Educational Research

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Parents’ involvement in their children’s education:

narratives from rural Pakistan

Qazi Waqas Ahmed, Anna Rönkä, Satu Perälä-Littunen & Petteri Eerola

To cite this article: Qazi Waqas Ahmed, Anna Rönkä, Satu Perälä-Littunen & Petteri Eerola (01
Feb 2024): Parents’ involvement in their children’s education: narratives from rural Pakistan,
Educational Research, DOI: 10.1080/00131881.2024.2305821

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EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH
https://doi.org/10.1080/00131881.2024.2305821

Parents’ involvement in their children’s education: narratives

from rural Pakistan
a a b a
Qazi Waqas Ahmed , Anna Rönkä , Satu Perälä-Littunen and Petteri Eerola
a
Department of Education, University of Jyväskylä, Jyväskylä, Finland; bFaculty of Education and Psychology,
University of Jyväskylä, Jyväskylä, Finland

ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY

Background: Parents’ roles in their children’s education are signifi­ Received 6 December 2022
cant in terms of outcomes for the child. As research on parental Accepted 11 January 2024
involvement in children’s education has often been conducted in KEYWORDS
high-income countries, there is a deep need for more research on Parents; rural education;
parental involvement in contexts of disadvantage. parental involvement;
Purpose: Set in the context of socioeconomically disadvantaged barriers; school; poverty
communities in rural Pakistan, this study sought to explore parents’
lived experiences of their involvement in their children’s education
and gain insight into the barriers they encountered in assisting their
children’s learning.
Methods: A qualitative research design was employed. In total, 12
parents (6 mothers and 6 fathers) of school-age children in rural
Pakistan were interviewed about their views on involvement with
their children’s education. Data were analysed thematically, using
a narrative inquiry approach.
Findings: Through in-depth analysis of the data, two distinct nar­
ratives of parental involvement were identified: (1) a narrative of
hope and trust-building, indicating parents’ confidence in state
schools and their striving for a better future for their children, and
(2) a narrative of dissatisfaction and inequality, reflecting frustration
arising from factors including parents’ socioeconomic situations,
concerns about schools and the influence of local societal norms.
It was evident that, despite hardship, the parents wanted their
children to be educated and regarded education as a path to
improving prospects.
Conclusions: The findings broaden understanding of parents’
involvement in their children’s education within socioeconomically
disadvantaged rural communities by revealing and highlighting the
diverse, often context-related barriers the parents encountered.

Introduction
Parents’ involvement in their children’s education is regarded as critically important in
providing children with a good starting point for independent effort and success (e.g.
Epstein 2018; Goodall and Montgomery 2014; Uusimäki et al. 2019). Irrespective of their
social, educational or ethnic background, parents’ interest and input can aid and

CONTACT Qazi Waqas Ahmed [email protected]

© 2024 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/
licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly
cited. The terms on which this article has been published allow the posting of the Accepted Manuscript in a repository by the author(s) or
with their consent.
2 Q. W. AHMED ET AL.

