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SINGULAR AND PLURAL
 OXFORD STUDIES IN THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF LANGUAGE

Series editor
Laura M. Ahearn, Rutgers University
This series is devoted to works from a wide array of scholarly traditions that
treat linguistic practices as forms of social action.
Editorial Board
Alessandro Duranti, University of California at Los Angeles
Paul B. Garrett, Temple University
Justin Richland, The University of Chicago

Thank You for Dying for Our Country: Commemorative Texts and Performances
in Jerusalem
Chaim Noy
Singular and Plural: Ideologies of Linguistic Authority in 21st Century Catalonia
Kathryn A. Woolard
SINGULAR
AND PLURAL
Ideologies of Linguistic Authority in
21st Century Catalonia

Kathryn A. Woolard

1
1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide.Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.

Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press

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© Oxford University Press 2016

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in

a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
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rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above.

You must not circulate this work in any other form

and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Woolard, Kathryn Ann.
Title: Singular and plural: ideologies of linguistic authority in
21st century Catalonia / Kathryn A. Woolard.
Description: Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, [2016] |
Series: Oxford Studies in the Anthropology of Language |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2015039517 | ISBN 978–0–19–025862–7 (pbk. : alk. paper)
ISBN 978–0–19–025861–0 (hardcover : alk. paper) | ISBN 978–0–19–025863–4 (ebook) |
ISBN 978–0–19–060046–4 (online content)
Subjects: LCSH: Language policy—History—21st century—Spain—Catalonia. |
Ideologies—Span—Catalonia. | Catalan language—Social aspects. |
Catalans—Ethnic identity. | Catalonia (Spain)—Languages—Political aspects.
Classification: LCC P115.5.S7 W77 2016 | DDC 306.442499—dc23
LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2015039517

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Printed by Sheridan Books, Inc., United States of America
CONTENTS

List of Figures and Table vii

Preface ix
Acknowledgments xiii
Abbreviations xvii
Note to the Reader on Terminology and Transcription xix

1. Introduction 1

PART I: Theoretical and Empirical Overview

2. Ideologies of Linguistic Authority: Authenticity,

Anonymity, and Naturalism 21
3. Reframing Linguistic Authority in Spain and Catalonia 39

PART II: Shifting Discourses of Language in Catalan Politics and Media

4. “Deeds Not Words”: An Immigrant President and the Politics

of Linguistic Parody 97
5. Linguistic Cosmopolitanism in the Celebration of Locality 143
6. “Singular and Universal”: Branding Catalan Culture in the
Global Market 169
vi • Contents

PART III: Changing Discourses of Language in Personal Life

7. Back to the Future: High School Revisited 211

8. Is the Personal Political? Linguistic Itineraries across Time 257

9. Conclusion 299

Epilogue 305
References Cited 307
Index 341
L I S T O F F I G U R E S A N D TA B L E

Figures
1.1 Demonstration for Catalan independence, 2010 2
3.1 “Use your tongue/​language” 76
3.2 La Queta, mascot of the Dóna corda al català
“Wind up Catalan” campaign 77
3.3 “Catalan, a shared, integrative, modern language” 78
3.4 2006 parliamentary campaign flyer, Ciutadans 82
3.5 2006 parliamentary campaign poster, Ciutadans 84
4.1 “Deeds not words”; 2006 parliamentary
campaign image of José Montilla, Catalan Socialist
Party candidate 98
4.2 Montilla at work; lower section of campaign image
in Figure 4.1 99
4.3 Fontdevila cartoon, “Urban legends of today” 113
4.4 Fontdevila cartoon, “The challenges of the Montilla
government” 114
4.5 Email quiz on “Montillan” language 123
4.6 Two Montillas: José Montilla and Sergi Mas
on Polònia 130
5.1 “Catalan, shared language” 167
6.1 “Catalan Culture, Singular and Universal”:
Poster by Miquel Barceló for the Frankfurt
Book Fair, 2007. 203

