. The Catholic
reformation of the XVIth century must be specially connected with
three great names ; it was Ignatius of Loyola who traced the
fundamental ideas, and drew out the plan for the revival of the
Church ; in connexion with him, and on the basis of the Council ol
Trent, Charles Borromeo became the legislator of the new
ecclesiastical discipline, and in union with Borromeo, Pius V.
reformed Rome and the 1 A *brief of March 15, 1582, which calls
upon Bishop Johann of Strasbourg to work harmoniously with
Cardinal Madruzzo at the Diet, rightly says : " Perspectum esse
fraternitati tuae facile arbitramur nostrum perpetuum studium rerum
Germanicarum. Nihil est, quod tantopere cupiamus quam
nobilissimam illam provinciam omni munere coelesti cumulatissimam
esse, idque assidue Deum precamur." (Departmental Archives,
Strasbourg, G. 172).
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384 HISTORY OF THE POPES. Papal court. Gregory XITI.

was able to gather in the harvest which these illustrious
predecessors had sowed. Ignatius had provided hundreds of
unassuming teachers who, with the sweat of their brow, laboured for
the young on the benches of the schools, Borromeo and Pius had
trained prelates who could be employed as nuncios. Under Gregory
XIII. the right way for the Church of Germany had been taken ; to
what this way might have led, if external circumstances, and
especially the desire for conquest on the part of the neighbour ing
states, had not changed vast territories of Germany into a shapeless
mass of ruins, can hardly be imagined. Once again it had been
proved what a treasure the Church possesses in the calumniated
Papacy, the living and vigorous source from which she is for ever
drawing new strength.
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CHAPTER IX. THE CATHOLIC REVIVAL IN POLAND. AFTER

France, even in the time of Francis I., had entered into close
relations with Turkey, the peace which first Venice, and then Spain
had, to the great grief of Gregory XIII. , concluded with the
hereditary enemy of Christendom, implied the abandonment by the
Latin nations of their ancient and historical mission in the east. It
was therefore natural that henceforward the attention and the hopes
of the Pope should have been turned to that state in the east of
Europe which, especially on account of the increasing weakness of
Germany,1 seemed both on account of its position and its own
interests, to be destined to oppose a barrier by land to the advance
of the Turks. This was the great kingdom of Poland, which hitherto,
by reason of its internal dissensions, had been unable to make use
of its power outside its own borders, and had adopted a policy of
neutrality towards Turkey. A change of policy seemed possible when
the throne fell vacant at the death of Sigismund Augustus, the last
of the Jagellons, which took place on July 7th, 1572. The election of
the King of Poland thus became a matter of great importance, not
only for the war against Turkey, but also for the progress of the
Catholic restoration in Poland, and in the eastern countries of
Europe. Gregory XIII., to whom Cardinal Hosius described the state
of affairs in Poland, recognized this so clearly that he ordered public
prayers for the happy issue of the election.2 Many candidates,
including Protestants, offered themselves 1 In the November of
1574, Maximilian II. prolonged his peace with the Porte ; see
HAMMER, HI., 609 seq, 8 See Hosn Op. II., 332 ; EICHHORN, II.,
427. VOL. XX. 385 25
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386 HISTORY OF THE POPES. for the vacant throne. At first

Sigismund Wasa, the son of John III., King of Sweden and Catherine
Jagellon, Duke Frederick Albert of Prussia, the Czar Ivan IV., the
Archduke Ernest of Austria, came forward, and then Duke Henry of
Anjou, the Voivode of Transylvania, Stephen Bathory, Anna, the
sister of Sigismund Augustus, and lastly the King of Sweden
himself.1 Of the above named the Archduke Ernest of Austria
seemed to the Pope the most desirable, both for the war against the
Turks and for the protection of Catholic interests. The Cardinal
legate, Commendone, even before the death of Sigismund Augustus,
had received express orders to work for the candidature of the
Hapsburg prince.2 After the death of the king the Polish bishops
were urged in a special brief to use their influence in union and
agreement with the legate for the election of a good Catholic ruler.
Cardinal Commendone was not wanting in zeal. He strove at first,
with great labour and skill, to unite the Catholics of Poland, and to
prevent a union of the Protestants. He was successful in averting the
danger of the election of a Protestant king, but his efforts on behalf
of Duke Ernest met with no success, on account of the extravagant
policy of the irresolute and badly advised Emperor.3 The Porte
worked against the candidature of Austria, but much more against
that of Russia, seeing in the Czar an adversary who might become
very dangerous. In the impossibility of elevating a trusted partisan to
the throne 1 See BIAUDET, Le St. -Siege, I., 204 seq. 2 P. DE
CENIVAL, 118 seq. 3 Cf. GRATIANUS, Vita Commendoni, IV., 2 ;
PILINSKI, Das polnische Interregnum von 1572-73 und die polnische
Konigswahl Heinrichs von Valois, Heidelberg, 1861 ; REIMANN in the
Hist. Zeitschrift, XI., 69 seq. ; DE NOAILLES, Henri de Valois et la
Pologne en 1572, 3 vols, Paris, 1867, 2nd edition, 1878,
SCHIEMANN, Russland, Polen und Livland, II., 344 seq. ; BIAUDET,
Le St.Siege, I., 212 seq., 217 seq. ; P. DE CENIVAL, 119 seq., 127
seq. The arbitrary conduct of the nuncio Vincenzo Portico, who
supported the candidature of Princess Anna, sister of Sigismund
Augustus, led to his recall ; cf. BIAUDET, he, cit. 229 seq.
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ANJOU ELECTED KING OF POLAND. 387 of Poland, Turkey