encourage children to perform better in their studies (Dahie, Mohamed, and Mohamed
2018). Involvement can take the form of a mix of diverse activities through which parents
can contribute to their children’s education, including helping children with their home­
work, negotiating with teachers and attending school events (Hill and Tyson 2009; Park
and Holloway 2013). For example, parents may support their children’s education at home
by helping them in the construction of concepts, building their social competence and
upholding their learning and development (e.g. Epstein 2018; Puhrová 2018). A positive
parental attitude towards their children’s education helps to enrich the learning environ­
ment at home and school, and facilitates parents’ understanding of their child’s way of
learning (Arapi and Hamel 2021; Bartnikowska, Ćwirynkało, and Fronek 2022). Similarly,
good parent–teacher working relations and practical communication can help to dispel
misunderstanding or mistrust that may arise between parents and teachers (Orell and
Pihlaja 2020; Puccioni, Froiland, and Moeyaert 2020).
The role of parents in their children’s education has been variously described in the
literature using terms including home–school cooperation (e.g. Orell and Pihlaja 2020),
parental engagement (e.g. Goodall 2021) and parental involvement (e.g. Epstein 2018;
Wilder 2014). Home–school cooperation describes a collaborative working relationship
between parents and teachers in which both parties take equal responsibility for chil­
dren’s learning (e.g. Westergård 2013). Definitions of parental engagement usually
include reference to parents’ commitment and dedication to their children’s learning at
school, at home and in the community (Goodall 2021). According to Pushor (2007),
parental engagement is a synergy of commitment between parents and teachers, in
which they work in tandem, building understanding and mutually deciding on issues
pertaining to a child’s education and development. Parental involvement may refer to
efforts by schools and educational authorities to involve parents in their children’s
education at school, and to educate parents about helping children in their learning
endeavours at home (Đurišić and Bunijevac 2017; Epstein 2018; Fan and Chen 2001).
Whilst the critical role of parents in their children’s education has been extensively
researched (Arapi and Hamel 2021; Wilder 2014), insufficient attention has been paid to
this topic in the context of lower-income countries (Ahmed, Rönkä, and Perälä-Littunen
2022). The study reported in this paper seeks to contribute to efforts to address this gap,
by investigating parental involvement in the context of rural Pakistan. In Pakistan,
parents – especially those who are poor, have low literacy levels and are rural-dwelling
– are often unaware of the importance of involvement in their children’s education, as
they lack the necessary resources to be involved. For such parents, the notion of involve­
ment is more likely to mean coping with basic realities: for example, providing their
children with food and shelter, freeing them from paid or unpaid labour and sending
them to school (Ahmed et al. 2021; Mughal 2020). Pakistan has approximately 50 million
school-age children, of whom around 22 million are out of school (UNICEF 2018).
Although many factors have a bearing on poor grades, dropout or absenteeism, parents’
lack of involvement in their children’s education is often cited as one of the main reasons
for children’s low academic performance, or for their dropping out of formal education
(Malik, Rafique, and Qayyum 2020; Yousaf 2019).
In our study, the concept of parental involvement is used, as it is widely employed in the
literature to refer to the role and contribution of parents in their children’s education (e.g.
Đurišić and Bunijevac 2017; Epstein 2018; Fan and Chen 2001; Hill and Tyson 2009).
 EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH 3

However, for the purposes of this study, the meaning of the concept parental involvement
has been expanded to better accommodate the circumstances and experiences of
parents living in socioeconomically disadvantaged rural areas and regions. For instance,
what might be termed parental interference, such as the practice of parents excluding
their children from school, may be due to parents’ socioeconomic situation (e.g. poverty
and low literacy levels) or to irrepressible external conditions (i.e. local customs) that
hamper children’s opportunities for education. Thus, in this study, the definition of
parental involvement also includes the notion of parental interference in their children’s
education. Before setting out our study in more detail, though, we situate our work with
reference to the wider research context.

Background
The social-ecological theory of Bronfenbrenner (1979) suggests that parents have
a profound influence on their children’s learning. As parents’ active participation and
encouragement can enhance children’s learning abilities, much research interest has
focused on investigating how the home environment can play a crucial role in supporting
children’s education (Desforges and Abouchaar 2003), with engaged parenting support­
ing a home environment conducive to children’s learning endeavours (US Department of
Education 2010). A positive attitude and active involvement by parents can be key to
bridging and linking children’s learning at school with their learning at home (Puhrová
2018; Schmid and Garrels 2021). Similarly, parental activities such as participating in
children’s academic work at home, and visiting their school, send children a message
that learning is essential (Bartnikowska, Ćwirynkało, and Fronek 2022).
Although not all socioeconomically disadvantaged contexts face the same issues
relating to parental involvement in their children’s education, and situations may be
diverse, they nonetheless have some predicaments in common. These typically include
a lack of qualified teachers, parents’ limited educational knowledge and the precarious
economic situation of families, which often obstruct coordination and communication
between parents and schools (Kumar et al. 2023; Lechuga-Peña and Brisson 2018; Malik,
Rafique, and Qayyum 2020). For example, according to Hasnat (2015), uneducated or less-
educated parents in Bangladesh may not feel comfortable about contacting their chil­
dren’s schools and, thus, remain uninvolved or less involved in their children’s education.
Likewise, in India, parents’ weak educational and economic backgrounds often cause poor
connectivity with the school, and school dropout (Kumar et al. 2023). In Pakistan, parents
often feeling unwelcome in the school, or receiving insufficient information about their
children’s education, can widen the gap between home and school and reduce their
participation in their children’s education (Ashraf 2019). Studies emphasise that parents
can contribute to their children’s education, and better understand their children’s
difficulties with learning, when they are able to facilitate their children’s schooling by
participating in the educational process and communicating with their children’s schools
(Bempechat and Shernoff 2012; Đurišić and Bunijevac 2017; Puccioni, Froiland, and
Moeyaert 2020).
Many people in lower-income countries reside in rural areas, which are educationally
and economically more disadvantaged than urban areas (World Databank 2017). It is
often the case that parents are heavily involved in maintaining their households and
4 Q. W. AHMED ET AL.