Table
7.1 Mean Status Scores by Language Guise and Year 220
P R E FA C E

When I first began research in Catalonia in 1979, it was a place where the
unusual alignments of political, economic, and linguistic forces defied stereotypi-
cal expectations about minority languages. It was also alive with aspirations for
political and sociolinguistic transformations, as it returned to political autonomy
after the end of the Franco regime. Catalonia has gotten all the more complex and
surprising in this millennium, and once again it is alive with aspirations for politi-
cal transformations, now for sovereignty. The historical layering of complexity as
well as my own increased awareness of it has made this book about Catalonia in
the 21st century more challenging to write than my first monograph on it was.
Given this, I want to acknowledge briefly the stance I have taken here as an author
and comment on how I have imagined possible readers.
It meant a lot to me when a sociolinguist told me that he found in my first
book a sympathetic account of the perspectives of both of the linguistic groups
in contact. I hope that readers of this new book will again find that to be true of
my portrayal of individuals who generously shared their experiences and views
with me. At the level of public controversies discussed in Parts I and II, it will be
evident that my own sympathies are for the continued vibrant and significant use
of Catalan, especially in creative patterns that do not quite fit traditions of any
stripe. This book tries to give both a critical and a sympathetic view of the ideo-
logical foundations of contemporary Catalanism, with the former framed well
within the latter. This is in part to redress a public record that I find imbalanced.
The book is primarily addressed to an audience outside of Catalonia, especially
in the United States, where Catalanist voices are rarely heard except among a
relatively small circle of supporters.
While writing this book, I have found that the news about Catalonia that
reaches the United States and Northern Europe is generally filtered through the
perspective of the Spanish state, in part because most international reporting
originates in Madrid, and in part because of the invisibility to social scientists,
journalists, and lay audiences of the banal nationalism of already existing states.
As a result, I often encounter systematic incomprehension of the Catalanist
x • Preface

movement, even at the basic factual level. A peer-​reviewed political science arti-
cle mischaracterizes the centralized Spanish state as federal; an anthropologist
of Latin America asks me, “What more do the Catalans want? They’re already
completely autonomous,” and is surprised to learn that Catalonia has more lim-
ited powers than any state in the United States. I could cite many more examples
of misconceptions that come from international newspapers of record as well as
social science.
Catalanist politics and policies rest on ideological grounds, not disinterested
objective truths, just as Spanish nationalist policies do. Thoughtful critique of
linguistic and educational policies is always in order, and that is true of Catalonia
as elsewhere. However, critical studies that demythologize the ideological foun-
dations of minority nationalist movements often leave the implication that there
is some alternative and better non-​ideological, disinterested position in our actu-
ally existing world. By default, that implicit alternative is the status quo of the
dominant state. In this case, the politicized Spanish positions from which cri-
tiques of Catalan policies are often launched go unremarked. Failure to acknowl-
edge the dialogic nature of minority movements and to critique the positions
to which they respond leaves the nationalist underpinnings of a state like Spain
unquestioned and even strengthened. “I don’t believe in any nationalisms,” pro-
gressive colleagues tell me to explain their bewilderment or skepticism about the
Catalan sovereignty movement. Does that include the kind that you don’t notice,
I ask; the kind that takes for granted that in Spain one should speak Spanish, but
doesn’t comprehend that anyone in Catalonia or the Basque Country might be
expected to learn—​or might want to learn—​Catalan or Euskara? Sometimes the
response is a shrug. Sometimes it is an avowal that the return to electoral democ-
racy after Franco made further demands from minority regions illegitimate. That
claim is increasingly hard to square with the stark contrast between Britain’s
recent democratic handling of Scottish demands for independence and Spain’s
absolutist refusal to even engage the question of a Catalan “right to decide.” This
situation is a significant backdrop for the way I present my research here.
A further note on the place of politics in the account given in this book
is in order. I do not attempt to offer here a full account of language policy-
making in autonomous Catalonia, much less of the complexities of Catalan
politics and the sovereignty movement. There are analyses wholly devoted to
these phenomena, and I give references to some of them throughout the book.
Nonetheless, the point of the now well-​established study of language ideolo-
gies is to understand representations of language as socially positioned. A book
about language politics is, obviously, a book about politics, involving strate-
gies, rhetorics, and policies of competing political organizations and actors
who are not naïve. Throughout this book I have tried to locate the discourses
 Preface • xi

I analyze in relation to electoral politics as briefly as possible without embroil-