at length declared in favour of Henry of Anjou, whose election, as
the result of the unceasing and unscrupulous efforts of French
diplomacy, was announced on May i6th, 1573. The absence of any
hope of the election of the Archduke Ernest forced Gregory XIII. to
fall in with the French candidature. Although he did this
comparatively soon the change was very distasteful to him.1 But no
other course lay open to him, as this at anyrate prevented a
Protestant becoming King of Poland.2 The religious future of that
country seemed to be all the more seriously threatened as the
Protestants, before the election of the king and under the leadership
of Firley, the grand marshal of the crown, had formed a
confederation at Warsaw which promised full equality of rights to all
who differed in faith (excluding only the non-Christian sects, such as
the Antitrinitarians and the Anabaptists), and granting supreme
authority over their subjects even in religious questions to the noble
land-owners. This agreement violated Catholic interests, in that it
placed Protestant and Catholic worship on an equal footing, even
though the latter had not ceased to be the state religion, and
prevented any attempt to recover stolen ecclesiastical property.3 The
bishops, with the single exception of the Bishop of Cracow, refused
to recognize the federation, and in 1 Gregory XIII. made, as
BIAUDET says (loc. cit. 236), " bonne mine a mauvais jeu." From
this attitude, Maximilian concluded that Commendone had not
sufficiently supported the Archduke Ernest ; see P. TIEPOLO, 227
and Venez. Depeschen, III., 524, note 6. For the attitude of
Commendone and the difficult situation in which he was placed see
NOAILLES, II. (2), 256 seq. ; P. DE CENIVAL, 157 seq. He was made
responsible for every thing that took place, not only at the imperial
court (see Nuntiaturberichte edited by SCHELLHASS, III., 52), but
also in the Curia (cf. the *Relatione di Serguidi of 1581, State
Archives at Florence). In reality it was Galli's " politique trop
ondoyante et pleine de trop d'intentions " that was to blame ; see P.
DE CENIVAL, 175. 2 Cf. P. DE CENIVAL, 135 seq. 8 See BERGA,
Skarga, 180 seq.
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388 HISTORY OF THE POPES. this they were encouraged

by Cardinal Commendone. In his speech before the Diet of Warsaw
the Cardinal had opposed the attempt to make the various religions
live in peace together by citing the action of Samson, when he tied
together the foxes' tails, set fire to them and thus burned the
harvests of the Philistines.1 Even though the Protestants were
unsuccessful in getting their confederation generally accepted, they
nevertheless succeeded in persuading Jean de Montluc, the leader of
the French embassy, to swear to it. When the primate Uchanski
learned of this he made a protest and declared the oath null.2 King
Henry accepted the protest, but was forced by Firley to take an oath
in which the dissentients saw a confirmation of the liberties that had
been promised to them.3 As the new nuncio, Vincenzo Laureo,
Bishop of Hondo vi,4 who went first to Paris and afterwards to
Warsaw, resolutely defended the rights of the Catholics,5 Henry
would have found himself involved in a serious conflict if the death
of his brother Charles IX., which occurred on May 3oth, 1574, after
only four months' reign, had not unexpectedly obliged him to return
to France. The Catholics were supremely humiliated, though the
Protestants rejoiced, at the departure of the king, which was almost
a flight ;6 the latter hoped that one of themselves 1 REIMANN in the
Hist. Zeitschnft, XI., 108. •See EICHHORN, II., 435. Cf. Hist.
Zeitschrift, XL, 126 seq. 3 Cf. LUDTKE in the Freib. Kirchenlex. (III.2,
1859 seq., where the special Polish literature is utilized. 4 Cf. Vita V.
Laurei card. Montisregalis Ruggerio Tritonio auctore, Bononiae, 1599.
5 Cj. MAFFEI, 1., in seq. ; EICHHORN, II., 484 seq., 488 seq. ;
REIMANN in the Hist. Zeitschrift, XII., 380 seq., whose article, as
HERGENROTHER rightly remarks (III. [1880], 435) needs a great
deal of sifting. Since then have appeared Laureo 's reports in
WIERZBOWSKI, V. Laureo nonce apost. en Pologne 1574-78,
Warsaw, 1887, unfortunately in a very defective edition ; cf.
KORZENIOWSKI in the Cracow periodical Przeglad polski, 1888 May
number. 6 See BERGA, Skarga, 188.
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ELECTION OF STEPHEN BATHORY. 389 would now obtain

