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 DIASPORAS OF THE MIND

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4214.indd 2 18/10/13 7:25 AM
 DIASPORAS OF THE MIND
JEWISH AND POSTCOLONIAL WRITING AND
THE NIGHTMARE OF HISTORY
BRYAN CHEYETTE

YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS

N E W H AV E N A N D L O N D O N

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 Copyright © 2013 Bryan Cheyette

The right of Bryan Cheyette to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted
by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced in whole or in part, in any form
(beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and
except by reviewers for the public press) without written permission from the publishers.

For information about this and other Yale University Press publications, please contact:

U.S. office: [email protected]â•…â•… www.yalebooks.com

Europe office: [email protected]â•…â•… www.yalebooks.co.uk

Set in Minion Pro by IDSUK (DataConnection) Ltd

Printed in Great Britain by TJ International Ltd, Padstow, Cornwall

Library of Congress Control Number 2013952402

ISBN 978-0-300-09318-6

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

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 For Jacob, with love and respect

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4214.indd 6 18/10/13 7:25 AM
 Contents

Acknowledgements viii
Preface xii

1 Introduction: Diasporas of the Mind 1

PART ONE
2 Diaspora and Colonialism: Frantz Fanon, Albert Memmi
and the Cosmopolitan Jew 43
3 Diaspora and the Holocaust: Primo Levi, Jean Améry
and the Art of Returning the Blow 78

PART TWO
4 Diaspora, ‘Race’ and Redemption: Muriel Spark and the
Trauma of Africa 117
5 The American Diaspora: Philip Roth and the National Turn 161
6 Diaspora and Postcolonialism: Salman Rushdie and the Jews 203
7 Conclusion: Diaspora and Postethnicity 244

Notes 265
Bibliography 282
Index 296

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 Acknowledgements

The forbearance of many individuals has enabled me to understand a great

deal (not least the extent of my ignorance) during the preparation of
this book. I have, over many years, moved between several academic
institutions, which has allowed me to participate in a wide variety of
wonderfully stimulating gatherings, both large and small. I have found
this diasporic period deeply enriching and I am greatly in the debt of
so many that I find myself overwhelmed with the memories of the help I
have received. The book began at the University of Southampton in the
Parkes Institute (under the wise directorship of Tony Kushner) and in the
English Department, where I had a group of most supportive colleagues
who understood from the beginning why I would be reckless enough to go
on this exponential intellectual journey. I want to thank in particular
David Glover, Lucy Hartley, Cora Kaplan, Elena Katz, Peter Lawson, Nicky
Marsh, John McGavin, Peter Middleton, Stephen Morton, Nils Roehmer,
Nadia Valman and Tony Kushner (who has been a comrade-­in-­arms since
our postgraduate days together at the University of Sheffield). While at
Southampton, I was kindly granted research leave in 2004 to take up the
position of the Brownstone Visiting Professor in English and Jewish

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 A c k nowledgements ix

Studies at Dartmouth College. I want to record my gratitude to Susannah

Heschel, who was the most stimulating and unstinting colleague, and who
has contributed more to this book than she could possibly know. I learned
from Susannah both to be intellectually ambitious and to have the courage
of my convictions, although I make no claims to match her courage. While
at Dartmouth I also benefited greatly from the support of Jonathan Crewe,
Marianne Hirsch, Donald Pease, Louis Renza and Leo Spitzer, who
enabled me to give early versions of this book at various challenging
symposia. Southampton granted me leave in 2005 to become a Steinhardt
Research Fellow at the Herbert D. Katz Center for Advanced Judaic
Studies, University of Pennsylvania, where I undertook much of the
research for this project and benefited enormously from the weekly semi-
nars and the end-­of-­year conference. My thanks go firstly to David
Ruderman for inviting me to his centre and especially to Anita Norich,
who was an ideal friend and colleague. I would also like to thank Marc
Caplan, Amelia Glaser, Kathryn Hellerstein, Michael Kramer, Alan Mintz,
Alan Rosen, Laurence Roth, Anita Shapira, Deborah Starr and Liliane
Weissberg, my fellow fellows, who taught me a great deal.
I regard this project, more than a little foolishly, as a kind of spiritual
autobiography, and I have profited from advice and inspiration given by
friends and colleagues for many years. Susheila Nasta has been an intellec-
tual confidante since our time at Queen Mary and Westfield College, and has
done more than most to validate this project by inviting me to guest-­edit her
journal Wasafiri in 2009 and run a series of research seminars with the Open
University at the University of London. Steve Zipperstein, over many, many
years, has given and continues to give me the confidence, against all evidence
to the contrary, that what I am doing is worthwhile; I am immensely grateful
to him. David Feldman, at the Pears Institute at Birkbeck College, has
inspired me to the heights of academic rigour and curiosity, which I
know can only ever be a Pisgah sight. David Herman is my sternest critic
but, if there is anything worthwhile here, I have no doubt that he will let me
know in the kindest possible way. And David Cesarani remains a model
of the best type of academic and intellectual engagement and is a source

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 x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

of undiminished friendship and generosity. Jonathan Freedman has shown

me what is possible, and his imaginative and insightful scholarship, in
particular, has been a constant stimulus. Three younger colleagues, Peter
Boxall, Robert Gordan and Phiroze Vasunia, are models of both modesty
and intellectual energy, and their help and advice have been invaluable.
This book is also for John Barnard, Shaul Bassi, Eitan Bar Yosef, Irena
Bauman, Lydia Bauman, Murry Baumgarten, Haedee Becker, Michael
Berkowitz, Ian Black, Sara Blair, Elleke Boehmer, Jonathan Boyarin, Alan
Craig, Melanie Craig, Valentine Cunningham, Sidra DeKoven Ezrahi,
Robert Eaglestone, Todd Endelman, Elaine Feinstein, Monika Fludernik,
Eva Frojmovic, Sander Gilman, Paul Gilroy, Stephen Grabiner, Miriam
Grabiner, Helen Harris, Robin Hilton, Alfred Hornung, Lynette Hunter,
Maja Jaggi, Vivien Jones, Jonathan Judaken, Chana Kronfeld, Hermione
Lee, Miriam Leonard, Tony Lerman, Peter Lichtenfels, Vivian Liska, Simon
Louvish, Maurice Lyons, Mairi Macdonald, Laura Marcus, David Marriott,
Tony Metzer, Aamer Mufti, Beate Neumeier, Adam Zachary Newton,
Benita Parry, Griselda Pollock, James Porter, Jacqueline Rose, Michael
Rothberg, John Schad, John Schwarzmantel, James Shapiro, Max Silverman,
Clive Sinclair, Axel Staehler, Alistair Stead, Mark Stein, Lyndsey Stonebridge,
Louise Sylvester, Sue Vice, Dawn Waterman, John Whale, Jonathan Wilson,
Hana Wirth-Nesher, James Young and Froma Zeitlin. Zygmunt and the late
Janina Bauman, Geoffrey Hartman and Gabriel Josipovici continue to have
a transformative influence.
I would also like to acknowledge earlier versions of part of
chapter 2 which appeared in Max Silverman, ed., Frantz Fanon’s ‘Black
Skin, White Masks’ (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005); early
versions of part of chapter 3 which appeared in Bryan Cheyette and Laura
Marcus, eds, Modernity, Culture and ‘the Jew’ (Stanford: Stanford University
Press, 1998, and Cambridge: Polity Press, 1998); early versions of part of
chapter 4 which appeared in Bryan Cheyette, Muriel Spark (Plymouth:
Northcote House Press, 2000); and earlier versions of part of chapter 7
which appeared in Susheila Nasta, ed., Reading the ‘New’ Literatures in a
Postcolonial Era (Cambridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2000).

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 A c k nowledgements xi

At the University of Reading I am fortunate enough to work with

supportive and generous colleagues who have, through many kindnesses,
enabled me to complete this project. I want to thank, in particular,
David Brauner (more than I can say), Alison Donnell, Christopher
Duggan, Ronan McDonald, Andrew Nash, Patrick Parrinder and Peter
Robinson while acknowledging, above all, that I am particularly fortunate
to be part of a big-­hearted department. While at Reading I have been
awarded a matching Arts and Humanities Research Leave, which was
absolutely essential in enabling me to complete this book. Another essen-
tial is Robert Baldock, the best possible publisher any academic author
(especially one of my disposition) could have. Without him, and his
equally gifted staff, such as Candida Brazil and Rachael Lonsdale, and my
copy-­editor Robert Shore, this book would not have come to fruition.
I also want to thank Peter Herbert, Jan Montefiore, and Isabelle Travis
without whom I would not have been able to get over the line.
But I could not have written a word without my family. Their emotional
and practical support, and considerable sacrifices over many years, have
given me the space to write and think (perhaps a little too much). My wife,
Susan Cooklin, remains a source of strength and undiminished love
despite the many provocations generated by this project. My mother’s
Irish-­Jewish background is a model of diasporic fortitude, and the care she
receives from my sister, and that both continue to give to me, is the
epitome of love and kindness. They have been through a great deal while
I have been writing this book and I am only sorry that it has, at times,
taken me away from them. Diasporas of the Mind is dedicated to my son,
Jacob, who has lived with it for most of his life. He is, like many of his
generation, a diasporist down to his very bones. This gives me great hope
for the future – and not just because he is a most wonderful son.