ing general readers in all the details of the increasingly complex Catalan politi-
cal scene. I am not convinced of how successful I have been, but this is not
intended as an analysis of organized party politics as such. Instead, I am inter-
ested in identifying the linguistic ideological frameworks that electoral poli-
tics draws on, and in seeing how these reflect and are reflected in other spheres
of social life. To this end, the political and media texts that I discuss are taken
from a wide variety, even a patchwork, of sources to illustrate discursive trends
that cut across different domains. At the same time, instead of surveying the
discourses on language of the full spectrum of political parties, my examples
are often weighted toward particular parties because they appeared to me dur-
ing my fieldwork to indicate important new discursive trends. Current events
confirm for me that that view was not mistaken.
As a researcher I am equally interested in Catalonia and in language ideol-
ogies, but I realize that not all readers will share both of those interests to the
same degree. I have tried to address this book to those who are not specialists in
Catalonia. Catalan observers will probably not find that I say many things they
did not already know, although I hope they might find something of use in the
way I put it. I try to give enough background information to allow readers unfa-
miliar with the setting to follow my account and analysis, but I do not give an
introduction to the history of Catalonia or of the language. For an abbreviated
version of that, readers may see my earlier book (1989a) or a number of other
sources referenced in this one. Those who are knowledgeable about Catalonia
may be nonplussed at the many details that I gloss over, especially when I do not
identify all the players and commentators by name in my in-​text discussions.
I have chosen, with apologies, to compromise on those details for the sake of the
general reader, and I believe that those who are interested will find the relevant
identities and other details in footnotes and in the citations I give for all sources.
I assume that most readers of this book will have at least some background
in the study of the social life of language and the linguistic life of society, but
I have tried to make my account accessible to readers who are not expert in socio-
linguistics or linguistic anthropology by being relatively sparing with technical
vocabulary. It has proven impossible to avoid a number of such terms: iconiza-
tion, indexicality, intervocalic fricative, just to take a few examples from one point
in the alphabet. When I introduce them, I try to give a basic definition and/​or
example. On a few occasions, I have resorted to telegraphing a point to specialists
through the use of some technical terms. I hope these moments will not be too
baffling to nonspecialists, and that all readers will find here both empirical and
theoretical arguments that are worth their consideration.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Over the decade that I’ve worked on this project, I’ve had many interchanges
about ideas and been much influenced by the comments and the work of Catalan,
American, and international colleagues. The result is an Escher-​like experience.
As I rewrite, reread, and occasionally newly discover published pieces I missed
earlier, I keep meeting myself and some of my colleagues on the stairs going up, or
is it down? Although I have tried to acknowledge these influences, bibliographic
citation and prefatory thanks are inadequate to capture the deep resonance I find
with the work of a number of colleagues. I take heart that this intertextuality
means that we are on to something, and I hope those who might meet themselves
on the stairs of this book feel the same way.
Several institutions made this research and writing possible. I did the fieldwork
as a visiting researcher affiliated with the Department of Catalan Philology at the
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, kindly sponsored by Professor Joan Argenter
and supported by a fellowship from the Agència de Gestió d’Ajuts Universitaris i
de Recerca de la Generalitat de Catalunya (grant # 2005PIV2-​31). The Wenner-​
Gren Foundation provided indispensable funding for the fieldwork, and the
University of California, San Diego (UCSD) contributed support for both field-
work and manuscript completion. The analysis was completed and much of the
writing was done when I was a resident fellow at the Netherlands Institute for
Advanced Studies (NIAS), which provided me the perfect sabbatical environ-
ment in its Brigadoon by the sea. Many thanks to all these institutions. All views
expressed in this work are my own and not those of the funding agencies.
In carrying out the fieldwork and analysis, I had the help of more people
than I can name here. My deep gratitude goes to the students and teachers who
patiently let me follow and record them throughout their school day, and espe-
cially to the former students who went out of their way to respond to me and
bring me up to date after twenty years. There has not been space to tell all their
stories in the course of this book, but all of them contributed to my understand-
ing of contemporary Catalonia. I hope that those whose lives and views I do
discuss and whose words I quote find that I have represented them fairly and
xiv • Acknowledgments

