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Discovering Diverse Content Through
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 Works (Sparks's ed.), vii. 401, 403; Bigelow's Life of F., ii. 9;
Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., xlix., 270 et seq.

[65] Bancroft, History, v. 275.

[66] These resolutions are in Ramsay, Amer. Rev., i. 59.

[67] The proceedings, with the circular letter, may be found in the
Mass. State Papers, 35.

[68] Of the colonies south of New England, South Carolina was the
first to agree to the proposed congress. Ramsay, Amer. Rev., i.
68.

[69] Later, in December, he was compelled to renounce his office

under circumstances of special ignominy, from which his age and
character afforded no protection.

[70] Frothingham's Rise of the Republic, 184.

[71] Frothingham gives a summary of these papers, with the names

of the committees who drafted them (Rise of the Republic, pp.
186, 187).

[72] Though this day was observed in several colonies by the tolling
of bells, closing of shops, funeral processions, and other
demonstrations of hostility to the act, there was no violence
(Ramsay, Amer. Rev., i. 68, 70).

[73] Mass. State Papers, 61.

[74] Parliamentary History, xvi. 133 et seq.

[75] Mass. State Papers, 81.

[76] Mass. State Papers, 91, 92.

[77] Mass. State Papers, 94.

[78] Parliamentary History, vol. xvi. 359; Prior Documents, 134.

During the adjournment a double broadside had been issued,
containing the proposed bill for compensation, an extract from
Secretary Conway's letter to Governor Bernard, and letters from
De Berdt, the agent, advising compliance with the parliamentary
recommendation. A copy is in the Boston Public Library.
[79] Mahon's Hist. of Eng., v. 81.

[80] Parliamentary History, vol. xvi. 331.

[81] Bradford, History of Mass., i. 97.

[82] Parliamentary Hist., xvi. 375.

[83] 7 Geo. III. ch. 41, Statutes at Large, vol. x. 340.

[84] 7 Geo. III. ch. 46, Ibid., 369. Bancroft's account of these Acts
is not quite accurate (History, vi. 84, 85): "By another Act (7 Geo.
III. ch. xli.) a Board of Customs was established at Boston, and
general Writs of Assistance were legalized." The execution of the
Laws of Trade was placed under the direction of Commissioners
of Customs, "to reside in the said Plantations", where the king
should direct,—not localized at Boston. It was by ch. xlvi. sec. x.,
not xli., that Writs of Assistance were legalized. But a more
serious error is in the statement that "Townshend's revenue was
to be disposed of under the sign-manual at the king's pleasure.
This part of the system had no limit as to time or place, and was
intended as a perpetual menace." This is far from being accurate.
By section iv. it is provided that the revenue arising from the act
should be applied, in the first place, "for the charge of the
administration of justice, and the support of civil government" in
the colonies; and the residue was to be paid into the receipt of
the Exchequer, and entered separate and apart from all other
moneys, and reserved to be disposed by Parliament for the
defence of the colonies. It was the civil administration alone that
could be paid by the king's warrant. The expense of the army
could be appropriated only by Parliament; and the difference is
worthy of attention.

[85] It was reported at a town meeting held at Boston on October

28, 1767, in which James Otis presided, that Lynn, in the previous
year, had turned out forty thousand pairs of women's shoes,—an
industry which has since grown to very large proportions,—and
that another town had made thirty thousand yards of cloth
(Frothingham's Rise of the Republic, 208).

[86] Mass. State Papers, 121, 124, 134.

[87] The circular letter was not adopted without opposition.

Bernard says that the proposition was first rejected two to one;
 and after the measure was finally carried, in order to give the
appearance of greater unanimity, the former proceedings of
dissent were obliterated from the journal (Letters, 8).

[88] Mass. State Papers, 113.

[89] Abstracts of these papers convey no adequate idea of their

strength. They must be read in their completeness, and so read,
in connection with Lord Mansfield's speech in the House of Lords,
one sees the arguments of each party stated at their best.

[90] Hutchinson's History, iii. 188.