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 Preface

This book explores both the power and the limitations of the diasporic
imagination after the Second World War. Rather than the disciplinary
thinking of the academy, which confines different histories of diaspora to
separate spheres, Diasporas of the Mind argues for a new comparative
approach across Jewish and postcolonial histories and literatures. The
book examines some of the most important novelists and thinkers
since 1945 – including Hannah Arendt, Frantz Fanon, Primo Levi, Muriel
Spark, Philip Roth, Edward Said, Salman Rushdie, Anita Desai, Caryl
Phillips and Zadie Smith – as critical exemplars of a transcultural diasporic
imagination. Where Diasporas of the Mind differs from earlier accounts of
these figures is in understanding the extent to which they all cross disci-
plinary boundaries and identities, whether as supposedly ‘Jewish’, ‘Catholic’,
‘postcolonial’, ‘black’, ‘Asian’, ‘postethnic’, ‘post-­Holocaust’ or ‘Caribbean’
writers. There should be no need for this book in an ideal world, but there
seems to be an increased necessity to indicate the ways in which histories
and cultures can be imagined across national and communal boundaries.
It is in these terms that the phrase ‘diasporas of the mind’ can be read
dismissively: ‘diasporas of the mind’ rather than the real thing; or imagined

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 P reface xiii

diasporas rather than actual or historical diasporas. But the point of the
book is precisely to show the ways in which the boundaries between histor-
ical reconstruction and the imagination are hardly distinct and the concept
of diaspora, in particular, illustrates this. On the one hand, ‘diaspora’ is
deeply conservative and imbricated in historical narratives concerning a
timeless exile from an autochthonous ‘homeland’. On the other, ‘diaspora’
is also commonly understood as a state of creatively disruptive impurity
which imagines emergent transnational and postethnic identities and
cultures. One definition moves in the direction of historicism, the other in
the direction of the imagination, with the word ‘diaspora’ remaining
unstable and elusive. All of the figures whom I discuss here work through
and between these historical and imagined versions of diaspora – which are
in turn elided with ‘victim’ or ‘celebratory’ diasporas – but none settles
completely on one side of these competing versions.
In returning to the years immediately after the Second World War, the
book proposes a new form of metaphorical thinking (defined as seeing
‘similarities in dissimilars’ after Aristotle) which Hannah Arendt first
articulated as a means of bringing together the intertwined histories of
fascism and imperialism. Immediately after the Second World War, anti-­
colonial thinkers naturally included the aftermath of Nazism in their
analysis of colonialism and those who were imprisoned in the Nazi
concentration camps looked in part to the victims of colonialism to under-
stand their experiences. My argument, made in the first chapter, is that
disciplinary thinking of all kinds – from nationalism to identity politics to
academic specialization – has increasingly separated out these analogous
histories. At the same time, there is a recognition that a sense of a new
beginning at the end of the Second World War took very different forms
after the death camps and at the dawn of decolonization. There are, in
short, two very different narratives of cosmopolitanism that arose at this
time. For Frantz Fanon, one narrative of cosmopolitanism was part of his
vision of emergent transnational and postracial identities and cultures after
colonialism. But, from a post-­Holocaust perspective, as Arendt makes
clear, a competing narrative of cosmopolitanism was largely associated

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 xiv PREFACE

with the destruction of the European Jewish diaspora embodied in the

figure of the free-­floating luftmensch (a vagrant or rootless cosmopolitan)
who haunts all of the writers in this book, beginning with Fanon. Diasporas
of the Mind revolves around the idea of the luftmensch, in origin a Yiddish
word which constructed East European Jews as hapless ‘air-­people’ in need
of national salvation. But the word was also co-­opted by the Nazis to
characterize Jews as rootless cosmopolitans and essentially parasitic. The
post-­history of this word will be a preoccupation of the book.
There is always a risk in engaging in metaphorical thinking, which I
have called the anxiety of appropriation, especially in relation to histories
of racial victimization. There is an understandable fear that the objects of
racial discourse, who were mere figurative beings in relation to this
discourse, might once again descend into metaphor. But the alternative to
such metaphorical thinking is a sense of disciplinary uniqueness, outside
such imaginative connectedness, which results in an inability to embrace
the dissimilar. That is why Diasporas of the Mind argues for more meta-
phorical thinking rather than less. But this is not a straightforward matter.
On the one hand, the imaginative works of Anita Desai, Caryl Phillips,
Philip Roth, Salman Rushdie, Zadie Smith and Muriel Spark will be
shown to engage imaginatively with the intertwined experiences of Fanon,
Césaire, Memmi, Primo Levi and Jean Améry, discussed in Part One, in
ways that are absent from specialist academic disciplines. But the novelists
discussed in the second part of the book are also deeply suspicious of a
limitless imagination, especially when personified as free-­floating and
otherworldly in the guise of the luftmensch. The period after the Second
World War was a time when those who experienced the worst desired to
reimagine the world beyond ‘race’ and the camps. This was a time when
disciplinary thinking was dormant. Diasporas of the Mind aims to reclaim
the ill-­disciplined spirit of these times, well aware of the pitfalls of thinking
‘without banisters’ (in Arendt’s felicitous phrase), and all too conscious
that this is merely scratching the surface of a new comparative project.

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 1

Introduction
Diasporas of the Mind

‘I always joke that my intellectual formation was through Jewish

scholars and writers, even though I didn’t know it at the time. Whether
it was theologians or Philip Roth who helped shape my sensibility . . .’
Barack Obama/Jeffrey Goldberg Interview, The Atlantic, 2008.

‘The enthusiastic Jewish intellectual dreaming of paradise on earth, so

certain of his freedom from all national ties and prejudices, was in fact
farther removed from political reality than his fathers, who had prayed
for the coming of the Messiah and the return of the people of Palestine.’
Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951), p. 74.

‘I’m the last Jewish intellectual. You don’t know anyone else. All your
other intellectuals are now suburban squires. From Amos Oz to all
these people here in America. So I’m the last one. The only true
follower of Adorno. Let me put it this way: I’m a Jewish-­Palestinian.’
Edward Said/Ari Shavit Interview, Ha’aretz, 18 August 2000. Reprinted
in Power, Politics, and Culture: Interviews with Edward Said, ed. Gauri
Viswanathan (2001), p. 458.

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 2 DIASPORAS OF THE MIND

The Missing Apostrophe

At the end of May 2011, President Barack Obama visited his Irish
‘ancestral home’ in the village of Moneygall, County Offaly. In 2007, Irish
genealogists had discovered that Obama’s great-­great-­great-­grandfather
Falmouth Kearney had been raised in Moneygall before he emigrated, in
the wake of the Great Famine, to New York in 1850 at the age of nineteen.
During the visit Obama spoke of ‘blood links’ between the United States
and the Republic of Ireland and of ‘coming home’ to Eire in search of his
‘missing apostrophe’.1 On one level, this was an entirely inconsequential
visit. There are nearly forty million people in the United States who claim
to have Irish ancestry and thirteen previous presidents of the United States
have self-­declared Irish roots, with most of them visiting Ireland, not
unlike Obama, as part of a campaign for re-­election. Given the influence
of Irish-­Americans on the politics of the Democratic Party in the United
States, not least in Chicago, it would have been more noteworthy if Obama
had decided to give Ireland a miss on his European tour.
But, needless to say, Obama’s use of the language of blood and home in
relation to his supposed Irishness has a different racial inflection from that
of previous presidents. Deemed both ‘too black’ and not ‘black enough’,
as he put it during his 2008 election campaign, Obama has been at
pains to control the language of ‘race’ during his presidency (Remnick
2010: 512 and 583–85).2 That this language is something that can be
managed and shaped – and is ultimately a matter of choice – characterizes
Obama’s considered use of racial discourse which, as he showed in Ireland,
can be both genetically freighted (‘blood links’) and pointedly emptied of
meaning (‘the missing apostrophe’). After reading Dreams from my Father:
A Story of Race and Inheritance (1995), Zadie Smith characterized Obama
as a quintessentially ‘self-­created man’ who passes easily between ‘cultur-
ally black and white voices’ (Smith 2009: 138 and 141).3 Not unlike the
conversionist fiction of Muriel Spark, Obama eschews a ‘simple linear
inheritance’ which implies a ‘new, false voice’ gained at the expense of a
‘true one’ (137). Instead, Dreams from my Father can ‘speak’ to the people

4214.indd 2 18/10/13 7:25 AM

 I ntrod u ction 3

as a whole in, as Smith puts it, a veritable plethora of voices: ‘Obama can
do young Jewish male, black old lady from the South Side, white woman
from Kansas, Kenyan elders, white Harvard nerds, black Columbia
nerds, activist women, churchmen, security guards, bank tellers, and even
a British man called Wilkerson’ (136). Smith is at pains to stress the
moral authority of Obama’s different voices – ‘each man must be true to
his selves, plural’ (137) – and these many voices characterize the assumed
‘new post-­racial world’ (141) of his presidency. My argument is that
such multiple voices and plural selves (as a means of subverting ‘race’)
remain a troubling aspect for the writers under discussion and clearly
troubled Obama, who pointedly subtitled his memoir a ‘story of race and
inheritance’.4 Hannah Arendt, not always on the side of cosmopolitan
politics, noted in a similar spirit that ‘the enthusiastic Jewish intellectual
dreaming of . . . freedom from all national ties and prejudices’ was far
‘removed from political realities’ in the interwar years (Arendt 1951: 74).
But the figure of Obama, whether the very personification of the postra-
cial world or of racialized political realities, is clearly a touchstone of our age
when attempting to go beyond received ways of understanding ‘stories of
race’. To put his Irish speech in perspective, it is worth remembering a very
different black-­Irish intersection, from the late 1980s, to show just how
radical Obama’s many voices could be today. Addressing the question of
whether ethnicity is ‘obsolete’ (another version of the postracial), the poet
and novelist Ishmael Reed noted the possibility of going beyond blackness
as the epitome of ethnicity with regard to Alex Haley’s bestselling Roots: The
Saga of an American Family (1976): ‘If Alex Haley had traced his father’s
bloodline, he would have travelled twelve generations back to, not Gambia,
but Ireland’. Reed was at pains to note the extent to which African-­Americans
have a ‘multi-­ethnic heritage’ and to show the ‘absurdity’ of reducing this to
a single ‘black’ identity (Reed 1989: 227).5 Nearly half a century after Roots,
Barack Obama made another journey of discovery, but this time to play
with, at least in one incarnation, the constructed nature of ‘black’ ethnicity.6
David Hollinger, writing in the mid-­1990s, renamed Reed’s multi-
ethnic version of Haley’s search for ‘roots’ as ‘Haley’s choice’. By the end of