making a living, and hence will find it extremely difficult to invest scarce resources (e.g.
time and/or money) in their children’s education (Malik, Rafique, and Qayyum 2020;
Mughal 2020). Many obstacles, including poverty, lack of financial resources, lack of access
to information and lack of awareness, make it difficult for parents to be involved in their
children’s education (Williams and Sánchez 2013). In rural Pakistan, household circum­
stances are often unsuited to children’s learning and development (Mughal 2020). It is
evident that the family’s financial situation, the parents’ educational background, and
even the family’s size can influence children’s learning and parental participation con­
siderably (Malik, Rafique, and Qayyum 2020). Another factor contributing to the lack of
parental involvement is patriarchy. The structure of the rural Pakistani community reflects
a powerful male dominance, in which women traditionally do not have opportunities to
participate in many spheres of life (Abbas, Hashim, and Alzuhairi 2018). For example, girls
are often shut off from attending school, especially after primary education, and mothers’
participation in their children’s education is restricted (Agha 2021; Shah and Shah 2012).
Male family members (e.g. the father or another male family member) often discourage
the education of girls (Agha 2018), and instead of receiving formal education girls are
frequently instructed in household duties (Shah and Shah 2012). Such norms habitually
force girls into premature marriage and deprive them of their fundamental right to
education (Abbas, Hashim, and Alzuhairi 2018).
Despite education being free in state schools in Khyber Pakhtun-khwa, the region in
which the data for this study were gathered, children from disadvantaged families often
cannot access all the resources they need (e.g. notebooks, school bags and transport). This
is clearly a situation which imposes extra stress and strain on parents (Ghazi et al. 2013;
Jadoon, Aajiz, and Khan 2021). Moreover, a significant proportion (over 40%) of the
Pakistani population is not literate (World Databank 2017), and parents whose first
language is not Urdu (the national language) find it difficult to interact with teachers,
culminating in their feeling distanced from their children’s school activities (LaRocque,
Kleiman, and Darling 2011). Research has shown that in families where poverty and low
levels of literacy prevail, and food and health services are inadequate, it is not possible for
children to attain age-appropriate physical and intellectual development (Abid et al. 2021;
Erdener and Knoeppel 2018; Mughal 2020). In addition, according to a report by UNESCO
(2007), parents’ poor socioeconomic circumstances and the resulting absence of parental
support and motivation have remained underexplored. In rural Pakistan, for example,
where 61% of the total population of the country reside, parental involvement is a serious
issue (World Databank 2015). It is evident that factors including precarious socioeconomic
conditions and limited teacher-parent cooperation have greatly discouraged parents, and
may ultimately lead them to abandon their children’s education (Malik, Rafique, and
Qayyum 2020; Mughal 2020).

Purpose
With the research landscape and socioeconomic context of disadvantage set out above in
mind, this study aimed to explore the lived experiences of parents of school-age children
in rural Pakistan, in terms of their involvement in their children’s education. The research
question we sought to address was as follows: How do parents in rural Pakistan view their
 EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH 5

involvement in children’s learning, and what barriers hinder them from assisting their
children’s learning?

Methods
Methodological approach
This study adopted a qualitative research design based on narrative inquiry. Given the
suitability of narrative inquiry to support the exploration of stories and experiences about
individuals and society (Clandinin and Connelly 2000), it was considered an appropriate
means by which to address the study’s purpose. Narrative methods can enable the
uncovering of lived experiences and help identify nuance in people’s stories (Ntinda
2019). In narratives, people may reveal how they make sense of their lived experiences
and talk about their communities (Nuran 2015; Riessman 2008). Thus, a key feature of this
study’s design was to examine rural parents’ narratives of involvement in their children’s
education.

Ethical considerations
As this research was carried out at a Finnish University, the guidelines of the Finnish
National Board on Research Integrity and of the Responsible Conduct of Research and
Research Ethics were followed. In advance of collecting data, the prospective study
participants gave their informed consent. The interviewer (researcher and first author
of this paper) explained the study objectives and consent form to the parents, most of
whom were not literate, prior to starting each interview. This ensured that they
understood the study aims and were aware of their rights as research participants. It
was made clear to the parents that their opinions, ideas and beliefs were important.
The interviewer was familiar with the pertinent socio-cultural norms and traditions.
During the interviews, some participants expressed strong emotions while telling their
stories. The interviewer responded to these expressions of emotion sensitively. As the
interaction between men and women is not common or can be a sensitive issue,
particularly in rural Pakistan, the male interviewer was accompanied by his sister
during the interviews, a strategy that helped maintain a safe and motivating atmo­
sphere. This especially supported mothers’ openness, ensured a flow of talk and
enabled discussion about gender-sensitive issues. All interviews were audio-recorded
with the interviewees' consent, and they were assured that their data would be
treated confidentially and de-identified.