the throne. The Papal nuncio Laureo at once developed a strenuous
activity and succeeded in preventing the summoning of a national
council. He would have been glad to save Poland from the bitter
controversies of a new election, but the Diet of Warsaw resolved to
give the king until May I2th in the following year as the last date for
his return, and if he should not do so to declare that he had forfeited
the crown.1 Almost the same candidates as in 1572 found
themselves opposed to each other in the renewed fight for election.
The Emperor himself came forward on behalf of Austria, and with
him his son Ernest and the Archduke Ferdinand of the Tyrol.2
Gregory XIII. again favoured the candidature of Austria,2 as the
union of Austria and Poland held out the best hopes for the war
against Turkey. Bathory on the other hand was dependent on the
Turks, and thus seemed to promise very little security for the
Catholic Church, as his religious opinions were spoken of as
doubtful.4 In December, 1575, a two-fold election took place ; the
primate Uchanski, Arch bishop of Gnesen, on the I2th proclaimed in
the name of the senatorial party the Emperor Maximilian as King of
Poland, while two days later the Schlachta elected Stephen Bathory,
1 See MAFFEI, I., 125 seq.; WIERZBOWSKI, V. Laureo; N. BAIN in
the English. Historical Review, 1889, 645 seq. Cf. also SZADECZKY,
Bathory 1st van Lengyel kiralylya valasztasa. 15711576, Budapest,
1887. * In addition to the works of Wierzbowski and Szadeczky
referred to in the preceding note, see also NOAILLES (2), 475 seq.
See also HIRN, II., 243 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, V., 231 seq., 274,
note ; WIERBOWSKI, two Candidatures for the Polish Throne :
William von Rosenberg and Archduke Ferdinand of Tyrol, Warsaw,
1889 (in Russian). Cf. also HtiPPE, De Poloniae post Henricum
interregno 1575-76, Vratislaviae, 1866. 8 See BORATYNSKI, Caligarii
Epist. xli. 4 See Vol. XIX. of this work, Appendix No. 28, the
*Memorie of Cardinal Galli, (Boncompagni Archives at Rome).
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390 HISTORY OF THE POPES. on the condition of his

marrying Anna Jagellon, the sister of Sigismund Augustus.1 In spite
of his sympathy for the candidature of Austria, Gregory XIII., out of
consideration for France, had been obliged to maintain an attitude of
reserve.2 His nuncio, however, had worked strenuously for
Maximilian. After the two-fold election he urged the Emperor to take
action, but quite in vain. On account of the hesitation and inertness
of Maximilian his supporters decreased while those of Bathory
increased in number. At the end of April the latter made his solemn
entry into Cracow, where, after the celebration of his marriage with
the Princess Anna, he was crowned on May ist, 1576, as King of
Poland, by Stanislaus Karnkowski, Bishop of Leslau. On July 5th, he
announced his election to the Pope in a humble letter. He asked for
his protection and announced the sending of envoys for the
obedientia.3 Thus the attitude of the Holy See towards the Polish
question was substantially altered. Rome had to take into account
what had actually been done, for otherwise the most serious
disadvantages for religion in that country would have ensued.4
Gregory XIII. , however, had the greatest consideration for the
Emperor, and at first refused to give any reply to the envoys of
Bathory,5 but caused the 1 See WIERBOWSKI, Laureo, 281-316 ;
SZADECZKY, loo. cit. 198 seq. The report of the election arrived in
Rome by special messenger on Thursday (according to a *report of
Giulio Masetti, dat. February 8, 1576). On the following Monday the
messenger had audience of the Pope. (State Archives, Modena). 2
See *Sporeno's reports dated Rome, January 2 and February 24,
1575 (Government Archives, Innsbruck). Cf. HIRN, II., 84. 3 See
THEINER, II., 206 seq. On June 10 Laureo was instructed by Bathory
to await the Pope's reply outside the kingdom ; see SZADECZKY,
417. Laureo went to Breslau to await events ; see WIERBOWSKI,
Laureo, p. iv. 4 See Galli's letter to Morone of July 21, 1576, in the
Nuntiaturberichte, II., 93. * Bathory had also applied to Hosius for
help ; see THEINER, II., 208.
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STEPHEN BATHORY. attitude which was to be adopted