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 4 DIASPORAS OF THE MIND

the twentieth century, the choice between Haley’s Irish and African roots
was deemed ‘phony, of course, for the blackness of Haley’s skin was
understood to rule his white heritage inconsequential. Haley’s choice is
the Hobson’s choice of ethno-­racial identity in America because it is not a
real choice at all’ (Hollinger 1995: 8). The difference between a racially
determined Hobson’s choice and a postethnic Haley’s choice structures
Hollinger’s argument. In this regard, Hollinger is right to note the exact
parallel between the multicultural forms of ‘race’ (African-­American,
Asian-­American, Euro-­American, Indigenous, Latino) and its straightfor-
wardly ‘biological’ forms (black, yellow, white, red and brown). This still-­
prevalent ‘ethno-­racial pentagon’ (12), increasingly exported from the
United States, shapes much contemporary race-­thinking. But this is not a
simple contrast between the single-­voiced and the many-­voiced; the
cosmopolitanism of an Obama and the identity politics of a Haley. While
Obama can be playfully postracial in his search for his missing apos-
trophe, he cannot avoid talk of the ‘racial inheritance’ and ‘blood-­lines’
that gave Haley’s Roots its importance in popularizing the history of
slavery. At the same time, Haley’s search for ethnoracial authenticity in
discovering his ancestor’s village in Gambia is no less constructed and,
as is widely acknowledged, is also a form of artifice as it turns out to
be partially based on Harold Courlander’s novel The African (1967).7
Such are the always blurred boundaries between what is imagined, or
constructed, and what is authentic, or historical.
As a freshman, Obama remembers a ‘multiracial’ student called Joyce
who refused to go with him to a Black Students’ Association meeting. We
are told that she had an Italian father and her mother ‘happened to be part
African and part French and part Native American and part something
else’. Joyce complains that it is ‘black people who always have to make
everything racial. They’re the ones making me choose’. Obama’s youthful
response to Joyce is quite scathing as the supposed ‘richness’ of her ‘multi-
cultural heritage’ ‘avoid[s] black people’ (Obama 2004: 99). Her behaviour
shows mistakenly that only ‘white culture could be neutral and objective’,
which is an assumption that Obama has been at pains to counter, at some

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 I ntrod u ction 5

political cost, during his presidency and which Zadie Smith has made the
subject of her latest novel.8 At the same time, Obama is well aware of being
‘too hard on poor Joyce’, whom he casts as the caricature ‘tragic mulatto’,
an emotional condition he must resist:

The truth is that I understood her, her and all the other black kids
who felt the way she did. In their mannerisms, their speech, their
mixed up hearts, I kept recognising pieces of myself. And that’s exactly
what scared me. Their confusion made me question my own racial
credentials all over again. . . . To avoid being mistaken for a sellout
I chose friends carefully. . . . We smoked cigarettes and wore leather
jackets. At night, in the dorms, we discussed neo-­colonialism, Frantz
Fanon, Eurocentrism and patriarchy. (100)9

That the confusions of a mixed-­up Joyce made the young Obama question
his own ‘racial credentials’, and that he resolved these confusions by
embracing the supposedly authentic figure of ‘Frantz Fanon’, is a story that
will be repeated throughout Diasporas of the Mind. David Remnick may
be right in depicting Obama as a protean figure or ‘shape-­shifter’ but he
should surely also acknowledge that such a characterization, which has a
long history when it comes to ‘the Jews’, can result in what Zygmunt
Bauman calls ‘proteophobia’ or the ‘anxiety caused by those who do
not fall easily into any established categories’ (Bauman 1998: 144).10 The
Obama who claimed that his ‘intellectual formation’ or sensibility was
fashioned unconsciously through ‘Jewish scholars and writers’ such as
Philip Roth certainly understands this crossover, which we will consider
first of all in the figure of Fanon.11 This is, in other words, another way of
telling the story of the ‘Jewish mind’ (Roth, for example, as self-­confessed
‘walking text’) and the ‘black body’ (Fanon reduced to the sign of irra-
tional revolutionary violence), which is, even today, an all too frequent
racial opposition.12 Obama’s cosmopolitanism has the power and the
ability to make ‘Haley’s choice’ a real choice that enables him both to
claim, and disclaim, a variety of ethnoracial ancestries. This is to anticipate

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 6 DIASPORAS OF THE MIND

the argument for the imaginative power of the figures in this book who
would similarly attempt to transform racial discourse. All of the stories
and histories that are explored here place our shape-­shifting imaginations
(as in the case of Obama’s many voices) next to lost histories of diaspora
and exile (as in the case of Haley’s maternal but not paternal racial inherit-
ance in recovering the history of slavery). Whether the imagination is able
to transform racial discourse, even under the sign of diasporic impurity,
will remain open to question.

Hannah Arendt’s Imagination

The Janus-­faced history and experience of diaspora is both a blessing

and a curse. At one end of the spectrum, diaspora is on the side of
impurity and hybridity (and points in the direction of emergent or lost
cultures) and, at the other end, diaspora is conservative and ‘roots-­defined’
and has as its end point a return to an autochthonous (pure) space. The
celebratory version of diaspora tends to foreground a transgressive
imagination and precolonial histories made up of intertwined cultures
(and is associated with Postcolonial and Diaspora Studies), whereas a
victim-­centred version tends to stress particular communities of exile with
specific and unique histories of suffering (and is associated with Holocaust
and Genocide Studies). As I will argue, one way of understanding these
differing versions of diaspora is in relation to metaphorical thinking (after
Hannah Arendt) and disciplinary thinking (after Frantz Fanon). Arendt,
as we will see, defined metaphorical thinking (following Aristotle) as
finding ‘similarities in dissimilarities’, which will help to characterize the
importance of imaginative literature in this book (Arendt 1971: 102–03).
Fanon, in contrast, thinks of the ‘native intellectual’ as being preoccupied
with ‘special disciplines’ so that s/he loses sight of the ‘unity of the [revo-
lutionary] movement’ (Fanon 1961: 38–39). Such unity, undermined by
disciplinary thinking, prefigures a new humanism that was equally Fanon’s
and Arendt’s response to colonialism and the death camps.13 However
well intentioned, disciplinary thinking, in these terms, divides people into

4214.indd 6 18/10/13 7:25 AM

 I ntrod u ction 7

separate spheres, and does not make the imaginative leap of seeing
‘similarities in dissimilarities’.
Arendt especially has become a common point of reference for
much new work aiming to bring together the histories of racism, fascism,
colonialism and anti-­Semitism, which, in one formulation, helps us to
‘connect the presence of colonial peoples in Europe to the history of
Europe’s Jews and other vulnerable minorities’ (Gilroy 2000: 77). This
foundational status has been achieved not least because her best-­known
books, The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951) and Eichmann in Jerusalem:
A Report on the Banality of Evil (1963), helped to give birth to two new
disciplines – Postcolonial Studies and Holocaust Studies – while at the
same time transcending these disciplinary boundaries.14 Fanon, at the
start of The Wretched of the Earth, speaks of ‘the kind of tabula rasa which
from the outset defines any decolonization’ (Fanon 1961: 1); Arendt also
has a sense of a new beginning, tentatively formulating a radical way of
speaking about the world anew, from her position as a stateless refugee.
It is the dissident comparative perspectives of Arendt and Fanon, after
their experiences of fascism and colonialism, in contrast to our current
disciplinary orthodoxies, that provide the starting point for this book and
that locate such work beyond the more usual context of the Francophone
tradition, which will be explored in Chapter 2.15
In her search for a new ‘tentative’ vocabulary, Arendt placed both
the imagination and storytelling at the heart of much of her unclassifiable
and idiosyncratic oeuvre, which has been rightly judged to contain ‘very
considerable works of art’ (Canovan 1974: 47). Working somewhere
between literature, history, philosophy and politics, Arendt not only
refused to confine the imagination or storytelling to an individual
consciousness but read novels and other narratives especially as an aid to
understanding and articulating the horrors of the modern world.16 I will
follow her lead in this regard. Her work, which has been dismissed by
some as overly aestheticized, takes from the German philosophical tradi-
tion a sense that metaphorical thinking is at the heart of the ‘life of the
mind’ and connects the ‘inward’ individual to the ‘world of appearances’