[91] Gordon, i. 231. Governor Bernard has given an account of

these transactions in a series of letters addressed to Shelburne or
Hillsborough, and published in a collected volume. It is a graphic
narrative, in many cases of events in which he had participated,
or which he had learned from eye-witnesses. Apparently they are
as fair as other partisan accounts of the transactions, which may
be found in various histories. The truth yet waits to be told; but it
will not be accurately told by one who assigns all sublimated
virtues to one party, and the most malignant depravity to the
other.

[92] See Hutchinson's History, iii. 192, and 488 for the address.

[93] Mass. State Papers, 156.

[94] For a summary of these replies, see Frothingham's Rise of the

Republic, 213.

[95] Letters 41.

[96] History, iii. 196.

[97] Ibid., iii. 197; see also Frothingham, 239.

[98] Letters 40.

[99] Mass. State Papers, 147.

[100] Otis was chairman. On the first day several committees were
appointed: one to learn from Governor Bernard the grounds of
his apprehensions that additional regiments were expected;
another to present a petition for convening the General Court
 "with the utmost speed;" and a third to take into consideration
the state of public affairs, and report salutary measures at an
adjourned meeting. The next day the governor replied that his
information in regard to the troops was private: when he had
public letters on the subject he would communicate them to the
Council. As for calling another assembly, he could do nothing
without his majesty's commands. Whereupon a series of
resolutions and votes was passed to the effect that the
inhabitants of Boston would defend the king, the charter, and
their own rights; that levying of money within the province, or
keeping a standing army, except by consent of the General
Assembly, was in violation of the charter and of natural rights;
that the several towns be asked (the letter is in Hutchinson, iii.
492) to send delegates to a convention to be held on the 22d;
that on account of a "prevailing apprehension, in the minds of
many, of an approaching war with France", the inhabitants be
provided with arms; and that the ministers in town set apart a
day of fasting and prayer. A broadside of these proceedings was
published, of which a fac-simile is in the Boston Public Library.

[101] Hutchinson's History, iii. 212. They were the Fourteenth,

Twenty-ninth, and part of the Fifty-ninth British regiments.

[102] Parliamentary History, vol. xvi. 476 et seq.; Mahon's History,

v. 240; Hutchinson's History, iii. 219.

[103] W. S. Johnson, Trumbull Papers, 317.

[104] Hutchinson's History, iii. 221.

[105] Ibid., iii. 494.

[106] Writings, i. 3 (Boston ed.).

[107] North Carolina adopted resolutions similar to those of

Virginia, and associations were formed to prevent importation of
British goods. Ramsay, Amer. Rev., i. 84.

[108] Part of the Sixty-fourth and Sixty-fifth regiments, under

Colonels Mackey and Pomeroy, arrived at Boston November 10th.

[109] Hutchinson's History, iii. 233.

[110] Ibid., vol. iii. 498.

[111] He was created a baronet March 20, 1769 (Gordon, History, i.
275).

[112] An unpublished letter of this date, from Charles Lloyd to

George Grenville, giving an account of the affair, is in the
possession of the writer.

[113] W. S. Johnson, Trumbull Papers, 423.

[114] May, 1770. "Agreeably to a vote of the town of Boston, Capt.

Scott sailed from thence this month for London, with the cargo of
goods he had brought from thence, contrary to the non-
importation agreement; to give evidence, on the other side the
water, of the sincerity of said agreement" (Mass. Hist. Coll., ii 44).

[115] W. S. Johnson, Trumbull Papers, 421. The Minute of the

Cabinet, May 1, 1769, by which Hillsborough was authorized to
make the promise contained in his circular letter, may be seen in
Mahon's History of England, v. Appendix, xxxvii.; and the reasons
upon which the minute rests are both interesting and significant
—"upon consideration of such duties having been laid contrary to
the true principles of commerce."

[116] Parliamentary History, xvi. 855, 979

[117] W. S. Johnson, Trumbull Papers, 430.

[118] W. S. Johnson, Trumbull Papers, 435.

[119] Parliamentary History, xvi. 981

[120] Ibid., 1006.

[121] W. S. Johnson, Trumbull Papers, 437.