towards the claimants to the Polish crown to be discussed once more
by a congregation of Cardinals.1 Their decision was made
substantially easier by the favourable reports received of Bathory's
religious sentiments, and by the news of the death of the Emperor
which reached Rome at the end of October.2 Gregory XIII. now no
longer delayed in recognizing Bathory as King of Poland, and in
accrediting Vincenzo Laureo as nuncio at his court, by a brief of
November 6th, 1576. 3 The ten years of the reign of Stephen
Bathory, perhaps the greatest of the kings of Poland,4 were to be of
decisive importance for the religious future of the Polish kingdom.
Perhaps in no nation of Europe had the apostasy from Rome led to
such great confusion of faith as in Poland. Besides the Lutherans,
Calvinists and Greek schismatics who had been numerous there for a
long time past, the country contained a varied assortment of every
kind of sect ; Zwinglians, Bohemian Brothers, Neo-Arians,
Anabaptists, xThe Congregation was established on October 12,
1576; see SANTORI, Diario consist. XXV., 119. Cf. *Giulio Masetti's
report of October 13, 1576 (State Archives, Modena). See also
MAFFEI, I., 230. For Bathory's ambassador Zamoiski see HEINICKE
in the Programm des Hohensteiner Gymnasiums, 1853, and
Nuntiaturberichte, II., 148, 153, 168. 2 On October 26, 1576,
Gregory XIII. imparted the news to the cardinals, see *Acta consist.
(Consistorial Archives of the Vatican). Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, II., 172.
3 See THEINER, II., 209 seq. In SZADECZKY, 429 seq., the brief is
given with the wrong date, " August 6," owing to a mistake in the
copy from which it was reproduced. * According to LISKE in his
review (Hist. Zeitschrift, LXI., 375) of ZAKRZEWISKI'S St. Batory,
Cracow, 1887. This magnifi cent work first drew attention to the
importance of Bathory. KRASINSKI also says (Geschichte der
Reformation in Polen, 181) that Bathory's reign was " one of the
most glorious epochs in the history of Poland." NOAILLES (II.2,
484), calls Bathory one of the best and greatest of Poland's kings.
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392 HISTORY OF THE POPES. Antitrinitarians, and finally

Socinians.1 As some of these sects called in question the
fundamental doctrines of Christian ity, so there were not wanting in
addition true free-thinkers, who denied all doctrine, and others who
adopted a convenient indifferentism.2 The easily moved and
inflammable char acter of the Poles on the one hand, and the many
foreigners, Germans as well as Italians, on the other, who had
settled all over the country, for the most part as merchants, had led
to the spread of the most varied and often most radical ideas.3 The
principal support of Protestantism was the aristocracy, and especially
the Schlachta, or lesser country gentry, who often forced their serfs
by fines to attend the sermons of the innovators. In addition to
material considerations a decisive influence was exercised over the
Polish magnates by their spirit of independence. " Our state is free,"
said the nobles ; " if the king has no power to give us orders, much
less have the Pope and the bishops."4 A free hand had been given
to the Protestants of Poland by the confederation of Warsaw. The
Catholics, however, under the leadership of Archbishop Uchanski of
Gnesen, had protested against this agreement as illegal ; even the
one 1 Cf. BUKOWSKI, Dzieje Reformacye w Polsce, II., 366 ;
TRECHSEL, Die protest. Antitrinitarier vor F. Socinus, 2 vols.,
Heidelberg, 1839, 1844; Freib. Kirchenlex. (2), I., 975 seq., XL, 465
seq. ; FOCK, Der Socinianismus, Kiel, 1847 ; LUCKFIEL in the
Zeitschyift der Hist. Ges. fur die Prov. Posen, 1892-93 ; Real-Enzykl.
fur protest. TheoL, XVIII.3, 459 seq. ; MORAWSKI, Arianie polscy,
Lemberg, 1906 ; ZIVIER, I., 740 seq., 764 seq.t 770. A monograph
on Lelio and Fausto Sozzini is expected from the pen of the Sienese
scholar Ant. Mazzei. 2 For the Polish deists and freethinkers see
MERCZYNY in Przeglad Historyczny, XII., Warsaw, 1911, 3 seq. and
VON DUNINBORKOWSKI in the Stimmen aus Maria-Lach, LXXXV.,
165 seq. For the Czech Neo-Arianism see also BRUCKNER,
Roznowiercy polscy (Polish sectaries), 239 seqq. 3 See
SPANNOCCHI, Relatione, 244 seq. For the Italians see Bolognetti's
report in THEINER, III., 727 seq. * See SPANNOCCHI, Relatione,
243.
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STEPHEN BATHORY. 393 bishop who had at first recognized