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 8 DIASPORAS OF THE MIND

(Arendt 1971: 105). Arendt’s political aesthetic is highlighted especially in

The Life of the Mind (1971), where she defines the ‘language of metaphor’,
after Aristotle, as ‘an intuitive perception of similarity in dissimilars’ (103)
or, after Shelley, as the ‘unapprehended relations of things’ (102). Finding
the ‘unapprehended relations of things’ or the ‘similar’ in ‘dissimilars’
is one way of describing The Origins of Totalitarianism, which is struc-
tured loosely around the historical ‘crystallization’ (Arendt 1951: 44) of
anti-­Semitism, colonialism and totalitarianism. Arendt took this form of
metaphorical thinking from Walter Benjamin’s sense of ‘language as an
essentially poetic phenomenon’ and it is precisely these kinds of ‘constel-
lations’ that shaped The Origins of Totalitarianism (Arendt 1968: 205).
In her 1959 lecture on Lessing, collected in Men in Dark Times (1968),
Arendt argues that ‘no philosophy, no analysis, no aphorism, be it ever so
profound, can compare to the intensity and richness of meaning with a
properly narrated story’ (22). In this spirit of freewheeling storytelling,
Arendt called for ‘a new kind of thinking that needs no pillars and props,
no standards and traditions to move freely without crutches over unfa-
miliar terrain’. Moving freely over unfamiliar terrain or ‘thinking without
a banister’ characterized her risk-­taking metaphorical thinking and was a
consequence of her sense of living after a radical break with the past: ‘we
need only look around to see that we are standing in the midst of a veri-
table rubble heap of such pillars’ (10).17 In The Human Condition (1958),
Arendt argues that storytelling is part of an ‘already existing web of human
relationships’: ‘the reason why each human life tells its story and why
history ultimately becomes the storybook of mankind . . . is that both are
the outcome of action’ (Arendt 1958: 184). This intimate link between
thought and action, or storytelling and the world, characterizes much of
Arendt’s ‘multidimensional’ work (Canovan 1974: 109).18
As a stateless person for more than a decade, and a Jewish refugee from
Nazi-­occupied Germany and France (escaping from Gurs internment camp
in 1940), Arendt struggled to find a language to articulate what she called
in her 1950 preface to The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951) ‘homelessness
on an unprecedented scale, rootlessness to an unprecedented depth’ (Arendt

4214.indd 8 18/10/13 7:25 AM

 I ntrod u ction 9

1951: xxv). Comprehension, she argues, does not mean ‘deducing the
unprecedented from precedents’ (xxvi), and for this reason she is well aware
of the limitations of the vocabulary that she is using: ‘antisemitism (not
merely hatred of Jews), imperialism (not merely conquest), totalitarianism
(not merely dictatorship)’ (xxvii). Her search for a new vocabulary to ‘move
freely’ over the ruins of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries meant
that she particularly valued the language of literature in helping her chart
this ‘unfamiliar terrain’. As I have shown elsewhere, literature can compli-
cate Semitic discourse so that it is no longer regarded as ‘eternal’
or unchanging, in Arendt’s acute formulation, and supposedly beyond
political and historical contingencies.19 What is more, Arendt rightly
counters disciplinary responses to imaginative works that mistakenly
provide them with ‘banisters’, or ideological certainties, whether in the
name of identity, nation or ‘race’.
Her stress on the centrality of metaphorical or poetic thinking is
found most prominently in her essay ‘The Jew as Pariah: A Hidden
Tradition’ (1944), which was, in a draft version, part of the opening
chapter of The Origins of Totalitarianism.20 The ‘immediate impulse’
behind The Life of the Mind, she explains in her introduction, was the
experience of attending the Eichmann trial in Jerusalem and the ‘thought-
lessness’ of Eichmann:

The deeds were monstrous but the doer . . . was quite ordinary,
commonplace and neither demonic nor monstrous. . . . Clichés, stock
phrases, adherence to conventional, standardized codes of expression
and conduct have the socially recognized function of protecting us
against reality, against the claim on our thinking attention. . . . Eichmann
differed from the rest of us only in that he clearly knew of no such claim
at all. (Arendt 1971: 4)

Arendt first placed this banal thoughtlessness at the heart of Eichmann’s

‘monstrous’ deeds (to show the enormous gap between his crimes and his
consciousness) in the postscript to the 1965 edition of her ‘report’:

4214.indd 9 18/10/13 7:25 AM

 10 DIASPORAS OF THE MIND

It was precisely this lack of imagination which enabled [Eichmann] to

sit for months on end facing a German Jew who was conducting the
police interrogation, pouring out his heart to the man and explaining
again and again how it was that he reached only the rank of lieutenant
colonel in the SS and that it had not been his fault that he was not
promoted. (Arendt 1965: 287)

Arendt characterized this ‘thoughtlessness’, without any further elucidation,

as Eichmann’s ‘word-­and-­thought-­defying banality of evil’ (252).21 Earlier
in her account, she noted Eichmann’s inability to ‘think from the standpoint
of somebody else’ (49), which is illustrated in the above-­quoted passage in
relation to his ‘lack of imagination’ when speaking insensitively for months
to a ‘German-­Jewish’ (in fact, Israeli) policeman about his career being
blocked in the SS. It was this lack of human empathy, and shameless narcis-
sism, that enabled Eichmann to discount the ‘superfluous’ humanity of his
many victims. That is why Arendt routinely uses the language of literature,
such as spontaneity, irony and communal storytelling, to exemplify the
‘human condition’. It is also why she foregrounds Eichmann’s prosaic use of
stock phrases to characterize his dehumanizing consciousness.
There is, in other words, a spectrum in Arendt’s work from the
thoughtlessness of the génocidaire to the poetic imagination of the writer
of literature. But where this spectrum breaks down is in relation to
the powerlessness of the diaspora, a troubling aspect of Arendt’s work,
which contrasts with the power of storytelling. For Arendt, the diaspora
is inevitably associated with exile and victimhood, which paradoxically
is the source of her sense of an empowering pariah imagination. On
the one hand, Arendt was utterly dismissive of the diaspora, which, in its
utter victimization and self-­delusion, was unable to give the imagination
a wider communal dimension that might lead to political action. At the
beginning of The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951), for instance, she
described the Jewish diaspora as a social condition that had ‘avoided all
political action for two thousand years . . . so that the Jews stumbled
from one role to the other and accepted responsibility for none’ (Arendt

4214.indd 10 18/10/13 7:25 AM

 I ntrod u ction 11

1951: 8). As David Biale has noted, this construction of an apolitical,

passive diaspora is no different from more conventional Zionist historiog-
raphy as articulated by David Ben-­Gurion (usually taken as Arendt’s
opposite), who dismissed the Jewish diaspora in no less contemptuous
terms (Biale 1986: 5). Both Ben-­Gurion and Arendt, in other words, char-
acterized the diaspora in terms of political powerlessness, although, to be
sure, they eventually drew radically different conclusions from this belief.
One went in the direction of an exclusive nationalism and state-­building,
the other in the direction of binationalism and the ideal of an inclusive
political community.
Where Arendt differed from the Zionist ‘negation’ of the diaspora was
in making the well-­known distinction between ‘parvenus’ and ‘pariahs’,
with the parvenu confined to the assimilating social realm and the pariah
having the potential, at least, for political action and rebellion. Arendt
took this distinction from the first Dreyfusard, Bernard Lazare, who
inspired Emile Zola and who understood what it was to be labelled a
‘déraciné’ intellectual whose thinking could only ever be rootless and
denationalized.22 Not unlike Arendt, Lazare was a dissident Jewish nation-
alist and, as many commentators have noted, Arendt knowingly identified
herself with Lazare, who was a ‘self-­conscious pariah’ and who argued that
‘the Jew should come out openly as the representative of the pariah, “since
it is the duty of every human being to resist oppression” ’ (Arendt 1944:
284). But the assumption that the leaders of diaspora Jewish communities
were self-­serving parvenus led to her assertion (in a letter to Karl Jaspers
before the Eichmann trial began) that to a ‘huge degree the Jews helped
organise their own destruction’ (quoted Benhabib 179). In a statement
that ignited a sustained attack on Arendt over many years she argued in
Eichmann in Jerusalem:

Wherever Jews lived, there were recognized Jewish leaders, and

this leadership, almost without exception, cooperated in one way or
another, for one reason or another, with the Nazis. The whole truth was
that if the Jewish people had really been unorganized and leaderless,

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 12 DIASPORAS OF THE MIND

there would have been chaos and plenty of misery but the total number
of victims would hardly have been between four and a half and six
million people. (Arendt 1965: 125)