Data collection
Interviews were conducted with parents of low socioeconomic status (i.e. financially and
academically less privileged) living in rural Pakistan. An approach based on snowball
sampling was used to recruit participants for this study (Ghaljaie, Naderifar, and Goli
2017). Some parents who were initially recruited then assisted us in locating further
potential participants. The primary criteria for inclusion were: living in a rural area of
Pakistan, and having school-going children. A total of 12 parents were interviewed, of
6 Q. W. AHMED ET AL.

whom eight were not literate, three had completed primary school and one had com­
pleted high school. The participants comprised six mothers and six fathers, whose ages
ranged within 30–55 years.
The parents’ views were elicited through participation in audio-recorded, semi-
structured interviews. In preparation for data collection, we developed an interview
guide that was based on topics evident in previous research on aspects of parental
involvement in their children’s education (e.g. Bower and Griffin 2011; Epstein 2018;
Kim 2018; Wilder 2014). Throughout this process of development, the cultural con­
text of rural Pakistan was taken into account. The interview guide included demo­
graphic questions and key areas for discussion with the participating parents.
Various dimensions of parental involvement in their children’s education were
explored in the interviews, including: parental involvement in school activities;
parents’ interaction and cooperation with teachers; parents helping children’s learn­
ing at home; and factors that they felt hindered their involvement in their children’s
education.
The interviews were conducted in Hindko, which is a regional language widely spoken
in the Abbottabad, Haripur and Mansehra regions of Pakistan. Hindko was used because
many rural dwellers generally do not fluently speak or fully understand Urdu, the national
language. The interviewer (first author) is fluent in Hindko. A total of 12 interviews was
conducted (i.e. one interview with each of the 12 participants). One parent per household
was interviewed to support collection of a diversity of views on the phenomenon being
studied. The interviews with fathers were conducted in various locations, such as their
garden, farm, shop or home, whilst the interviews with mothers took place in their homes,
with their consent and at their convenience.

Data analysis
The overall aim of the analysis was to better understand a phenomenon in a specific
context by focusing on what was actually said in the participants’ narratives, as they
spoke about their involvement in their children’s education. An analytical procedure
informed by Riessman’s 2008 thematic-narrative approach was employed. The first
author conducted the analysis by hand. This process began with transcription of all the
audio-recorded interviews, which resulted in 178 handwritten A4 pages. The next
stage involved the first author reading the transcripts to better understand the
parents’ views. Similarities and differences between viewpoints were noted. To check
for accuracy and consistency, all the transcripts were confirmed back with the original
audio recordings.
The conceptualisation and understanding of the participants' views developed
through close reading, in which common thematic elements (codes) relevant to the aim
of the study were identified and highlighted (Glesne 2006; Riessman 2008). As a following
step, the ideas and topics that had been pinpointed in the interviewed parents’ narratives
were categorised and grouped. This process allowed for the generation of two broader
narratives and several sub-narratives. Next, the first author re-read the transcripts to
confirm these findings and consider their relevance to the research questions. During
this step, suitable labels for the different narratives and sub-narratives were also sought.
To enhance the credibility and transparency of the data analysis, all decisions were
 EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH 7

discussed, in detail, with the co-authors of the paper. The first author re-visited the
transcribed data several times to locate necessary information and ensure the categories
of narratives and sub-narratives accurately reflected the data.

Findings
Through the process of in-depth analysis described above, we were able to gain insight
into the lived experiences of the parents of school-age children in rural Pakistan that we
had interviewed. This enabled us to better understand how the parents perceived their
involvement in children’s education, and the barriers that they felt hindered them from
assisting their children’s learning. Overall, two distinct narratives were identified in the
interview data: (1) a narrative of hope and trust-building and (2) a narrative of dissatisfac­
tion and inequality. Both of these narratives were evident in most of the parents’ inter­
views. Table 1 presents the two narratives, associated sub-narratives, and topics that arose
from the analysis of interview data. First, the narrative of hope and trust-building com­
prised three different sub-narratives: (i) parents noticed some improvements; (ii) parents’
aspirations for a better future for their children and (iii) the extended family as a resource for
involvement. This narrative contained encouraging aspects, such as the parents’ percep­
tions of the gradual emergence of parent–teacher cooperation and processes of trust-
building. Despite all their hardships, the interviewed parents expressed a desire for their