[122] Administration of the Colonies.

[123] Mass. State Papers, 306.

[124] Lossing's Field-Book of the Revolution, i. 630. For a full

account of this affair, see Bartlett's History of the Destruction of
the Gaspee.

[125] W. E. Foster's Stephens Hopkins, Pt. ii. 95.

[126] Frothingham's Rise of the Republic, 266.

[127] For a full account of the formation and purpose of the

Committee of Correspondence, with the names of the Boston
members, see Frothingham's Rise of the Republic, 263.

[128] See resolutions and members of the committee in Mass. State

Papers, 400.

[129] History, iii. 397.

[130] Ramsay gives these resolutions. Hist. Amer. Rev., i. 98.

[131] Frothingham's Rise of the Republic, 294; Hutchinson's

History, iii. 441.

[132] Hutchinson's History, iii. 441.

[133] He died at Brompton, England, June 3, 1780.

[134] Frothingham's Rise of the Republic, 347.

[135] The action of the other colonies in respect to the proposed

Continental Congress may be found in Frothingham's Rise of the
Republic, 331, n.

[136] See authorities in John Adams, a pamphlet by the writer of

this chapter, 1884.

[137] Works, iv. 109. I find in the works of no other writer, historical
or political, more accurate conceptions of the causes, immediate
and remote, of the Revolution, and so fair and judicial a
statement of them. Works, i. 24, 92.

[138] Bancroft, v. 250.

[139] See Rights of Great Britain asserted against the claims of

America (London, 1776).

[140] Works, x. 321.

[141] History, ii. 43.

[142] Ibid., vi. 85.

[143] Hist. N. E., ii. 444.

[144] New York, 1882 by Eben Greenough Scott.

[145] In the absence of such a work, the student will find

something to his purpose in the Hutchinson Papers (Prince Soc.
ed.), ii. 150, 232, 265, 301, 313 et passim; Andros Tracts, ii. 69,
215, 224, 233 et passim; Sewall's Letters, i. 4; Chalmers's
Political Annals, in the notes particularly, and in his Introduction
to the History of the Revolt of the Colonies; Palfrey, Hist. New
England, ii. 444; iii. 276, 279, n. For the commerce and products
of Virginia in 1671, and the effect of the navigation laws, see
Chalmers's Political Annals, 327; and in 1675, Ibid., 353, 354;
and for duties imposed on commerce by colonial assemblies,
Ibid., 354, 404. For complaints of British merchants to Charles II.
of infractions of the navigation laws by New England, Ibid., 400,
433, 437. See Ramsay's American Revolution, i. 19, 22, 23, 45,
46, 49; and Franklin's Works, iv. 37, for British trade with the
colonies. Jefferson's Notes, 277, gives the amount of Virginia
exports just before the Revolution. Queries and Answers, relative
to the commerce of Connecticut in 1774 (Mass. Hist. Coll., vii.
234), affords much interesting information as to shipping, sailors,
and importations from Great Britain, the course and subjects of
foreign trade of the colony. For similar papers relating to New
York, see O'Callaghan's Documentary Hist. of New York, 8vo ed.,
vol. i. 145, 699, 709, 737, and vol. iv. 163.

[146] Works, Boston ed., vol. ix.

[147] The Late Revelations Respecting the British Colonies

(published at Philadelphia, 1765, and attributed to John
Dickinson) contains valuable statistics of commerce, and
discusses the British commercial and revenue policy with great
ability; also, Considerations on the Propriety of Imposing Taxes in
the British Colonies, attributed to Daniel Dulaney, of Maryland,
1765; The Right to the Tonnage, by the same, Annapolis, 1766.

[148] Cf. Felt's Massachusetts Currency; Pownall's Administration of

the Colonies, 102 et seq.

[149] Hist. N. E., iii. ch. ix.

[150] Sewall says that the first admiralty court was held July 5,
1686, and that several ships had been seized for trading contrary
to the acts (Letters, i. 34). Dudley was inaugurated May 26,
 1686, and soon got to the work of enforcing the laws. See also
Andros Tracts, iii. 69.