The delusion of power of parvenu Jews, cut off from true political power,
here reaches tragic proportions. As Arendt notes in Eichmann in Jerusalem,
while this ‘chapter of the story’ (125) was not part of the Eichmann trial,
it was included in her ‘report’ since she regarded the ‘role of the Jewish
leaders in the destruction of their own people’ as ‘undoubtedly the darkest
chapter of the whole dark story’ (117). But this characterization of the
forced collusion of the victims of genocide as the ‘darkest chapter’ – surely
that was the genocide itself – is, as others have argued, rather perverse.23
Arendt’s preoccupation with the iniquities of diaspora Jewish leadership
led her to describe the diaspora, in her lecture on Lessing, as a form of
‘worldlessness’ and, equally, as a form of ‘barbarism’ (Arendt 1968: 13) or
a ‘loss of humanness’ (23). It is in the context of such caustic dismissals,
which compare poorly with Primo Levi’s more nuanced understanding of
the ‘grey zone’, that Arendt reclaims the Jewish diaspora, through the
figure of the pariah, for both ‘the world’ and ‘humanity’. The problem,
however, is that in rejecting the experience and history of the diaspora tout
court, with the exception of a few isolated pariahs, Arendt does not take
the diaspora seriously as a context for creative or political action.
In her lecture on Lessing, Arendt argues that under the ‘pressure of
persecution the persecuted have moved so close together that the inter-
space which we have called the world . . . has simply disappeared’ (13). This
is what Arendt meant by ‘worldlessness’, which confines an utterly victim-
ized Jewish diaspora, in her thinking, to the social or private realm of
the assimilating parvenus rather than the political and public realm of the
resistant and free-­thinking pariahs: ‘Concentration on an artificially
complicated inner life helped Jews to respond to the unreasonable demands
of society, to be strange and exciting’ (Arendt 1951: 7). But the worldless-
ness of the Jewish diaspora also prefigured a more general ‘world alienation’
which characterizes the ‘human condition’: ‘because Jews were a despised

4214.indd 12 18/10/13 7:25 AM

 I ntrod u ction 13

and oppressed people, they were . . . an even purer and more exemplary
model of mankind’ (57). That is why Arendt’s ‘enlarged mentality’ famously
moves from the rights of an oppressed minority in Eichmann in Jerusalem
to ‘human rights’, and from the statelessness of ‘the Jews’ in The Origins of
Totalitarianism to the ‘right to have rights’.24
The universalization of the Jewish diaspora, in so far as she denies it a
specific history beyond its destruction, exposes the limits of Arendt’s
metaphorical thinking. What is more, the pariah/parvenu distinction
confines the Jewish diaspora to good/bad Jews, which is merely a continu-
ation of prewar racial discourse.25 Equally problematically, Arendt applies
the pariah/parvenu distinction to the civil rights campaign to desegregate
schools in the American South after the Supreme Court ruling in favour
of the Eisenhower administration. ‘Reflections on Little Rock’, written
in 1957 but not published until 1959, proved to be an extraordinarily
combustible intervention and, as Ralph Ellison noted a few years later, was
a ‘dark foreshadowing of the Eichmann blow-­up’ (quoted Young-­Bruehl
308).26 The starting point of her essay is a photograph of a black schoolgirl
being accompanied home from her recently integrated school by a white
friend of her father as she is abused by a ‘jeering and grimacing
mob’ (Arendt 1959: 203). Speaking from the imagined viewpoint of the
schoolgirl, Arendt is scathing about this experience:

The most startling part of the whole business was the Federal decision to
start integration in, of all places, the public schools. It certainly did not
require too much imagination to see that this was to burden children,
black and white, with the working out of a problem which adults for
generations have confessed themselves unable to solve. I think no one
will find it easy to forget the photograph. . . . The girl, obviously, was
asked to be a hero – that is something neither her absent father nor the
equally absent representatives of the NAACP felt called upon to be. (203)

She concludes by asking: ‘have we now come to the point where it is the
children who are being asked to change or improve the world?’ (204).

4214.indd 13 18/10/13 7:25 AM

 14 DIASPORAS OF THE MIND

These inflammatory remarks are wholly predicated on the pariah/parvenu

split between the social and the political which was eventually extended to
characterize the ‘modern age’ in The Human Condition. As Young-­Bruehl
notes, the girl’s absent father had done what, in Arendt’s opinion, no
parent ought to have done: ‘he had asked his child to go where she was not
wanted, to behave like a parvenu, to treat education as a means of social
advancement’ (Young-­Bruehl 311).
Arendt believed that the social advancement of the Jewish diaspora was
mistakenly conflated with racial equality and that the same confusion was
being repeated in the campaign for the desegregation of schools in the
American South. She therefore distinguished rigidly in the essay between
the social and the political, and also defended the private realm against an
encroaching mass society, as she argued in The Human Condition. That is
why she insisted in ‘Reflections on Little Rock’: ‘Segregation is discrimina-
tion enforced by law, and desegregation can do no more than abolish the
laws enforcing discrimination; it cannot abolish discrimination and force
equality within the body politic’ (Arendt 1959: 204). Her conclusion is
even starker: ‘What equality is to the body politic – its innermost principle
– discrimination is to society’ (205). But, as Seyla Benhabib has rightly
argued, ‘Arendt cannot have it both ways: political equality and social
discrimination cannot simply co-­exist’ (Benhabib 152). The fact that
schools straddle the political/social/private divide in Arendt’s thinking
means that her distinctions, imposed on the events in Little Rock, finally
fail her.
In a form of metaphorical thinking Arendt displaces her experience
of the failed social assimilation of European Jewry onto the black/white
‘racial divisions’ in the United States (Benhabib 149). But this argument
points in two contradictory directions. On the one hand, Arendt sees simi-
larities in dissimilars and follows The Origins of Totalitarianism by refusing
to reduce racial discourse to a black/white binary. This leads in the direc-
tion of new thinking to challenge what Arendt conceived of as the liberal
consensus on these issues. But, at the same time, she wished to distinguish
the United States, which granted her refuge, from the continent of Europe,

4214.indd 14 18/10/13 7:25 AM

 I ntrod u ction 15

which had banished her. That is why she notes that the ‘colour question
was created by the one great crime in America’s history and is soluble only
within the political and historical framework of the Republic’, whereas the
‘colour problem in world politics grew out of the colonialism and imperi-
alism of European nations’ (Arendt 1959: 198), which did not ‘involve’ the
United States. As with her previous distinctions, the assumption that the
American ‘colour problem’ (that is, the history of slavery) has nothing to
do with European colonialism (a connection in fact made in The Origins
of Totalitarianism) once again shows the limitations, as we will see in the
fiction of Philip Roth, of making European anti-­Semitism the master
narrative for an understanding of racial politics in the United States.
Arendt helps us to understand the dangers of metaphorical thinking
outside the context of diaspora, where there are different historical possi-
bilities, which she replaces with a more abstract sense of a political commu-
nity. Michael Rothberg speaks of Arendt’s ‘blindness and insight’ (in a
knowing reference to the rather more culpable Paul de Man) in so far as the
‘figurative connection[s]’ in The Origins of Totalitarianism are a product of
metaphorical ‘boomerang effects’ that may ‘silence one history of violence
to convey another’ (Rothberg 2009: 65). As in ‘Reflections on Little Rock’,
Arendt has been accused of an insensitivity to the ‘suffering of blacks’, which
has been used as a means of challenging her perception of the history of
imperialism as part of the ‘origins’ of Nazi totalitarianism. Arendt under-
stood European imperialism in Africa as a ‘preparatory stage of the coming
catastrophes’ (Arendt 1951: 123), which is said to diminish the ‘crimes of
imperialism’ in so far as they are deemed to be merely a prelude to the death
camps.27 Her supposedly uncritical reading of Joseph Conrad’s Heart of
Darkness (1899) as the ‘most illuminating work on actual race experience
in Africa’ (185) has been deemed, in particular, to be her greatest act of
miscomprehension. According to this argument, Conrad’s racism and his
Eurocentric flaws, exposed not least by Chinua Achebe, have been inher-
ited, posthumously, by Arendt.28 But I firmly believe that the risk-­taking in
Arendt’s metaphorical thinking, with its comparative perspective, should
not be dismissed out of hand in the name of disciplinary virtuousness.