Table 1. The narratives, sub-narratives and topics arising from analysis of the interviews.
Narratives Sub-narratives Topics
Narrative of hope and trust- Parents noticed some improvements Cooperation between parents and teachers
building Parents’ aspirations for a better Teachers’ empathy with poor parents
future for their children Feedback on children’s learning activities
The extended family as a resource for The giving of homework by teachers
involvement Some progress in children’s education
Parental motivation and guidance to children
The desire of parents for their children to
receive education
Parental encouragement
Parents seek support from neighbours for
their children’s education
Parents work hard to arrange private tuition
for children
Support of relatives for children’s education
Narrative of dissatisfaction Parents’ personal circumstances and Parents’ discontent with teachers
and inequality teachers’ conduct Parental poverty affects parents’ involvement
Gender inequalities Lack of literacy impedes parents from helping
children
Teachers’ disrespectful attitudes towards
parents
Parents lack of trust in teachers
Parents disappointed by state schools
Teachers responsible for children’s poor
performance
Male domination hampers mothers’ free
involvement
Early marriages due to parental lack of
knowledge
Gender segregation due to settled practices
Parental interference
Withdrawal from school and child labour
8 Q. W. AHMED ET AL.

children to be educated, and perceived that schooling and teaching in state schools had
improved in some way. The parents spoke, too, about the potential role of their extended
family in their children’s education. Second, the narrative of dissatisfaction and inequality
was a construct formed from two sub-narratives: (i) parents’ personal circumstances and
teachers’ conduct; and (ii) gender inequalities. Through these narratives, the interviewees
spoke about disheartening and undesirable factors that, they felt, reduced or minimised
their involvement, including unbalanced power relations between parents and teachers,
parents’ impoverished personal circumstances and gender discrimination. In the subsec­
tions below, the two narratives and their sub-narratives are presented and discussed.
Where helpful to illuminate the main findings, anonymised excerpts from the data have
been included. These have been translated from Hindko into English by the first author.

A narrative of hope and trust-building

This narrative established that, despite various obstacles, the interviewed parents felt
some degree of confidence in state schools and perceived that they had some hope for
a better future for their children. In addition, it was clear from the analysis that the parents
referred to their prospects of support for their children’s education provided by other
family members and neighbours.
The sub-narrative parents noticed some improvements indicated that the parents con­
sidered that formal education in rural Pakistan was gradually improving. The kinds of
positive developments that were mentioned included, for example, increased commu­
nication between teachers and parents, the paying of attention to problems impeding
children’s education and – to some extent – the adoption of strategies to smooth the
process of parent–teacher collaboration and the children’s education. Some parents
expressed satisfaction with becoming more familiar or even acquainted with teachers,
which appeared to boost their self-confidence. For instance, it was evident that parents
who had switched their children from private to public schools felt that the state educa­
tion system had improved. As one of the interviewed mothers commented:
If there is an issue with our children’s learning, the teacher sometimes writes messages in
their notebook, e.g. the child is not good at learning, or helps him in doing his homework.
I would say state schools are a little bit better now . . . I withdrew my children from a private
school for financial reasons and enrolled them in a state school, and they (children) are
getting on better.

An interviewed father reflected as follows:

Now the situation is somehow improving in state schools, and teachers somehow concen­
trate on children’s learning . . . I am satisfied because sometimes I myself visit the school to
find out about my children’s performance and noticed that teachers somehow pay some
attention. I know some teachers, and sometimes I call them and ask about my children.

In a similar vein, the analysis suggested a sense of change, in that what was
originally felt to be a lack of cooperation between teachers and parents had been
replaced by some measure of coordination and feedback about their children’s
education, according to the parents. This gradual transformation was evident, too,
in the shift from traditional, conservative thinking about schooling to a somewhat
more up-to-date approach to learning and teaching. As exemplified, some parents
 EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH 9

reported that teaching and learning in state schools was slowly getting better,
describing how teachers would, from time to time, keep them informed about
their children’s education through such means as phone calls and notes. A few
parents mentioned the extent to which they valued the part currently played by
teachers. The parents’ views signified that, while slight, these small adjustments
testified to the efforts of teachers and parents in rural communities. This was in
the direction of improving children’s learning, as well as the adoption of new
practices, such as feedback and coordination, directly or indirectly between home
and school. For instance, another interviewed mother described improved commu­
nication with her daughter’s school, explaining that ‘I tell them that I can’t make
myself free even for one day because I’m the only breadwinner in my family’ and
confirming that, as a consequence, ‘now they discuss matters concerning my daugh­
ter’s education on the phone’.
The second sub-narrative highlighted the parents’ aspirations for a better future for
their children. Although most of the parents were poor and not literate, they insisted
that they wanted their children to be educated, and explained that they were trying
their best to assist them in all possible ways. Their narratives included illustrations of
their attempts to motivate their children. For instance, some explained how they told
their children about examples of people who had not become literate and, as a result,
had to endure challenges in the form of hard labour and long working days. Some
parents were concerned, in particular, about education for their daughters. Their
narratives demonstrated the belief that education can help children, especially daugh­
ters, in situations in life when things might not go to plan; indeed, this was regarded as
one of the major reasons for promoting female education. One of the interviewed
fathers expressed his thoughts as follows:

We desire that our children study. I believe that my daughter will learn more and become
a doctor. Every parent thinks of their children’s future, but I think one should be more
concerned about a daughter’s destiny, especially in our society [rural area]. If they [daughters]
are well educated, and in the future, if anything go wrong, at least they will be able to handle
the situation.

The third sub-narrative within the hope and trust-building narrative demon­
strated the important role of the extended family as a resource for involvement.
The analysis revealed how, in some senses, extended family were able to compen­
sate for parents who found involvement difficult. It was evident that some partici­
pants reported that lack of skills, or difficult working conditions, sometimes
prevented them from being self-reliant with respect to helping their children with
their schoolwork. In such situations, parents often depended on more educated
family members: for instance, when their children required support in doing their
homework. The parents’ narratives made clear that their collectivistic, socio-
domestic culture provided this possibility. Most of them reported seeking support
from more educated members of their families (this might, for example, be their
children’s uncles, aunts, or cousins) or turning to neighbours in efforts to satisfy
their children’s learning needs. For example, one of the interviewed mothers
referred to assistance from a neighbour:
10 Q. W. AHMED ET AL.

I can’t help my daughters with their homework because their books are difficult for me to
understand. They often go to a neighbour’s place to do their homework because a lady there
is educated and a friend of mine. My daughters do their homework together with her
children, and she guides them.

An interviewed father cited help given by a family member:

The children often sit and study at home, and they are fond of learning. I remain busy at work
most of the time, and also, I’m not educated enough to be able to help them. But when their
exams approach or they have to prepare for a test, they go to their uncle’s place to study.

The parents referred to working longer hours to be able to pay for private tuition. Thus, in
a range of ways, the data analysis suggested that parental endeavours, including parent-
initiated support from others, helped to reduce the barriers to their children’s learning.
Although most of the interviewed parents had not had access to education themselves,
and were in a precarious economic situation, they wished to see their children become
educated and successful.

A narrative of dissatisfaction and inequality

According to the analysis, important factors that the parents felt reduced or minimised
their involvement included unbalanced power relations between parents and teachers,
and parents’ disadvantaged personal circumstances. In the interviews, parents talked, too,
about the local norms, trends and patriarchy that they believed hampered their involve­
ment in the education of their children, especially girls.
Although, as detailed above, it was clear from the data that parents had mentioned
being aware of a gradual improvement in teaching and learning in state schools, they
spoke as well about barriers to their involvement, and were of the view that this was due
to miscommunication and poor coordination between home and school. These chal­
lenges formed the sub-narrative which focused on parents’ personal circumstances and
teachers’ conduct. The analysis showed that most parents perceived the state school­
teachers as non-professional and regarded the teachers as acting disrespectfully towards
them. The parents felt that such behaviours impaired cooperation between home and
school. These views reflect the sense of asymmetrical power relations between teachers
and parents, which resonates with the parents’ belief that teachers in state schools think
of themselves as superior to their students’ parents and therefore do not allow parents to
criticise them. Moreover, the interviewed parents believed that teachers’ poor perfor­
mance in their job was a major cause of their children’s poor and non-productive learning.
For example, one father expressed his views as follows:

We want teachers to teach our children honestly. We receive no cooperation from the school
or teachers because when we ask the children to do their homework, they say today we didn’t
open our bags in school, the teacher didn’t come to class. How can we teach them as we are
illiterate and have no idea about children’s books? Most of the time, our children tell us that
today we had a new teacher . . . Sometimes the actual teachers don’t come to school for one
or two weeks, and they hire another local person who comes to school just for their
attendance and teaches nothing . . .
 EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH 11