it, Krasinski of Cracow, joined in this protest,1 but B&thory had to
promise to maintain the confederation of Warsaw. With scrupulous
conscientious ness, he kept to this promise during the whole ten
years of his reign ;2 but in other respects, as a deeply convinced
Catholic,3 he, with his wife Anna and his chancellor Zamoiski, did
everything in his power to further the interests of the Catholics. The
Babel-like confusion in religious matters which prevailed in Poland,
filled him and all who had the good of the kingdom at heart, with
the greatest anxiety. As Hosius rightly said in one of his letters, he
fully realized that from the time when Poland had abandoned the
Catholic faith, her political faith had also disappeared, and that the
kingdom could only be at peace when once again it had one faith.4
But in the circumstances Bathory saw no other way out than
rigorously to maintain the confederation of Warsaw. Nevertheless
the Protestants did not succeed in obtaining anything more than a
passive toleration. How anxious Bathory was to restore the Catholic
Church was shown in the first year of his reign by his ordering the
restitution of all the churches under the royal patronage which had
been stolen by the Protestants. He made a conscientious use of his
right of patronage by informing himself of the merits of the
candidates. 5 This action of the king substantially facilitated the
work of Catholic restoration, the principal promoters of which were,
besides Cardinal Hosius, the Jesuits Skarga and Possevino, and thx
Papal nuncios.5 Laureo and the Archbishop of Gnesen, Uchanski,
had acted as presidents of the provincial synod held at Petrikau in
May, 1577. This assembly not only repudiated the confedera tion of
the dissentients at Warsaw, but unanimously accepted the decrees
of the Council of Trent, and issued further special 1 See ibid. 249. *
See BERGA, Skarga, 190 ; BoRATYtfsKi, Caligarii Epist., xlv. 3 BORAX
YtfsKi, Batory, 243. 4 HOSII Op. II., 404 seq. EICHHORN, II., 496.
•See BERGA, Skarga, 190-1. • Cf. WIERBOWSKI, Laureo, v. seq.
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394 HISTORY OF THE POPES. decrees for the reform of the

clergy ; the acta were sent to Rome for confirmation.1 This was an
event of great importance for the carrying into effect of the Catholic
reform. An attempt made against the Catholic clergy by the
dissentients in the year following the Diet of Warsaw was fortunately
frustrated by the action of Bathory.2 Although Hosius, who from
Rome took an active part in the fortunes of Poland, could have
wished for greater resoluteness on the part of the king in certain
matters, the Holy See could on the whole feel very satisfied at his
attitude. The King of Poland, it was felt in August, 1577, at the Curia,
showed more and more clearly his Catholic sentiments.3 Laureo too,
who at first did not trust Stephen, changed his opinions.4 His last
reports were so encouraging,5 that the new nuncio whom Gregory
XIII. appointed in April, 1578, in the person of Giovanni Andrea
Caligari,6 was charged to express to the king the Pope's gratitude.7
The King of Poland made an unequivocal profession of his Catholic
sentiments when he sent Paul Uchanski to Rome 1 See
WIERBOWSKI, loc. cit. 546 seqq., 561 seqq. ; MAFFEI, I., 283 seq. ;
EICHHORN, II., 506 seq., 510 ; THEINER, II., 394 ; Archiv fur
Kirchenrecht, XXII. (1869), 89 seq. ; ZIVIER, I., 756; ULANOWSKI in
the Archiwum Kom-Prawniczej ', I. (1895), 496506; BERGA, Skarga,
191. 2 See EICHHORN, II., 511 ; THEINER, II., 394 seq. For the
mitigations granted by the synod in view of special Polish con ditions
see BORATYNSKI, Caligarii Epist. Iv. 8 See *Odescalchi's report
dated Rome, August 3, 1577 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Cf. also
St. Szant6s' letter to Bathory dat. Rome, December 8, 1577, in the
Fontes rer. Transilv., I., 62 seq. 4 Cf. BORATYNSKI, loc. cit. xliv. 6 See
WIERBOWSKI, Laureo, 685. 6 See the Brief of April 5, 1578, in
THEINER, II., 394. The instruction for Caligari dated April 23, 1578,
first printed in the Scelta di curiosita letl., 198, Bologna, 1883, 76
seq. The reports of Caligari's nunciature can be seen, beautifully
edited, in BORATYNSKI ; I. A. Caligarii Epist. et Acta (Mon. Pol. Vatic.
IV.), Cracoviae, 1915. 7 See the Instruction of April 23, 1578, loc. cit.
5 seq.
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BATHORY AND THE HOLY SEE. 395 in 1578 to make his