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Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
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auprjXtojt tcXoutiiovi tco xpocnaftio xat sti fisv StaTptßovTo; aou sjti
t>]; ßaatXEuouo-7); [ptop); Ta (leyiaia /.aropOcufiara xaTtopGcoaa;
T7) rcarptoi :rapa[aTa; rjX1 T[0J xu]pl0'J IfJ^v yaXXt7]vou
arsßaaTOu [Ata auti) [t] su)(/] u7CsX[sijtsto] st; tt^v otxstav äs
EjravtEvat xaTa yap tov [apyjxtov Xoyov ,st; ojjtjxat1 suvou avopo; £
[j.ßXe7C£tv yXuxu-' tou [roapcoou 7j[jiü)v 0sou Tpt;fisytaTou spu.ou
os xaptaTaTat aoi jcafpa 8patiEv[o]u «po; tjjv srotvoSov co;ts xai
yaXr)V7]v eX[8eiv etc. * Vgl. Ostrakon Wiedemann 250; Revue
egyptol. II, 346; U. Wilcken, Jahrb. des Vereines der
Alterthumsfreunde im Rheinlande LXXXVI, 7. KXaüSto; Ilostoiovio; )
(i(X[ap-/*_o;) OTtEiprj; ß' 0pax£Sv 'Qpt'cdvo; Ep. to; )(atpEtv.
sXxßov »xpä aou Et; üjw'xauatv ßaXavEiou äyüpou OTju-OTiou
y£vj]u.aTo; £ (etou;) yo'jxov sva. etou; £ ävtü)[vivou] xai Ou^pou
töW xupttov aÜTo[xpa]TÖpa>v jj.sy(viou xai . . . T»)pio; xai
Tupav[vtiovo;] xai xoi(vvü)v) XaptTTj Afia£a>vtou j(aip(E)iv E)
([op.Ev Jia]pa v xai a^upou xai va'jXou (Transportsteuer) 6 tijs
•CEo-aapaaxaiOcxa'U][$] xat TpioxatSExaTr); 7 ivotxTttovo; (corr. zu
ojv) ax[oX]o-j8o>; t/) owapa' (1. TJvap^Et) ixETa 8 Epji.ou
yviotTTrjpo; T7j; (auT/j;) xiufirj; xat p.r)93Ev E^E'jaOai r) ojxoXoyta
xupta xat 10 ehepb>T>]6(ci;) «i>ti.oX(oyT,3a). aup(7]Xi04)
otXßavo; eotiv 11 p.ou totoypatfiov xat o[ioaa slc tov Geiov opxov 12
u^arsia; avrtüvtou (xapxEXXtvo11 xai r.i~zz:t iXafvot; 5üXot;
ypfjsflai xaOajtEp ouS1 a't'pa; ijjißaXErv Et; Trjv uTOxauatv tuiv
ßaXavEt'cov. Die Heizung der warmen Bäder erheischte daher grosse
Summen, wie uns zwei Acten über die Verwaltung des hadrianischen
Warmbades in Hermopolis lehren: P. E. R. 2024 und 2073 letzterer
lautet: 1 t») xpa-rijavr) ßouX/] spfnourcoXsoj; tt;; (jiEyaXr);
ap^ata;] 2 [xat Xa]|ucpa; xat SsfiAvotarr,; Sta jiapxou aupr^Xiou
xo] 3 [pcXXtou a]Xsfav8pou t7ntixo[u kko aTp]aTtiov
[yujj.vaatap^ou] 4 [ßouXEutou Evapj^ou xpjravcbif tt,; auf/;;
rfoXstu; xat «u; ypr(jx(aTif£t)] 5 [«apa au]p7jXiou 67)(jLjjTpiou tou
xat [Eu8]ai(iovo; [yEvop.Evo]u ßou 6 [Xsutou vrfi arjrjr,; -oXeio;
atpEÖEvtfo;] j[äo tt,; xpaTiUTTj? ß]ouXr,5 7 [ei; EJiijj.]EXEtav
np[ox]auaEoj; a[8]ptav'ü[v ÖEp|Aiüv] ßaXavst 8 [tov T7]; auTT)];
Toakitui aiTouixa: EKtJTfaXr^at a]-o tou 9 [toXitixou ).]oyou Et; ttjv
auTi)v Äp[oxauatv ax]oXouOtü; 10 [toi; ujio](Av»i[jtaTiatu Ttu
TtoXiTtxio 14 Xoyw Xoyou ^>uXa[aa]o|j:[Evou] t[t) to]Xei xat TT)
ßouXst JCEpt ou 15 [vf^pjii IjMCag otxaiou 0'.:jTu/_EtTE 16 L i]e'
auTOxpaTopo; xataapo; TOunXtou Xtxtvvtou 17 yaX]Xtr(vou
y£p(jtavtxou ptsytOTou KEpatxou (ieytTTou EU7£ßou; eutj/ou; \H
«ßaTrou "/otjax 18' aupfr(Xto;) 8r((Ai)Tpto; 0 xat [suoat] 19 (jiojv]
ßouX(Eu-n);) aiToup-at to tou apyfuptou] TaXavrcc* 20 ev xat
SJ&ayjio; £;axoo*ia; [o>; j:]p[ox£tT]a[i. DenkschnfUn dor phil.-hirt.
CL XLII. Bd. II. Abb. 2
 10 II. Abhandlung: C. Wessely. Neben dem einheimischen
Autornamen Byjaäc erscheinen allerdings Titel wie 167 Atj{xoxpiroo
Tcouyvia; 862 üoöayöpou *ou Avjfjioxpiroo övstpatryjTOc; 940
KXauöiavGö as)a]vtaxöv; aber es ist jene Eigenthümlichkeit der
magischen, chemischen und astrologischen Literatur bekannt,
fremde Namen, oft der grössten Autoritäten, an die Spitze der
Tractate zu stellen, um deren windigen Inhalt zu decken. (Ephesia
Grrammata S. 1 ff. Berthelot, origines de Falchemie, Paris 1885.
Dieterich, Papyrus magica, Einleitungen). Auch die sonstigen
Angaben culturhistorischer Art sind so beschaffen, dass sie der
Annahme der Entstehung in römischer Kaiserzeit nicht
widersprechen. Noch im 3. Jahrhundert gibt es ein lebhaftes
Interesse für Wettkämpfe und olympische Spiele, zahlreiche
Aegypter erscheinen in den Siegerlisten vertreten; und so wird auch
in dem Papyrus eine Zauberei zum Siege eines Stadiumläufers
angegeben 398 vixy]Uxöv opofjis(o;; in Z. 401 wird gebeten um
/dpi? sv t(p ataSttp. Es fehlt nicht die Nachricht aus dem Alterthum,
dass Agonisten sich mit allerlei Zaubermitteln zum Kampfe rüsteten;
so soll ein Milesier sich in einen Ringkampf mit einem Ephesier
eingelassen haben, der Ephesia Grammata als Zaubermittel bei sich
trug; erst nachdem er ihm diesen Schutz entzogen hatte, konnte er
jenen besiegen Suidas s. v. E. yp.; Eustathius zur Odyssee p. 1864,
14. An die Gladiatorenspiele erinnert 175 [lovou-dyac
sCtt>Tak~qvoQ; 440 icXd^ [AGAißyj anb ^UXP°~

964; Clemens, Alox. Protr. p. 11 über Lekanoniantie

Hippolyt. Philosophumena p. 75.
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accurate

Neue griechische Zauberpapyri. 11 ydpnr;v; 420 TCt"dxiov

t£paTixöv: seltener erscheint Pergainen: 206 ETriypa^ov xouc
yapaxrrjpac eis §£0[j.a 'jatvr;;: 201 Sspjia xöxxtvov, gelegentlich
Ostrakon 382 oatpaxov ö.7cö 6aXdaaY]£ (Xfitßtt>v) Ypctys. Desto
häufiger soll auf Metallblech, Gold, Silber, Zinn, Blei geschrieben
werden, und in der That, die meisten Texte, die man auf solchen
Blechen aus dem Alterthum gefunden und richtig gelesen hat,
beziehen sich auf Aberglauben. Wir citiren: 216, 425, 495 7:i-aÄov
xoaditepwovj 467, 470 Xdfjiva xaaaticeptv^; 278 sv Xercöh
xaaaitsptVYj xat evvjve yp(f)u.a3t sicca; 1002 Xaßcbv Xsutöa
jjtoXißyjv «.tto C^>T°ö |ao6X(ov; 405 Xaߣ u.6Xtßov axö
'!/L>/po'r'6G0'j ato&qvoc ^otYjaov Xduvav xat ypa^pe ; 440 £?
xXdxa(v) lAoXtß-yjv äizb t^ojpotpöpoo tötto'j ivydVaiov 6 ßo6X£t;
446 icXd-ü[i[jia; 998 Xaßtbv X£7U<5a VjXtax^v; 806 TcXüXtov
xaaattspivöv; 591 (Ypd'f=) ezi /p'J3£ou ir£-dXou •/) dpY^p£ou ^
xaaarc£ptvou. Zweimal soll auf Stoffe geschrieben werden, wie sich
ja beschriebene Leinwand noch in Aegypten findet: 208 ßoaatvov
pchtoc • • £~^Ypa'f£ uiXavt: 367 pdxoc Xtvoüv xaSapöv, ypö.ys s£g
aütö. Sonderbare Beschreibstoffe werden erwähnt in Z. 474 ypdcp£
£V fjXip xuxptvw dxö irXotou V£vao(rpr]xÖTOG; vgl. Zauberpap. A.
65 und 211, 869 (püXXov £Xatac; 869, 890 Xaßcbv xXdfkiV Saar/jc
£iuypa£ £1? =xa"ov rpXXov. Zum Einritzen der Schriftstücke in die
Metallbleche dient oft ein yaXxoöv rpaysiov 216, 399, 406, 425, 821,
998, 1002. Vgl. In lamella aurea acu cuprea scribes Marcellus VIII.
59. Russtinte ist allgemein anzuwenden: 234 uiXavoc ypavo{Jis
kommt der Isis zu, -TroXüjj-op^c; jedoch der Hekate, welcher
wieder umgekehrt jenes Epitheton der Isis beigelegt wird,
Zauberpapyrus 2745. 660 MtyayjX: 324 Aßpaaji; 459 odßacaö; 700 6
eicl td Xspööfiiv xa8'q|j,£Vos; 567 7cv£üu,a To aspoicetsc
xaXo6(i£vov aou.ßöXot
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accurate

12 II. Abhandlung: C. Wessely. aouaXvjö; 595 ia£toßav

aüps xorfrjpE xavxtaxr] (Swfexaxioxt] xoSyjps (975). Besonders
interessirt uns Z. 459 xov 'Opcpa'ütöv Xoyov aaxsi xai xaax£'., den
wir in der Literatur ausdrücklich überliefert finden, da dies die
Ephesia Grammata waren: (Hesychius) aaxt xaxaaxt. Xü; X£xpac
aßuaaou ßuGou yaiYjs owyjxope? oupavoxsuöfxwvofkaixooc
£V§o{ioyouc v.z'keyic, a9£(üpYjXCOV £cpoxxac sic ttpucptjjuov
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accurate