Most of the interviewed parents expressed dissatisfaction with the performance of their
children’s teachers, feeling that the quality of teaching fell far short of their expectations.
As noted above, this emphasises the sense of a wide gap between school and home, and,
in particular, the parents’ sense of an unequal power relations between teachers and
parents. Some of the parents commented that state school teachers often sent their
children to private schools because they themselves were not satisfied with the quality of
education given in state schools. Parents’ observations included the view that many
teachers only go to school to pass the time, and that children were used to run errands
for them.
Aside from the parents’ perceived unsatisfactory and irresponsible conduct of
teachers, the narratives revealed the struggles of many families of limited means
who, nevertheless, endeavoured to meet the demands of supporting their children’s
education. For instance, most parents explained that it was often difficult for them to
meet the costs of their children’s schooling, especially when starting new classes, as
children then required a new uniform, books, bags and other essential school equip­
ment. It was evident from the narratives that there were many profound barriers to
schooling, including some parents not being able to provide the family with
a balanced diet because of food poverty, or compelling their children to work in
order to supplement the family’s income, thereby illustrating reasons why students
may drop out at an early stage in schooling. In addition, parents regarded their own
lack of literacy as one of the primary reasons for children lacking guidance and proper
guardianship, as they saw it. The parents wished that ‘they were educated’ and could
guide their children appropriately. The interviews made clear how the parents’ perso­
nal circumstances influenced their school involvement and, hence, their children’s
education. In sum, the analysis of parents’ descriptions of their lived experiences
highlights a cycle whereby parents who are impoverished cannot adequately support
their children, which leads to their children experiencing the same socioeconomic
situation as their parents.
In the sub-narrative gender inequalities, the interview participants spoke about
the issue of education for girls. According to the interviewed parents, and espe­
cially mothers, it was not only parental poverty and lack of literacy, but unequal
gender power relations as well that could result in the neglect of children’s
education and other fundamental rights, particularly for girls. For example, most
of the mothers stated that girls were often discouraged from studying, as they
tended to be provided with fewer resources than boys and were overshadowed.
More generally, the rural mothers’ concerns about their daughters’ premature
withdrawal from school and early marriage are indications of gender inequality
and help explain why some families may be more concerned about girls being
married rather than pursuing their formal education. The following quotations from
the interviews clearly reveal the gender disparities that the parents perceived as
impeding girls’ education. For example, one of the interviewed mothers described
the family situation as follows:

One of my daughters completed the [. . .] grade. She is fond of learning and wants to study
until graduation. I asked her if she wanted to study. I would support her because she has big
12 Q. W. AHMED ET AL.

dreams, but her father’s mentality is different and difficult to understand (displays sadness).
He says whether the girls are educated or uneducated, our living situation will still be the
same.

Elsewhere, another interviewed mother’s description illuminates boys’ and girls’ different
educational experiences more broadly:

My sons go to school and study, but unfortunately, we only let our daughter study up to the
[. . .] grade. She is fond of learning and wants to study more, but her father believed that what
she would do if she got an education, in any case, she would do the household tasks.
Children’s grandparents are also against girls’ education, especially after primary education.

Overall, the narrative of dissatisfaction and inequality and its sub-narratives has drawn
attention to the parents’ perceptions of non-professionalism, trust deficit and miscom­
munication on the part of teachers, which the parents felt resulted in poor cooperation
between home and school. It revealed the ways in which poverty, lack of literacy and local
norms were primary reasons which impeded their involvement in their children’s
education.

Discussion
This study contributes to a deeper understanding of parental involvement in chil­
dren’s education within impoverished contexts, by offering insight into the lived
experiences of parents of school-age children in rural Pakistan. Most of the inter­
viewees and their families lived on, or below, the poverty line. The analysis yielded
two contrasting but interrelated narratives: a narrative of hope and trust-building and
a narrative of dissatisfaction and inequality. Both of these narratives were generated
by most of the interviewed parents. The first narrative reflects the parents’ expres­
sions of confidence in state schools, their belief in the importance of education and
the encouragement they described receiving via the support of their extended family
to set their sights on, and work towards, securing a successful future for their
children. At the same time, the second narrative reflects the weak situation of rural
parents, as manifested in their vulnerable socioeconomic position, their views and
concerns about schools and teachers and perspectives on gender-based marginalisa­
tion. These two intertwined narratives reflect both parents’ hopes and their appre­
hensions. Despite their hardships, and the tensions and anxieties they described, it
was evident that the parents hoped and believed that their efforts would help their
children succeed. Indeed, some parents spoke of recently witnessing piecemeal
improvements in state schools.
The parents’ narratives indicated their anxieties about their limited resources to
support their children’s education and highlighted the role of the extended family
system. Research has shown that the extended family is a potential resource (e.g. for
parents with low levels of literacy) that can compensate for parental involvement in
their children’s education (Ahmed, Rönkä, and Perälä-Littunen 2022). Moreover, the
skewed nature of power relations between parents and teachers was mentioned by
the parents, most of whom felt that they and their children had received unfair and
inequitable treatment. This underscores the importance of parents being enabled to
 EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH 13