[151] The history of these writs is given, with a fulness and

accuracy which leaves nothing to be desired, in the Appendix to
Quincy's Reports, by Horace Gray, Jr. (now Mr. Justice Gray, of the
Supreme Court of the United States). Besides other sources of
unpublished information, in England and America, Mr. Gray had
access to the Bernard Papers (now in Harvard University library);
in his administration these writs were legalized and efficiently
used.

[152] See Vol. V. p. 612. For more than a century in the

government of the colonies political considerations were
subordinated to a commercial policy; New England was favored
during the Protectorate, and Virginia after the Restoration,
equally on political grounds. But with the beginning of the French
War this commercial policy began to give way to an imperial
policy. To the Congress of 1754 is due the distinction of being the
only body, among similar gatherings before or since, which of its
own motion seriously entertained and adopted a project of
bringing the colonies, as a unit, into defined relations to the
mother country, for general government in respect to their
defence. Nobody saw more clearly than Franklin, or has more
explicitly pointed out the necessity of some general government
for the defence of the colonies (Works, by Sparks, iii. 32 et seq.);
and to secure these ends he was willing to go further, in some
respects, even than Hutchinson. He admitted the power and
necessity of parliamentary action in the alteration of colonial
charters (Works, iii. 36). He provided that the President-General
should be appointed and his salary paid by the crown (3 Mass.
Hist. Coll., v. 70); that the Speaker should be approved by the
President-General, thus admitting the validity of the prerogative
(Works, iii. 44; and see Plan, that the assent of the President-
General should be requisite to all acts of the Grand Council,
instead of all laws, as stated by Bancroft, iv. 123); and that the
Grand Council should have power to "lay and levy such general
duties, imposts, or taxes as to them shall appear most equal and
just" (Works, iii. 50). Bancroft, in summarizing the Plan of Union,
drawn by Franklin, says (Hist., iv. 124) the general government
was empowered "to make laws and levy just and equitable
taxes", thus giving the impression that the powers of the Council
were limited by absolute justice and equity, or by what each
colony should so judge. But this is what Franklin neither meant
nor said. He lodged the powers in the sole discretion of the
Council, which is quite a different thing. Grenville or Townshend
asked no more for Parliament. The General Assembly of
Connecticut knew what the words meant. In their reasons for
rejecting the proposed plan (I Mass. Hist. Coll., vii. 212) they say,
"The proposal, in said plan contained, for the President-General
and Council to levy taxes, &c., as they please, throughout this
extensive government, is a very extraordinary thing, and against
the rights and privileges of Englishmen." Their objections to
Franklin's Plan read like an answer of the Massachusetts General
Court, drawn by Samuel Adams, to a message of Bernard. The
governor and council of Rhode Island had similar fears. They said
that they found it to be "a scheme which, if carried into
execution, will virtually deprive this government, at least, of some
of its most valuable privileges, if not effectually overturn and
destroy our present happy constitution" (Rhode Island Hist.
Tracts, ix. 61). And that sturdy patriot, Stephen Hopkins, who
was associated with Franklin, Hutchinson, Pitkin, and Howard in
the Albany Plan, was subjected to much worry for invoking the
parliamentary authority in modifying the Rhode Island charter,
and was driven to self-vindication in A True Representation (Ibid.,
I). Whatever modifications Franklin's opinions may have
undergone in later years on other matters, "it was his opinion
thirty years afterwards that his plan was near the true medium"
(Works, iii. 24, Sparks's note).
There is a plan of union in the handwriting of Thomas
Hutchinson (Mass. Archives, vi. 171, and in the Trumbull MSS., in
Mass. Hist. Soc., i. 97; and printed in Frothingham's Rise of the
Republic, Appendix) which probably expressed his sentiments in
1754, when it was rejected by the General Court. Like Franklin,
he was willing to acknowledge and invoke the parliamentary
authority for the union, with the power in the Grand Council to
levy such taxes as they deemed just and equal; but, unlike
Franklin, he did not allow the President to negative the choice of
the Speaker by the Grand Council.
But no one wrote from a more varied experience, or more
careful examination of colonial constitutions, and of their possible
relations to the mother country, than Thomas Pownall. His
connection with the Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, as
their secretary in 1745, made him familiar with the difficulties of
colonial administration from the British point of view; and his
 successive administrations, as lieutenant-governor, or governor, of
New Jersey, Massachusetts, and South Carolina from 1755 to
1761, extended his acquaintance with the state of colonial affairs
in the Northern, Middle, and Southern colonies. He was a
moderate Whig, and, like all moderate men in those days, his
counsels were duly regarded by neither party. He embodied his
views in a work entitled The Administration of the Colonies, which
passed through several editions. His scheme was elaborate and
wise, if his concurrence with Franklin in points which they treat in
common may be regarded as a test of wisdom. His commercial
scheme was predicated on the general law that colonial trade
follows capital, and, while sharing the benefits, pays profit to it.
He would have left that trade free to develop itself within certain
limits; but inasmuch as it must tend somewhere,—to the English,
French, or Dutch,—he thought it right that the trade of English
colonies should pay profit to England, as the country whose navy
defended it, and by whose capital it was developed. But England
ought to grasp this trade only as the centre of a commercial
dominion of which America was a part and entitled to
parliamentary representation, which he thought practicable. In
theory he acknowledged the prerogative of the crown in respect
to colonial government, but recognized the necessity of
parliamentary intervention, and would have reduced both to
cases of actual necessity, and would always have subordinated
the question of power to the dictates of reason and expediency.