Neue griechische Zauberpapyri. 13 apxx£ 6sa {jicYtatT]

apyouaa oupavoo ßa- apxx£ apxx£ apyouaa xou oupavofu] xai
otX&ooooa xoXou aaxspcov ox£pxax?j xaXXi- xou aovxavxoc
xoa|j.ou xai xoov aaxpaw 7] axpE^cYT7] ^Ea axor/siov acsöapxov
aüaxYjjxa xou V£ Xöycov apyvjYSxa yXwox£i6o8ixaioauv£ yXajiu8Yjv
uxo x£ xapxapa yv xouc uxö xapxapa YatY3? ßpoxouc ß[tov,]
£xx£X£aavx£ ßaoßa) voTjps xo8vjps 8oaY]ps aops aupos xavxiaxY]
8ü)8sxaxtaxY] axpoupoßop£ xo8vjp£ pivwxov etc. Wir vereinigen
auch noch hier alles Material und die Angaben über die Zeichen und
Symbole der Hekate-Selene (vgl. auch Roscher, Selene, Teubner).
Eine Hauptstelle dafür ist Eusebius Praeparatio evang. III, 11. 22 f.:
'Exdx-rj 8s yj XsXy]VY] xdXiv (a6u.ßoXov) xyjc xspi K 0 ~ (f V
aiTv.a/T/j.at'^Ed); xflu xacd co6c T/^ixax'^iioö; 8ovd{j.=a)?. Alb
xpqjiopcpoc ^ 86va|itc xyjc jasv vo'Jiiy^viac 'fspooaa xr/;
X£uy£t|j.ova xai ypoaoadv8aXov xai xd? Xa|j.xd8ac v5jj.jj.Evac * 6
8s xdXaOoc £v c~- colc ;j.sxEcöpo'.: ^pet xr^ xö>v xapxtöv
xax£pYaatavo< xö Y
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accurate

14 II. Abhandlung: C. Wessely. xo£ov (5e cpspsi xaödxcp

V) vApxe|JUC §cd nfjv twv (bStveav ö£6xY]xa. Daher bei Marcellus
XV, 89 die Verse an Hekate: eiöov Tpiu-öpcpoo /puocov x6
advöaXov, xai xapxapou^oo ydXxeov xö advSaXov. awaöv [j.£
asjJiVE vspxepwv öftepxdxs\ Der zweite Vers ist nun, wie Heim 1. c.
132 erkannte, fast identisch mit dem Vers 69 f. jenes Hekatehymnus,
den ich in meinen Zauberpapyrus 1887, S. 33 brachte: or^zloy al'par
yd.Xv.~ov xö advöaXov xyjc xapxapouyoo ax£|j.[Jia %Xsi£ xrjpuxiov
pöfißoc a^Yjpoöc xai *6ü)V xudvsoc %Xco6pov xpfycopov iaydpa
TCUpou|i.svrj oxoto? ßöÖoc jj.oye; entlehnt, der Prosaform
entspräche etwa der Trimeter ij jiou tot' £XaOov alya fiot)(£ÜCTa;
Iyt/>.
The text on this page is estimated to be only 29.20%
accurate

Neue griechische Zauberpapyri. 15 und der Magen und der

Schlund vom gefrässigen Salzseehund; Schierlingswurzeln müsst ihr
haben, in der Dunkelheit gegraben, . . . Finger auch vom
Jungfernknaben heimlich abgewürgt im Graben; kocht den Brei recht
steif und stark, würzt ihn dann mit Tigermark . . . Abgekühlt mit
Paviansblut, und die Brüh' wird stark und gut.' So singen die Hexen
in Macbeth IV, 1, und Shakespeare hat hier trefflich den Ton der
alten Zauberer gefunden. In der That, nichts war diesen zu grässlich,
und haarsträubend sind ihre Recepte; grässlich, wie die Kirchenväter
vor Allen schildern,1 haarsträubend nach den Darstellungen der
Dichter. Indess, das Studium der Zauberpapyri lehrt uns, dass es für
Eingeweihte doch nicht so arg ausfiel, als man nach dem Wortlaut
der Recepte und Berichte glauben möchte; man sul »stituirte
nämlich all die schlimmen Ingredienzien durch unschuldige Vertreter,
und es sind ganze Schlüssel erhalten, welche die grausen Namen in
der Zaubersprache umdeuten, so im Leydener Papyrus XIII. tpiYSC
xuvox£'fdXou (Pavianshaar) = dvYjGou ax£pu,a Aniessamen yovoc
'Epu,oö = dvTjGo? a[[i.i dx (ojj.ou = dxavöo? oatoOv tarpoü =
du.uitY]c Xtöo? a:u,a yYjVaXto-cxoc == ydXa aoxa|JUVY)S Dem
entsprechend finden wir in unserem Papyrus vielfach Pflanzen und
Pflanzenextracte als Zauberingredienzien erwähnt: ydX« ouxauivoo
230; diCooovßoraVYjV 172; xtxuv 175; sxtXXa 177; G£'j~Xov 173;
arpoßtXia 183; xoxxo? X£X£p£(ü£ 185; 185; yXoxu Most 184; guXov
dpt£[X'w3ia^ (j.ovoxX(ovo'j, iXoua? xXdöooc 534; xaxavdyxY]
ßotdvY) 1050; xatavdyxYjC äXsopa 547; Xtvoo xa'.voö 552; ia/d^a,
cpoivcxo? baxd 629; vixoXdoo, auch erwähnt bei Parthey 2. 244 und
Pariser Papyr. 3202; dpxou dyu.ata 630; dpr£[uatac axipa auch
Pariser Papyr. 1089 xuvoxe im ,Lexikon der Goldmacherei' im Anhang
zu Palladius de febribus ed. Bernardi und Berthelot collection des
alchimistes grecs I, 4 ff. Dieterich P. Mag. 783). 946 euu,a aiyöc
xohxiXyjc; 1049 xdvöapov YjXtaxöv; 530 a)d Soo dppsva. Vom
Mineralreich u. dgl. stammen: 169 yfj xpYjtYjpia; 179 xdu,i; 230,
869 x'.vvaßdpsi; 232 föa>p Bjißptfiov; 630 ö<5(op Cvtov; 238
vdp3(p poötvov, 346 xpi{Jtvtvq>; 345 (Jtoptp; 209 axdprov ä-o
ßfcXXavaoü; 'j-ayxoV/'.ov ptjttvijc xai. dacpdXxou; 329 Xtßavov
dpccVixöv; 344 arcu-t. xoxuxdv ; 440 dp(öü.a3iv toV; 945 xyjXö; dxo
"po/oo x£pau,txoü; 952 a£X^vtaxov /piu.o(. und Exi6o|j.a.
Aufschlüsse nach Art der Kirchenväter gibt auch die Beichte eines
bekehrten Magiers in der Lebensgeschichte des heil. Cyprian Acta
Sanctoniin 26. September p. 233 ff., es fehlt nicht an den
grauenhaftesten Angaben Uber Mord und Blutritual.
 16 II. Abhandlung: C. Wessely. Schliesslich heben wir noch
einige Eigentümlichkeiten lexikalischer, grammatischer und
paläographischer Art heraus. 199 f;{iixpdviov eine Krankheit;
ptyoirüps'coi; 201; %aÖ7][jL£ptvöv (212); vuwcspivöv ib.
Fieberarten; 213 fspoooTsov Schambein; 238 pöckvov Rosensalbe;
268 [r^-cpac äva^pojiig; 590 cpoXax-crjpiov ao)ü,axocp6Xat; 757 y)
Öetönrjc aou. 17 7 yXtspov; 372 Cßsoac; 705 ax^cco?; 809 atu-ioa;
175 xpa|j.{Jta; 216, 425 irsxaXXov; 310 (icAavou; 718 (xeAaVTjc;
440 rcXdwav u. dgl. 175 (i,ovoji.a/ac; 203 ßv^ ßyjxoc ß7jxa; 182
Supäv; 391 ^oyTjti aiÖTjps; 804 rcsiv. l adscr.: 264 xcoi; 821
ypacptooi; Interaspiration 5iß 676, 872, 905 Asteriscus: 513, 537.
Man beachte die paläographische Verschiedenheit ganzer Partien,
wie sie in den Abkürzungen überhaupt (z. B. für izpoc, 912 xp°) und
auch darin hervortritt, dass Apostroph, Punkt und ein gravisartiges
Zeichen die Functionen tauschten: 963 affcXov; 908 ayycXs; 735
arpoyyoXs. An den grossen Zauberpapyrus habe ich noch einige
kleinere angereiht, und zwar die Papyri 122, 123, 124 von London,
dann einige Fragmente der Wiener Sammlung. (R.) Der
Vollständigkeit halber sei noch auf folgende Texte hingewiesen: den
Papyrus du Louvre Nr. XIV, 46, Inventaire Nr. 3378, von mir publicirt
im Programm des Gymnasiums von Hernais 1889, S. 2 ff., und das
Holztäfelchen der Papyrussammlung Erzherzog Rainer in den
Mittheilungen derselben Band V, 20, 1889. Recto des Papyrus CXXI.
Bruchstücke, darunter Ueberreste der Columnen 18 und 19 von
rückwärts gezählt. Fragment I. 3-3 Cm. hoch, 4 Cm. breit; es enthält
eine Zeile Schrift, die letzte einer Columne; darunter folgt nämlich
der Rand, 2*5 Cm. hoch ein freier Streifen. [a]c? (J.7] 7rai(5[
opcpavaov 6t]Y]
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accurate