public obedientia to the Pope. Gregory XIII., in his reply to this act of
homage, on April nth, 1579, expressed his joy at the zeal which
Bathory was showing for the Catholic religion. The king gave a
further proof of this by appointing a permanent ambassador in
Rom3. This important office had been destined for Paul Uchanski,
but he lost it because, attracted by the beauties of Italy and its
marvels, he made the journey to Rome too slowly. The Bishop of
Plock, Peter Dunin Wolski, was appointed in his stead.1 The good
relations between Bathory and the Holy See were strengthened by
the fact that the king supported, as far as he could, the efforts of
Gregory for a radical reform and restoration. The Curia learned with
satisfaction that he only conferred the benefices in his gift upon
good priests, who made the Tridentine profession of faith, and
observed the duty of residence. The civil authorities as well in many
cases complied with the Pope's wish to place tried Catholics in the
more important civil offices. Bathory supported in every way the
reform of the regular and secular clergy, which had been laid upon
Caligari as his special duty ; as he travelled about he often
personally inquired into the state of the parishes, and the king soon
found others to imitate him. Many of the higher officials publicly
displayed their zeal for the Catholic faith.2 The University of Cracow
also showed its loyalty to the Pope when its governing body ordered
in 1578 that no one should receive academic degrees who had not
made the Tridentine profession of faith.3 It was of yet greater
importance that Bathory gave effectual help to the Jesuits, not only
by assisting them financially, 1 See MAFFEI, II., 42 ; Relacye
Nuncyuszdw Apostolskich, I., 302 seq. ; THEINER, III., 60 seq. For
the " Obedientia " see BORATYNSKI, loc. cit. 157 seq., 764 seq., and
also *Odescalchi's report of April n, 1579 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua). a See MAFFEI, I., 339 seq., II., 139 seq., 185 seq. ;
THEINER, III., 63 seq. ; SPANNOCCI, Relatione, 274 seq. 3 See
THEINER, III., 66.
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396 HISTORY OF THE POPES. but also in other ways.1 In

so doing he was complying with the special wishes of the Pope, who
saw in the support of the Jesuits the best means for the restoration
of religion in Poland. 2 The nuncio Commendone arid Hosius had
already interested themselves in the introduction of the Jesuits into
Poland, being convinced that the clergy were not sufficiently
equipped for dealing with the religious innovations, and that the
necessary reform of religious conditions could not be looked for
without help from outside.3 Hosius put his wishes into effect by
summoning the Jesuits to Braunsberg at the end of 1564, where at
the beginning of the following year they opened a college, and soon
extended their activities to Poland as well. The first Jesuit house on
Polish soil was opened at Pultusk in 1566, which was followed by
colleges at Wilna and Posen in the years 1570-1571. 4 Besides the
revival and development of Catholic life, the Jesuits at first looked
upon the struggle against Protestantism as their principal task, bat
they soon also turned their attention to the conversion of the
adherents of the Greek schism.5 Their method of procedure was
similar to that which they had adopted in other countries. They
resisted 1 Cf. BoRATYrisKi, loo. cit. 80 seq., 255 seq., 470 seq. As
early as June, 1577, Bathory had written to the Jesuits saying that
he would support them " re potius quam verbis " ; see ROSTOWSKI,
552 See *Odescalchi's report dated Rome, December 6, 1578
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and *Avviso di Roma of February 21,
1579, Urb. 1047, p. 57 (Vatican Library). 3 See BERGA, Skarga, 164.
4 For the spread of the Jesuits in Poland cf. SACCHINUS, IV., i, II.,
42, III., 102, IV., 64 seq., 76 seq., V., 77, VII., 83 seq., 121 ;
EICHHORN, I., 179, II., 181, 473 ; ZALESKI, I., 171, 177, 185, 242
seq., 252 seq. Ibid. 235 seq. for Bathory 's earlier relations with the
Jesuits. For the foundation of the college in Posen see Zeitschrift der
Hist. Ges. fiir die Prov. Posen, IV., 71 seq., 123 seq. For the college
at Braunsberg cf. DUHR, I., 179 seq., 307 seq. and Zeitschrift des
westpreussischen Gesch.-Vereins, 1899, i seq. 5 Cf. LIKOWSKI,
Union von Brest, 66.
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THE JESUITS IN POLAND. 397 the spread oi the new