[153] See letter of Pownall to Franklin, on this subject, and

Franklin's remarks (Works, iv. 199).

[154] See the whole passage, not often quoted by historians, in

Frothingham's Rise of the Republic, 149, n.

[155] Sidney S. Rider (Rhode Island Hist. Tracts, 9, xxx.) denies

that Rhode Island rejected the Plan, as affirmed by Sparks.

[156] Massachusetts State Papers.

[157] Published at Boston in 1818, and edited by Alden Bradford. It

is often quoted as Mass. State Papers. The answers were chiefly
from the industrious pen of Samuel Adams.

[158] Journals of the House of Lords, xxxiv. 124.

[159] Works, iv. 466.

[160] Memoir of Josiah Quincy, Jr., 355.

[161] History, vi. p. 244.

[162] Hist. of the Revolution, i. 175.

[163] What we know of this speech is derived mainly from the

notes of it taken by John Adams (Works, ii. 521-525), and from
the reminiscent account of it which Adams gave to William Tudor
in 1818, with his description of the scene in court during its
delivery. Minot, in his Hist. of Massachusetts, 1748-1765 (vol. ii.
91-99), worked up these notes, and they form the basis of the
narrative in Tudor's Life of Otis (p. 62). The legal aspects have
been specially examined by Horace Gray in an appendix to the
Reports of Cases in the Superior Court 1761-1772, by Josiah
Quincy, Jr., printed from his original manuscripts, and edited by
Samuel M. Quincy (Boston, 1865). Cf. John Adams's Works, x. pp.
182, 233, 244, 274, 314, 317, 338, 342, 362. Cf. also Ibid., vol. i.
p. 58; ii. 124, 521; and the Adams-Warren Correspondence in
Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., xliv. 340, 355. Cf. also Hutchinson's Mass.
Bay, vol. iii.; Essex Institute Hist. Coll., Aug., 1860; Bancroft's
United States, ii. 546, 553; Thornton's Pulpit of the Rev., 112;
Barry's Massachusetts, ii. 264; Everett's Orations, i. 388; Scott's
Constitutional Liberty, 237; Mem. Hist. Boston, iii. 5; Palfrey's
Compend. Hist. N. E., iv. 306; Wells's Sam. Adams, i. 43. There is
a copy of one of these writs in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist.
Society. W. S. Johnson wrote to Governor Trumbull that the
process was in vogue in England (Trumbull Papers; Mass. Hist.
Soc. Coll., xlix. pp. 292, 374), as it is to-day. The most
conspicuous instance of an attempt to search under these writs
was when the officers tried to enter the house of Daniel Malcom
in Oct., 1766, and were forcibly resisted. The papers connected
with this, as transmitted to London, and telling the story on both
sides, are among the Lee Papers in Harvard College library (vol. i.
nos. 14-25).