Neue griechische Zauberpapyri. 17 [aca] sarai xa]uta

axau.avopc ö[coTps 223 [a?ß] 8ua(Ji£Vc]aaw u,sv /ap[jia [xa-
r^siyjv] §e cot auuo F 51 [acy] tou8] autou Xuxaßavroc [eXeuasxai]
svGao' o^üasfoc] t 306 [acS] oi>5sv ao]t y" ocpsXoc sicei oox
[eYxstasai aüjtoi? X 513 [acs] tw 5s xe] vixyjaavTi yuvY] [xat.
xrY]u,aö eicgcto] T 255 [ags] o'jx ayaSJov itoX'JxotpavtTj et[c
xotpavo? sarco] B 204 [ßaa] etSioXcov] ös tcasov rcpoöopov [xXsiyj
§e xat aoXir)] u 355 [ßaß] ] [AEya xuöoc 37Cc
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accurate

II. Abhandlung: C. Wessely. ok cpaxo] y.at iuanrj[ov

avcoystv tYjaaaöai] E 899 xaota t]oi (o öuar^vs [TsXcoryjao) t£ xai
ep£(ö] X 80 tcoos sJösXsic aXiov [Qstvat tcovov yj5 aTsXeatov] A 26
o]v £pt%o§£a §oopa F 65 Fragment VIII. Fragment IX. Höhe 4-4
Cm., Breite 1-3 Cm. Höhe 2-5 Cm., Breite 2-2 Cm. OüXo .]cß TO
uvac .]ey oü VO) tov Man hat die Wahl, a£ß oder ß£ß zu ergänzen.
Vielleicht ist oü der Anfang von F 65. Fragment X. Höhe 2 Cm.,
Breite 4 Cm. ]£{JL0l TOD Scopol- t[ {jloüvoJv njXoyetov tcoXX[oicjiv
eict xTsarsoaiv TT 19 Die Lesart unseres Papyrus ist als varia lectio
bekannt aus Alexander Rhet. vol. 8, 441, gegenüber der
Ueberlieferung zip IV aXysa icoXXd (JLoyTqaY]. Fragment XL Höhe 4
Cm., Breite 3-5 Cm. .... ]eiri[ . . . ]ß© [£pyv£o rcap zoi o5o? vyjec
§e -cot. 6aXaao7jc l 43 [(peooTTjosie ooZ aoze tsXoc [jiuöco]
sxiÖYjasi? T 107 Jöaxpuysouaa ? [oütoc r> ayysXeoaot ao 5 omoGt
Xs|eo] [i.qivwv I 617 laÖai
 Neue griechische Zauberpapyri. Fragment XII. Höhe 2 Cm.,
Breite 25 Cm. EVXSTl xav Fragment XIII. Höhe 4 Cm.. Breite 1-4
Cm. VS3 £7i£C t|ioa sao6 Fragment XIV. Höhe 5 Cm., Breite 1*4 Cm.
asaa SXA apt sia a v X Fragment XV. Höhe 3 Cm., Breite 1-4 Cm.
{lV£|i.O Fragment XVI. Höhe 2 Cm., Breite 2 Cm. XE'.j^OO (0XS707
Fragment XVH. Höhe 2-7 Cm., Breite 2 Cm. icavra oaas Fragment
XVIII. Höhe 1-7 Cm., Breite 1 Cm. apsv aoupp Fragment XIX. Höhe
2-2 Cm., Breite 2 Cm. tVTJ r'süX V{JL£p Fragment XX. Höhe 4*5
Cm., Breite 1-5 Cm. xou UTCO TO a yaiav axo Fragment XXI. Höhe
3-9 Cm., Breite 1-5 Cm. Ü)£ c|i.£V txaX BW Fragment XXH. Höhe 2-
5 Cm., Breite 2 Cm. 7JOX aO|JL7] otxoo Fragment XXHI. Höhe 2-1
Cm., Breite 1 Cm. |JL7)5SV m öjia 3*
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accurate

20 II. Abhandlung: C. Wessely. Recto, Columne 17. [ßcy]

[oaxjaxa xai irojjiaxa vuv E[v9ao*s oEMrvJ^aEtav § 685 [ßg§]
[o^xlp7) ^avvuyiov [eu5eiv ßouXYj(xa ß)aXtov %axoc a>c sv
o[x[i]Xto © 94 y]yß at[yap s][xoi xoioaös tcoqiq (xs)xXt3[(jis]vo(;
EIY3 C 244 y]yy oop[a]vw saxTjptl-s xapfTj v.ac zizi y9ovt ßaivst] A
443 yjyo aXX[o]u £soc avSpcaat. [voTj^ata rcavxa xsXsuxa] 2 328
20 y]y£ ve[ü]ge oe 01 Xaov aoov s[[j.|jLsvai ou§ axoXsa9at.] 0 246
TV]? I^t0* ojfpsXsc Xiaasa9s a|x[o(jiova xqXstcova] I 698 y]oa
o[i]voc a£ xpcost [aeXi^öt]«; oc xe ocai aXXooc] 9 293 y]oß £
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Neue griechische Zauberpapyri. 21 [Y?y] a'j-ap sytoyc |i[sv

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srspjov 8 avsvs'jas II 250 40 Von SüSsw B 24 ist die Hälfte noch
erhalten. Z 326 also stand ursprünglich mit Rücksicht auf das
folgende x hier {ASYxaXa (G. Meyer Gr. Gr. § 274): dies könnte auch
in der Homerhandschrift gestanden haben, welche exeerpirt wurde.
8 94 oder o[i[si]Xü>. X 348 von x('jvac) ist noch der Stamm
erhalten. £ 361 [i. und a von \iaXcL liegt unklar vor. Die
zertrümmerte Columne Hess sich in allem Wesentlichen
wiederherstellen, auch was die Nummerirung betrifft, indem noch
zwei kleine Bruchstücke erhalten sind, welche ich wohl oben au den
richtigen Platz versetzt habe. Zur leichteren Nachprüfung seien sie
hier herausgehobeu. Erstes Bruchstück 5-9 Cm. hoch, 2-1 Cm.
Zweites Bruchstück 5-3 Cm. hoch, 1*5 Cm. breit: a breit: oo ßa ja %
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tstj stirrjaöa yovatxt cf. /. 228 ö]af Xaivov £330 /[irjiova xa%
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22 II. Abhandlung: C. Wessely. MtP ycf.XY.ov te /pu[aov t]e

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Neue griechische Zauberpapyri. 23 £ß8 £v8ov u.3v r§Yi oo

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24 II. Abhandlung: C. Wessely. cßy Xaix|j.a \i.ey

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Neue griechische Zauberpapyri. 25 T M XP big ur/<.i.

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anfangsbuchstaben="" von="" oooutopouvxa="" ist="" hier=""
vertreter="" des="" aspers.="" vielleicht="" t="" o="" oiva=""
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26 II. Abhandlung: C. Wessely. r~\ r\ ^ — ^ r\ v — ' ^> \

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üjtoxo'Xiwo[j.a'? üxoxäXu[j.[Aa? — 191 Vgl. z. B. die Bildung
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Nbüb griechische Zauberpapyri. 27 piYOTCüpsTov Xaß'

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sic x Ypa
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28 II. Abhandlung: C. Wessbly. stzi xov Xuyvov:

ETrwaXoufJiai ob xov owscpaXov ösov x[o]v stzi xotc rcoatv £/ovxa
XYjV opaatv o aaxpanü)- sic Recto, Colurane 11. o ßpovxaCoov au et
xo axo|Jia §ta itavxoi; icpoayeexat au ei o etci TT]? avarxYjc
apßaÖtaa) au st 6 £tci acopco xaiaxctjJLcV oc %at irpoc xecpaXYjc
eyoov ÖTraYTUovtov 245 pYjxtVYjs %at aa- 250 ß&7]6Y]jj.ax(ov
aou avouö avouö: au et o ax£(paXo a£ [JiYjxpav xaxaaxa Ösvxoc
eict xyj? aßuaaou Tcptv y£VEaÖ£ siu oupavov y] -frp y] GaXaaaav yj
^coc yj axoxoe xov xxtaavra ayyekov wv 270 242 aairpäTCTojv. —
243 au ei (ou>. — 248 xai. — 250 Ttov. — 253 äjj.|3Xuto7u',;
(ajj.ßXu(07tdc); der Nominativ vertritt violleicht die Vocativform, wie
259 [A^wjp. — 253 zu ou/.'' vergleiche 200. 237. — 254 Siarcavtojs?
schwache unklare Schriftreste liegen noch vor. — 254 ouo. — 255 in
der Lücke stand, wie der ühergeschriebi ue Strich anzeigt, noch ein
Zauberwort. — xüpi£. — 25G oefvo? xpäy|j.aT05. — 257 gemeint ist
r]Srj ^or; xayy xayy vgl. 263. 207. — 258 Xdyo;. — 259 oder war
früher genieint vai svxprj? — 263 vgl. 257. 267. — 264
bemerkenswert!! ist das kleine i adscriptum vgl. 821. 1049. — 266
sav hat einen übergesetzten Strich, der sonst die Eigennamen und
die ephesia grammata auszeichnet; es ist aber die Stelle verderbt;
vielleicht: yp/jjAaTiadv (j.oi e? dufiyspei toüto TOi^'aai 5^ läv • iav
va(, Se^ov u. s. w. — 269 xara tou (xara)araO£vTo; — yevEdÖai. —
270 vor xov xriaavwe ayyeXov ist entweder eine Lücke, oder es ist
hier eine Anakoluthie.
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