doctrines by constant preaching and by learned writings ; by their
excellent teaching they won the respect and confidence of parents,
and by their exemplary conduct and sincere piety gave edifica tion to
both clergy and people. In some places they attained results
bordering on the miraculous, especially when it is remembered that
most oi the tathers were not Poles ; at Gootyn all the inhabitants
returned to the Church. The consequence was that the p?stors
attacked and even threatened the new religious, and often the
disciples of St. Ignatius were called upon to show their readiness to
suffer severely for their faith. The Jesuits did not mix them selves up
in political questions, and during both the interregnums observed a
complete neutrality. The authorities of the Order had prudently taken
the circumstances into account at the time of the election of Anjou
by severing the connexion with Vienna and setting up a separate
Polish province.1 Wilna, the capital of Lithuania, was the most
important centre of the Jesuits in the Kingdom of Poland. B£thory
himself urged the conversion of the existing college there into a
university,2 and Gregory XIII. carried out this design on October
29th, 1579. 3 When B&thory had taken the city of Polozk from the
Russians he hastened to establish a house of the Jesuits there
(1580). 4 The new colleges of the Order at Lublin and Kalisch also
owed much to the generosity of the king. Gregory XIII. favoured
these establishments of the Jesuits in every way, and repeatedly
made them con1 Cf. BERGA, Skarga, 165, 188, 191. BRUCKNER also,
in Ullstein's Weltgeschichte (period 1650 to 1815) describes the
Polish Jesuits who opposed protestantism as " men filled with
devotion and self-sacrifice, full of strength and will and strength of
faith ; men of burning eloquence, theological learning and ascetical
life." * See THEINER, III., 66. •See Bull. Rom., VIII., 560 seq. Cf.
ZALESKI, I., i, 252 seq. and BIELINSKI, Uniw. Wilna, Krak6w, 1899-
1900. 4 See ZALESKI, I., i, 260 ; IV., i, 181 seq.
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39$ HISTORY OF THE POPES. siderable gifts.1 The great

activity which they displayed was of ever increasing importance for
the religious future of Poland.2 As in other places, so in Poland the
Jesuits devoted themselves by preference to education and teaching.
When the king died they were in charge of two universities, those of
Wilna and Braunsberg, eight high schools, and one preparatory
school. In order to provide professors for these establishments they
had at first to make use of fathers belonging to other nations ; side
by side with Germans were to be seen Italians, and in some places
fathers from Spain, Portugal and England. As the Poles specially
esteemed foreign professors, this was of great advantage to the
Jesuits.3 The painstaking and intelligent care which they devoted to
the work of education explains the great results obtained by the
Jesuits, to whom many who differed from them in faith entrusted
their sons. Even more than in Germany it was the sons of the
greatest families of Poland who attended the educational
establishments so admirably conducted by the Jesuits. In 1581 the
college at Pultusk contained 400 pupils, almost all of whom belonged
to noble families.4 The Order also undertook the education of the
lower classes ; 1 See Scelta di curios, lett., 198, Bologna, 1883, 88
seq. ; Zeitschr. der His. Ges.fiir die Prov. Posen, IV. (1888), 73 ;
REICHENBERGER, I., 9 ; BORATYNSKI, Caligarii Epist. 241 seq. 2 Cf.
LJUBOWITSCH, History of the Jesuits in the LithuanianRussian
Countries, Warsaw, 1888 (Russian), and, by the same author, The
Beginnings of the Catholic Reaction and the Decline of the
Reformation, Warsaw, 1890 (Russian) ; also ZALESKI'S great work ;
Jesuici w Polsce, especially I., i, 363 se(l'> 375 secl- '> IV., i, 44 seq.,
59 seq., 66 seq., 109 seq., 116 seq., 187 seq. An abbreviated
edition, in one volume, appeared at Cracow in 1908. See also
ARGENTUS, Ad Sigismundum III., Ingolst., 1616 ; POLLARD, The
Jesuits in Poland, Oxford, 1892, 26 seqq. ; SCHMURLO, Russia and
Italy I., Petersburg, 1908, 123 (Russian). 3 See ZALESKI, I., i, 376
seq. * See MAFFEI, II., 186.
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THE JESUITS IN POLAND. 399 thus free Ruthenian

elementary schools were opened at Wilna and Pultusk in order to
draw the Ruthenian children from the schismatic schools ; there
were others at Braunsberg for the children of the German
workmen.1 The Jesuits were equally indefatigable in the care of
souls. Especially did they encourage, by their striking and practical
sermons, those who had remained faithful to the Church, and won
back to it many Calvinists and Lutherans who had left it. They also
devoted their care to the schismatic Ruthenians, and Fathers Herbest
and Nahai are specially mentioned as the apostles of the territory
inhabited by them.2 The success of the Jesuits in converting the
Protestant wives of the chancellor Zamoiski and the Voivodes of
Podolia caused the greatest amazement. There were also numerous
con versions among the lower classes, especially among the
schismatic Ruthenians. During Lent, 1579, the king himself
witnessed the reception into the Church at Wilna of eightytwo
Protestants and forty Greek schismatics. Similar conversions
continued in the following year, as is shown by the reports of the
nuncio Caligari. Skarga received into the Church no less than 134
Protestants and schismatics, and about 100 Bernardines at Wilna.3
How energetically the Jesuits devoted themselves to the religious
instruction of the people was shown not only by their sermons, but
also by the lectures which they delivered to the educated classes in
the larger cities, two or three times a week, for the explanation of
the more important passages of Scripture ; in the smaller cities there
were corresponding lectures on the catechism. The fathers gave a
practical turn to the confraternities, bearing in mind the conditions of
the time, by exhorting the members to the practice of good works
and especially to the veneration of the Blessed Sacrament. In this
way, moreover, they at the same time refuted the doctrines of the
innovators. This was also done by their 1 See ZALESKI, 1., i, 377. 2
Ibid. 387. 3 See BORATYNSKI, Caligarii Epist., liv, 472, 533, 540,
623, 654, 775 seq., cf 781 seq., 823, 829, 836 seq.
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4OO HISTORY OF THE POPES. great literary activity and by