faithfully. All personal names used in this book except those of public figures are
pseudonyms, as is the name of the high school where I did my case studies. I am
not able to acknowledge these indispensable people properly by name, but I hope
they accept my thanks.
In Barcelona and beyond, Melissa Moyer and Susanna Fosch have been
extraordinarily generous friends who have sustained me both personally and pro-
fessionally and solved all kinds of problems for me. Many thanks also to Núria
Guàrdia, Manel Udina, Adela Ros, and Adrianne Saltz for much support, and to
Helen and Roger Bryce for providing respite.
I owe Susan Gal special thanks for the conceptual distinction that organizes
this book, though she is not responsible for how far I have taken it. I’m grateful to
all my fellow fellows at NIAS for creating a friendly and supportive environment,
most particularly Leonie Cornips and Vincent de Rooij, who invited me to join
their research group, and co-​participants Peter Auer, Ad Backus, Jürgen Jaspers,
Barbara Johnstone, Tanja Petrović, and Irene Stengs. For insights and collegial
assistance of different kinds in different moments, my thanks to Celso Álvarez-​
Cáccamo, Albert Bastardas, Emili Boix,Verena Berger, Michael Berman, Marcelo
Borges, Jordi Ballart, Albert Branchadell, Mary Bucholtz, José del Valle, Nicolau
Dols, Joe Errington, Paja Faudree, Susan Frekko, Jonathan Friedman, John
Haviland, Judit Hersko, Miyako Inoue, Misty Jaffe, Eva Jaurros-​Daussà, Stewart
King, Liesbeth Koenen, Maarten Mous, Michael Newman, Luci Nussbaum,
Bernadette O’Rourke, Nancy Postero, Bambi Schieffelin, Miquel Simonet,
Miquel Strubell, Jackie Urla, Xavier Vila, Max Wheeler, and Ana Celia Zentella.
Laura Ahearn, Hallie Stebbins, and Rob Wilkinson have been encouraging and
patient in the editorial process of turning this work into a book.
The Centre de Documentació de la Direcció General de Política Lingüística
de la Generalitat de Catalunya was essential to the research in Part II of this book,
and I thank Elena Heidepriem for her help in navigating its collection. Thanks
also to Pere Mayans of the Servei d'Ensenyament del Català de la Generalitat for
helping me understand the history of Catalan education policy, and to Kathy
Creely, Karen Heskett, and Kirk Wang of the UCSD library for generous help
with technology for producing the final manuscript. I’m grateful to artist Miquel
Barceló and representative Hannah Rhadigan, cartoonist Manel Fontedevila,
Josep Gisbert and Susanna Fosch again, and the artists and representatives of sev-
eral organizations for facilitating permission to reproduce the illustrations in this
book.
Throughout the fieldwork and again in correcting the whole manuscript,
Maria Rosa Garrido Sardà has been an extraordinary research assistant who
always goes an extra mile, and I am extremely grateful to her. For their work on
transcription, translation, analysis, and bibliography over the years, my thanks
also to Míriam Arboix, Cristina Aliagas, Vanessa Bretxa, Teresa Ciurana, Andrea
 Acknowledgments • xv

Davis, Susanna Llop, Aida Ribot Bencomo, Page Piccinini, Daniel Scarpace,
Elena Vicario, and Katia Yago. A special thank you to Josep Soler Carbonell for
much collegial help.
Susan DiGiacomo has been a great friend and colleague since we met doing
fieldwork in Barcelona in 1979, and with this book project she’s been beyond
generous, giving almost every chapter of the manuscript a careful and encourag-
ing reading and consulting on all kinds of questions. My debt to her is enormous.
Joan Pujolar also provided help over the years of this project and read many chap-
ters in manuscript. Along with Maria Rosa Garrido, they saved me from many
of my embarrassing gaffes and gave me much to think about, some of which
I haven’t been able to reflect adequately here. The errors that remain are my own
fault. Many, many thanks to Joel and Ben Sobel for living with this research proj-
ect in the field and for their sympathetic support in the interminable preparation
of the final manuscript. Thanks also to my father Tom Woolard for his patience
as I fixed just one more thing and then another.
Finally, I thank the journals and publishers for allowing me to draw on and
develop material from these earlier publications:

2007 La autoridad lingüística del español y las ideologías de la autenti-

cidad y el anonimato. In La lengua, ¿patria común? Ideas e ideologías del
español, ed. Jose del Valle, pp. 129–​142. Madrid: Vervuert Iberoamericana.
2008 Language and identity choice in Catalonia: The interplay of con-
trasting ideologies of linguistic authority. In Lengua, nación e identidad:
La regulación del plurilingüismo en España y América Latina, ed. Kirsten
Süselbeck, Ulrike Mühlschlegel, Peter Masson, pp. 303–​323. Madrid/​
Frankfurt: Iberoamericana/​Vervuert.
2009 Linguistic consciousness among adolescents in Catalonia: A case
study from the Barcelona urban area in longitudinal perspective. Zeitschrift
für Katalanistik 22: 125–​129.
2011 Is there linguistic life after high school? Longitudinal changes in the
bilingual repertoire in metropolitan Barcelona. Language in Society 40
(5):617–​648.
2013 Is the personal political? Chronotopes and changing stances
toward Catalan language and identity. International Journal of Bilingual
Education and Bilingualism 16 (2):210–​224.
2014 What’s so funny now? The strength of weak pronouns in Catalonia.
(with Aida Ribot Bencomo and Josep Soler Carbonell). Journal of
Linguistic Anthropology 23 (3) 127–​141.
A B B R E V I AT I O N S