[164] Sabin, xiv. p. 84. Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 559; John Adams, x.
p. 300. Lecky skilfully sketches the condition of the colonies at
this time (England in the Eighteenth Century, iii. ch. 12), and
Lodge's Short Hist. of the English Colonies depicts, under the
heads of the various colonies, the prevailing characteristics.

[165] Dickinson's speech in the Assembly, May 24, 1764, passed

through two editions (Philad., 1764), and was reprinted in London
 (1764). (Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,387-88.) Galloway's Speech in
Answer (Philad., 1764; Carter-Brown, iii. 1,395) was reprinted in
London (1765), with a preface by Franklin (Carter-Brown, iii.
1,452), and Dickinson's Reply was printed in London, 1765
(Carter-Brown, iii. 1,444). Dickinson's speech is also in his Works
(i. p. 1). Cf. Franklin's Works, iv. pp. 78, 101, 143.

[166] Rise of the Republic, p. 167.

[167] It is analyzed in John Adams's Works (x. 293), and in

Frothingham, p. 169. It was published in Boston in 1765, and in
London the same year, by Almon, and was circulated through the
instrumentality of Thomas Hollis (Sabin, xiv. p. 83).

[168] John Adams's Works, x. 189. Cf. Palfrey, New England

(Compend. ed., iv. 343), and Tudor's Otis. See ante, p. 28.

[169] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,456; Sabin, viii. no. 32,966; Cooke
Catalogue, no. 1,202. It was reprinted in London in 1766, at the
instigation of the Rhode Island agent, as The Grievances of the
American Colonies carefully examined (Sparks, no. 1,272; Cooke,
no. 1,203). There is a reprint in the R. I. Col. Records, vi. 416.
The London text is followed in Selim H. Peabody's American
Patriotism (N. Y., 1880). The original edition of all was published
by order of the R. I. Assembly in 1764, but no copy is known. Cf.
Wm. E. Foster's Stephen Hopkins, a Rhode Island Statesman;
study in the political history of the eighteenth century
(Providence, 1884,—no. 19 of R. I. Hist. Tracts), who examines
(ii. p. 227) the claims of Hopkins to its authorship, for the tract
was printed anonymously. Cf. Frothingham's Rise of the Republic,
p. 172; Palfrey's New England (Compend. ed.), iv. 369. Hopkins's
tract was controverted in a Letter from a gentleman at Halifax
(Newport, 1765,—Sabin, x. 40,281); and James Otis replied in a
Vindication of the British Colonies against the aspersions of the
Halifax gentleman (Boston, 1765; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,480);
and this in turn was followed by a Defence of the Letter, etc.
(Newport, 1765), and Brief Remarks (Brinley, i. nos. 190, 198). A
tract usually cited by a similar title, but which was called at length
Coloniæ Anglicanæ illustratæ: or the Acquest of dominion and
the plantation of Colonies made by the English in America, with
the rights of the Colonists examined, stated, and illustrated. Part
I. (London, 1762; Sabin, ii. 6,209; Carter-Brown, iii. 1,314) was
never completed, and was mostly occupied with irrelevant matter.
 Its author was William Bollan, who was dismissed as the
Massachusetts agent during that same year, and John Adams (x.
355) says he scarce ever knew a book so utterly despised. Otis
(Tudor, p. 114) expressed his contempt for it (Sabin, ii. p. 265-6).

[170] Reasons why the Brit. Colonies in America should not be

charged with internal taxes, etc. (New Haven, 1764). It is
reprinted in Conn. Col. Records, vol. xii. Cf. Pitkin's United States,
i. 165, and Ingersoll's Letters, p. 2.

[171] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,427. John Adams's Works, iv. 129; x.
292. Palfrey, iv. 349. Thacher died in 1765, aged 45 years.