their taking part in the public religious disputations then in vogue,
the most celebrated of which were those held in the seventh decade
of the century at Wilna and Posen, and in the eighth at Lublin.1 The
king, whose confessor, Father Martin Laterna, was court preacher, as
was also for a long time the provost of Cracow, Stanislaus
Sokolowski, continued to favour the Jesuits in every way, but the
magnates too, among whom were many Protestants, valued the
fathers for their instructions and their educational abilities. The
representatives of Protestantism were unable to accomplish much in
the face of all this. If became more and more evident what feeble
roots the new doctrines had taken, in spite of their wide
dissemination in Poland and Lithuania. The little resistance offered
by Polish Protestantism was the result, not only of its want of depth,
but also of the great want of union among those who professed it.2
The Lutherans were violently opposed to the Calvinists and the
Bohemian Brethren, while all three were at one in persecuting the
Socinians and the Antitrinitarians to the death. By excluding the
latter sects from the confederation of Warsaw, the Protest ants
undermined the convention on which their existence was based. It
was not surprising that there was a steady increase in the number of
those who, wearied of the bitter controversies, became disgusted
with Protestantism and withdrew from it, or returned once more to
the ancient Church, whose clear and coherent doctrinal system the
Jesuit preachers set forth so impressively. People of all classes
flocked to their sermons, partly out of curiosity and partly led by an
undefined desire, including thousands into whose minds the
Protestant preachers had instilled the most extraordinary ideas of
the Catholic faith.3 The great change which was taking place in an
ever 1 ZALESKI, 1., i, 378 seqq. 2 Cf. ALTMANN, Ober den Verfall der
Reformation in Polen, Erfurt, 1861, 4 seq. ; MALIANIAK, Andreas
Fricius Modrevius, Vienna, 1913, 34. 8 SPANNOCCHI, Relatione, 316.
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PETER SKARGA. 40! increasing degree may be clearly seen

from the reports of the Jesuits. " I have seen," relates one who had
worked at Cracow, " the greatest diversity of hearers : Lutherans,
Zwinglians, Calvinists and Anabaptists, who had all come to hear a
Jesuit preach. The number of those who wish to embrace the faith is
so great, that I cannot count them." To this report, belonging to the
first days of the sermons, others can be added, from which it may
be gathered that the crowds of persons "who are starved in spirit "
increased in an extraordinary way ; the fathers had to remain in the
church from three in the morning until seven in the evening.1 The
names of the modest priests who laboured in this way are only
recorded in the annals of their own Order. But one still lives on in the
heart of every Polish Catholic with undiminished freshness ; this was
Peter Skarga. What Canisius was for threatened Germany, Skarga
was for his own people.2 Peter Skarga, who was born in 1536 at
Grojec in Masovia, had shown his wonderful oratorical powers in
1564 as theologian at Lemburg. In 1569 he entered the Jesuit
noviciate of 1 See the report of July 17, 1579, in LJUBOWITSCH, Zur
Gesch. der Jesuiten, Document i, and SCHIEMANN, II., 370. 2 Cf. the
valuable monograph by RYCHCICKI (pseudonym for Count Maurice
Dzieduszycki) : Piotr Skarga i jego wiek (Peter Skarga and his times),
Cracow, 1850, 2nd edition, 1868-69, 2 vols., and BERGA, P. Skarga,
Paris, 1916. See also GRABOWSKI, P. Skarga na tlo katholickiej
literatury religijnej w Polsce wieku, XVI. 1 536'1 612 (P. Skarga in
the Catholic religious literature in Poland in the iGth Century),
Cracow, 1913 ; DE BACKERSOMMERVOGEL, VII., 1264 seq. \
ROSENTRETER in the Freib. Kirchenle*,., XI. \ 386 seqq. ; PH.
SCHMIDT in the Katholik, IV., ii (1913), 38 seq. ; KUMMERFELD in
the Munich " Hochland " XI., i, 486 seq. Cf. the special articles and
literature referred to in the Mitteil. des Osterr. Inst., 1915, 766, and
in the Zeitschr. fitr Kirchengesch., XXXIX., 185. Berga's monograph is
one of the best works on Polish history in the i6th century. No other
work gives such a lucid description of the conditions of the Catholic
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