ANC Assemblea Nacional Catalana

Catalan National Assembly
CAL Coordinadora d’Associacions per la Llengua Catalana
Coordinated Associations for the Catalan Language
C’s Ciutadans—​Partido de la Ciudadanía
Citizens—​Party of the Citizenry
CiU Convergència i Unió
Convergence and Union (Coalition of Democratic Convergence of
Catalonia and Democratic Union of Catalonia)
CT Catalan
CS Castilian
ERC Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya
Republican Left of Catalonia
IEC Institut d’Estudis Catalans
Institut of Catalan Studies
IRL Institut Ramon Llull
L1 First language
L2 Second language
PP Partido Popular
Popular Party/​People’s Party
PSOE Partido Socialista Obrero Español
Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party
PSC Partit Socialista de Catalunya
Catalan Socialist Party
TV3 TV3-​Televisió de Catalunya
Television of Catalonia
NOTE TO THE READER ON TERMINOLOGY
AND TRANSCRIPTION

Terminology
All personal names except those of public figures are pseudonyms, as is the name
of the school where I conducted the research for Part III. For public figures and
scholars, I follow the common usage of giving both paternal and maternal sur-
names, hyphenated when that reflects their own use, as well as referring to the
person within the text only by the paternal surname.
In Catalonia and the rest of Spain, “Spanish” (CS español, CT espanyol) and
“Castilian” (CS castellano, CT castellà) refer to the same language. “Castilian” is
the more common term and will be used in this book except where sources use
the term “Spanish,” which is politically significant. As here, I use the abbrevia-
tions CT for Catalan and CS for Castilian when identifying linguistic forms.
For ethnolinguistic categories, compound words are used in both Catalan
and Castilian to identify speakers by their first and/​or dominant language: CT
catalanoparlant, castellanoparlant, CS catalanohablante, castellanohablante, the
way the terms anglophone and francophone are used in Canada. Unfortunately
English doesn’t have equivalent forms, and terms like “Catalanspeaker” are
infelicitous to the English-​reading eye, so I gloss these as “Catalan speaker”
and “Castilian speaker.” In Catalonia the terms are usually used for social cat-
egories rather than as strictly linguistic descriptors, but there is slippage in the
usage. Neither term as used in this book means that the speaker is monolingual,
although as Xavier Vila (2003) has explained, self-​described castellanohablantes
often do not speak Catalan. Those of Castilian-​speaking background who do
speak Catalan are more likely to identity themselves as “bilingual.” All “Catalan
speakers” also speak Castilian, although a few of them claim not to be very com-
fortable in that language. Most of the individual “Castilian speakers” among the
two generations of informants for this study do speak Catalan, many of them very
fluently. When I wish to stress the native language of an individual, I will use the
terms “first language” or “L1” Castilian or Catalan speaker in contrast to “second
xx • Note to the Reader on Terminology and Transcription

language” or “L2” speaker, and occasionally “native speaker” when social roots are
being emphasized.
I use several terms to label political-​ideological positions and actors so that
the general reader can keep track of them. “Independentist” and “sovereigntist”
are inelegant terms in English but are direct translations from the Catalan and
the Castilian forms. “Catalanist” is a translation of catalanista, and advocates for
the Catalan language as well as for the nation and/​or sovereignty generally use
that term for themselves, though perhaps not everyone to whom I apply this label
in this work. I use it for both the linguistic and the political position. Espanyolista
generally means Spanish nationalist. When writers or speakers whom I quote
actually used this term, I incorporate it in my text. When I am not quoting a
source and am imposing my own label, I use the term Hispanicist to identify posi-
tions that I classify as Spanish nationalist. I apply the label “Castilianist” more
narrowly to advocates for the Castilian language in various debates, although
their critics might call them espanyolista. Nobody in Catalonia calls him/​herself
Castilianist, and many of those to whom I apply the term would say they are not
Castilianist, but rather liberal, fair-​minded, normal, etc. This may be true of some
of those I call Catalanist as well.