[172] Mayhew had early sounded the alarm, and Thornton begins
his Pulpit of the Revolution with a reprint of Mayhew's sermon in
1750 on Unlimited submission and non-resistance to the higher
powers (Boston, 1750; again, 1818; Brinley, no. 1,529). The
controversy with Apthorpe, who was settled over Christ Church in
Cambridge, as representative of the Society for the Propagation
of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, began with his Considerations on
the institution and conduct of the Society, etc. (Boston, 1763), to
which Mayhew responded in his Observations on the charter and
conduct of the Society, etc., designed to show their non-
conformity to each other (Boston, 1763; London, 1763; Stevens's
Hist. Coll., i. no. 383; Haven, p. 564). Dr. Caner, of King's Chapel,
Boston, replied in A Candid Examination of Dr. Mayhew's
Observations, etc. (Boston, 1763). Another Answer (London,
1764) was perhaps by Apthorpe. Mayhew published A Defence of
his Observations (Boston, 1763), and a second defence, called
Remarks, etc. (Boston, 1764; London, 1765), which was followed
by a Review by Apthorpe (London, 1765). These and other tracts
of the controversy are recorded in Stevens's Hist. Coll., i. nos.
378-391; in Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,433, 1,465; in Haven's list,
pp. 562, 564, 565.
A later controversy, between
Thomas Bradbury Chandler and
Charles Chauncy, produced other
tracts printed in New York, Philad.,
and Boston (1767-68). Cf. Brinley, iv.
nos. 6, 127-31, and Haven's list; and
for these religious controversies, Thornton's Pulpit, p. 109; Lecky,
iii. 435; Palfrey's New England (Compend. ed., iv. 324); E. H.
Gillett in Hist. Mag., Oct., 1870; Perry's Amer. Episc. Church, i.
 395; Gambrall's Church life in Colonial Maryland (1885); O. S.
Straus's Origin of Repub. form of gov't in the U. S. (1885), ch. 3
and 7; Doc. Hist. N. Y., iv. 198, 202.

[173] Cf. Bancroft (original ed., ii. 353; vi. 9); Adams's Works (x.
236); Dawson's Sons of Liberty in N. Y. (p. 42); Barry's Mass. (ii.
252-255); Scott's Development of Constitutional Liberty (pp. 189-
214). In 1764 courts of vice-admiralty for British America had
been established (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xvii. 291), and the sugar
act passed, placing a duty on molasses, etc.,—a modification of
the act of 1733. "I know not", wrote John Adams in 1818, "why
we should blush to confess that molasses was an essential
ingredient in American independence." John Adams's Works, x.
345.

[174] Ames's Almanac for 1766 has this notice: "Price before the
Stamp Act takes place, half-a-dollar per dozen, and six coppers
single; after the act takes place, more than double that price."
The act was called, Anno regni Georgii III. regis Magnæ
Britanniæ, Franciæ, & Hiberniæ, quinto. 1765. An act for granting
and applying certain stamp duties, and other duties in the British
colonies and plantations in America, towards defraying the
expenses of defending, protecting, and securing the same [etc.].
It was reprinted at once in Boston, New London, New York, and
Philadelphia, and will be found in the official records and in
various modern books like Spencer's Hist. U. S. (i. 274), etc. The
stamps are found in various cabinets (Catal. Mass. Hist. Soc.
Cab., pp. 104, 118, 123, 125), and cuts of the stamp are found in
Mem. Hist. Boston (iii. 12), Thornton's Pulpit of the Rev., etc.

[175] Cf. Bancroft, orig. ed., v. 151. There was a proposition for a
colonial stamp act in a tract published in London in 1755, called A
Miscellaneous Essay concerning the courses pursued by Great
Britain in the affairs of the Colonies (London, 1755).