provide their children with the learning resources they need, and teachers creating
an environment conducive to learning (e.g. Orell and Pihlaja 2020). If these condi­
tions are not met, the learning process may be compromised.
In our study, the interviewed mothers expressed more focused concerns than fathers
on the question of girls’ schooling. This showed awareness of the negative aspects of
a society where girls are often prevented from gaining an education. Although the
mothers voiced their concerns, most were dependent on their husbands, which limited
their free involvement, especially in the education of their daughters. Thus, the parents’
stories were not only subjective, in that each individual expressed personal views, but
also, on a broader level, were revealing about the hierarchical, patriarchal structure of
their society (e.g. Agha 2018; Shah and Shah 2012).
The parents described some positive changes, too, including mentioning that teachers
had started giving them feedback on their children’s education and sometimes invited
them to visit the school. As earlier studies demonstrate, underpinning the improvements
in state schools is the introduction and regulation of formal education by a unit set up by
the provincial government of Khyber Pakhtun-khwa, and teacher training carried out by
local educational institutes, which has improved teachers’ attendance in the schools (e.g.
Ahmad and Ali 2018; Ullah, Ullah, and Ullah 2020).
Overall, our study draws attention to the point that the parents’ involvement in their
children’s education appeared very limited, for the reasons detailed above. It emphaises
the need for parents to be supported and enabled to play a comprehensive role in the
process of their children’s education (Puhrová 2018; Tekin 2011): if parents feel contented
about visiting their children’s school and are welcomed by teachers, they will most likely
form a connection with the school and stay involved in helping and supporting their
children in their education (Đurišić and Bunijevac 2017; Puccioni, Froiland, and Moeyaert
2020). The findings of this study, therefore, suggest a range of practical implications for
teacher education and school administration in the broader context of rural, impover­
ished communities internationally. This could include greater quality assurance in the
supply of teachers, and provision of training for teachers to support their communication
and collaboration with parents (e.g. finding ways to communicate with rural parents who
may not permit their daughters to go to school). At school management level, it could
also include the development of parental involvement strategies and operational proce­
dures for dealing fairly with all families, and facilitation of parents’ access to information
on their children’s learning at school, so that parents can confidently state their concerns,
irrespective of their academic, economic or professional backgrounds.

Limitations and future research

This small-scale, qualitative study was generated from interviews with 12 participants.
Generalisation, therefore, is not intended: the study’s value lies in findings drawn from the
in-depth analysis of rich data. Pakistan comprises a variety of cultures and sub-cultures.
This qualitative study was conducted in one particular province; implementing the same
study in other provinces could, due to reasons including cultural variation, yield different
results. In terms of future research directions, further studies could helpfully explore
differences in parents’ views and attitudes in relation to their school-going sons and
14 Q. W. AHMED ET AL.

daughters. It may also be useful to conduct studies comparing the experiences of rural
parents with the experiences of economically less disadvantaged parents in urban
Pakistan and elsewhere. Quantitative research designs involving large surveys could be
employed to yield more generalisable results.

Conclusions
In terms of providing children with a good start in life, parental involvement in their
children’s education is crucial. Since most research focusing on parental involvement
has been carried out in wealthy countries, there is a pressing need to better under­
stand less advantaged contexts. This study offers a contribution to this by providing
insight into parents’ lived experiences of their involvement in their children’s educa­
tion within a socioeconomically disadvantaged rural context in Pakistan. Through the
research, it was possible to gain understanding of the barriers these parents encoun­
tered in assisting their children’s learning. Our analysis uncovered two distinct
narratives of parental involvement: a narrative of hope and trust-building, indicating
parents’ confidence in state schools and striving for a better future for their children,
and a narrative of dissatisfaction and inequality, reflecting frustration arising from
factors including parents’ impoverished situations, concerns about schools and the
influence of local societal norms. We suggest a broadening of the term parental
involvement to better reflect the diverse, often context-related challenges to parents’
involvement and the importance of the extended family in supporting parents in
their children’s education that characterise poor parents living in deprived rural
areas. The findings we have presented will be of interest to those working in
education internationally who are involved in designing education strategies to
support outcomes for children and families living in disadvantaged communities.

Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Funding
Department of Education, University of Jyväskylä.

ORCID
Qazi Waqas Ahmed http://orcid.org/0000-0001-7288-9919
Anna Rönkä http://orcid.org/0000-0002-2889-3264
Satu Perälä-Littunen http://orcid.org/0000-0003-4096-0578
Petteri Eerola http://orcid.org/0000-0002-9563-5871
 EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH 15

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