Quotations and Transcription

The originals of all Catalan and Castilian-​medium quotes that appear in
English in the body of the text are given in footnotes. Translations to English
are my own except where indicated. In quoting from media sources, I do not
use different conventions to represent the Catalan and Castilian languages,
again except where noted. This is because quotations given in the media do
not usually indicate the language the speaker actually used. They are routinely
translated to the standard medium of the periodical or news outlet without
any indication of the source language. Moreover, more than one news out-
let has both Catalan and Castilian versions, and the choice between them in
my corpus is not significant, so it would be misleading to mark the linguistic
medium of my source.
In quotes from my own recordings of interviews and interactions (most of
them appearing in Part III), short extracts from only one speaker are generally
given only in English in the text; the original appears in the footnotes. Longer
dialogic stretches are given in the original and the English gloss in parallel, to
indicate at least some of the interactional dynamics that affected the discussion.
In these transcript extracts, interviewees’ turns are identified by the first initials of
their pseudonyms. “KW” refers to the interviewer.
 Note to the Reader on Terminology and Transcription • xxi

In interactional and interview extracts, the typeface distinguishes the more

marked from the less marked of the two languages in that data set. Regular roman
type is used for the more frequently used of the two and italics indicate the less fre-
quent language. Because these were different in the interviews with the younger
and older informants, the conventions I use are also different. In Chapter 7,
reporting on the younger informants, Catalan is unmarked and Castilian is itali-
cized. In Chapter 8, since Castilian was the medium of the greater part of the
interviews discussed, Castilian appears in unmarked roman type and Catalan is
in italics. In textual citation of lexical items in these chapters as in others, both
languages are italicized without distinction.
These transcriptions of interviews and interactions, like the English glosses,
are quite broad in order to be more readily accessible to readers, and they are
not intended for close interactional or sociolinguistic analysis. Stumbles and
hesitation phenomena are generally transcribed, but only the most salient pho-
nological forms are represented graphically with nonstandard spelling. These are
specifically deletion of intervocalic /​d/​(acabao for acabado “finished”) and the
aspiration of /​s/​in stylized Andalusian Castilian. Following Joan Pujolar (2001),
I represent the emblematic aspirated form with orthographic “h”; e.g., ehpañoleh
in place of standard Castilian españoles “Spaniards.” In Catalan, the yodization of
initial voiced palatal-​alveolar fricatives is represented by orthographic “i”; e.g., io
for jo (“I”), ia for ja (“already”). Although this pronunciation makes those spe-
cific words bivalent, i.e., identical in Catalan and Castilian, they are widespread
and commonly accepted forms in vernacular Catalan.

Transcription Key
[words] speech overlapping with interlocutor’s, also marked in adjacent turn
(.)   short pause
(word) uncertain transcription
(x)   unintelligible
(( ))     analyst’s comment, clarification, or substitution
…   material omitted
:     elongation of speech segment
word  neither only Catalan nor Castilian: bivalent or English in original
=    latched speech, no pause
-​    word breaks off
SINGULAR AND PLURAL
 1 INTRODUCTION

What makes a particular language authoritative in community mem-

bers’ eyes and ears? What relationship to language allows a government
and its institutions to be perceived as legitimate? And what entitles a
speaker to use a language freely and to convince others with that use?
Monolingual speakers of dominant languages rarely have to pause to
consider such questions, but members of bilingual and minoritized
speech communities routinely confront them, implicitly and explic-
itly. The answers matter because the foundations of linguistic author-
ity are also foundations of identity, community, nation, polity, and
citizenship. The subject of this book is a constellation of ongoing con-
sequential changes in the foundations of linguistic authority and com-
munity in Catalonia, where language has long been a powerful social
symbol and political issue.
Catalan language and identity have been mobile in recent years,
in multiple senses: political, demographic, ideological. Politically,
Catalan national identity moved into the international spotlight in
September, 2012, when 1.5 million people demonstrated in the streets
of Barcelona to demand what is called “the right to decide” on sover-
eignty for Catalonia, currently an autonomous political community
within Spain.1 The next year, even more people linked hands to form
the Via Catalana, the “Catalan Way to Independence,” stretching 480
kilometers from south to north and again capturing the attention of
international news media (Televisió de Catalunya 2013a, 2013b).2
A broad coalition from center-​right to progressive left parties in the
Catalan Parliament joined to call a referendum on independence for
2014 (Minder 2013). Despite the conservative Spanish government’s

1. “Dret a decidir.” For an English-​medium collection of sympathetic views on the sovereignty

movement from intellectuals as well as Catalan political activists, see L. Castro 2013.
2. This display of support for Catalan independence was organized by a civic group, the
Assemblea Nacional Catalana (Catalan National Assembly) and modeled after the successful
1989 “Baltic Way” that had symbolically put the Baltic states on the path to independence.
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