[176] Lecky, England in the Eighteenth Cent. (iii. 324). Mahon (v.
86) quotes Burke's speech of 1774 as proving the small interest
in the debate of 1765, and thinks that Walpole's failure to
mention the debate in his letters proves the truth of Burke's
recollections. Adolphus had earlier relied on Burke. Mahon even
intimates that Barré's famous speech was an interpolation in the
later accounts; but the Letters printed by Jared Ingersoll show
that it was delivered. (Cf. Palfrey's Review of Mahon.) The
 Parliamentary History says that Barré's speech was in reply to
Grenville; but Ingersoll says Charles Townshend was the speaker
who provoked it. Cf. Frothingham's Rise of the Republic (p. 175);
Ryerson's Loyalists (i. 294); H. F. Elliot on "Barré and his Times"
in Macmillan's Mag., xxxv. 109 (Dec., 1876); and Hist. MSS. Com.
Report, viii. pp. 189, 190.
It was in the speech of Feb. 6, 1765, that Barré applied the
words "Sons of Liberty" to the patriots in America, which they
readily adopted (Bancroft, v. 240; Thornton's Pulpit, 131). Dr. J.
H. Trumbull, in a paper, "Sons of Liberty in 1755", published in
the New Englander, vol. xxxv. (1876), showed that the term had
ten years earlier been applied in Connecticut to organizations to
advance theological liberty. It is also sometimes said that the
popular party at the time of the Zenger trial had adopted the
name. The new organization embraced the young and ardent
rather than the older and more prudent patriots, and at a later
period they became the prime abettors of the non-importation
movements. For their correspondence in New England, see Mass.
Hist. Soc. Proc. (x. 324) and the Belknap Papers (MSS., iii. p. 110,
etc.) in the Mass. Hist. Soc. cabinet. A list of those dining
together in 1769 at Dorchester is given in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc.,
Aug., 1869. The correspondence of those in Boston with John
Wilkes, 1768-69, is noted in the Brit. Mus. Catal., Add. MSS.
30,870, ff. 45, 46, 75, 135, 222. H. B. Dawson's Sons of Liberty in
N. Y. was privately printed in N. Y., 1859.

[177] A letter of Aug. 11, 1764, from Halifax had forewarned the
colonial governors of the intention (N. Y. Col. Docs., vii. 646; N. J.
Archives, ix. 448).

[178] Thomas's Hist. of Printing, Am. Antiq. Soc. ed., ii. 223;
Sargent's Dealings with the Dead, i. 140, 144; Lossing's Field-
Book, i. 466; Mem. Hist. Boston, iii. 159; Thomas Paine's "Liberty
Tree Ballad" in the Penna. Mag., July, 1775; and Moore's Songs
and Ballads of the Rev., p. 18. The selecting of a large tree and
its dedication to the cause became general. Cf. Silas Downer's
Discourse, July 25, 1768, at dedication of a tree of liberty in
Providence (Providence, 1768), and the Providence Gazette, July
30, 1768 (Sabin, v. 20, 767; J. R. Bartlett's Bibliog. of R. I., p.
112; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,622).

[179] Hutchinson had expressed disapproval of the Stamp Act; but

doubting its expediency did not affect his judgment of the
 necessity of enforcing it (P. O. Hutchinson, i. 577; ii. 58). On the
destruction of his house, see his own statement in P. O.
Hutchinson's Governor Hutchinson, i. 70, 72, and his letter, dated
Aug. 30, 1765, in the Mass. Archives, xxvi. 146, printed in the
Mass. Senate Docs. (1870, no. 187, p. 3). He says: "The
lieutenant-governor, with his children, lodged the next night at
the Castle, but after that in his house at Milton, though not
without apprehension of Danger." Quincy's diary (Mass. Hist. Soc.
Proc., iv. 47) preserves Hutchinson's speech, when a few days
later he took his seat on the bench, clad with such clothing as
was left to him. Cf. the accounts in Boston Newsletter, Sept. 3,
1765; Parliamentary History, iv. 316; Conduct of a late
Administration, 102; Memorial Hist. Boston, iii. 14, etc.; Mass.
Hist. Soc. Proc., Jan., 1862, p. 364.

[180] Boston Town Records, 1758-1769, p. 152 (Rec. Com. Rept.,

xvi.).

[181] These papers are given in Hutchinson's Mass. Bay (iii. 467,
471, 476). Samuel Dexter was the head of the committee to draft
the reply of the assembly, but it is thought Sam. Adams wrote the
paper (Bancroft, v. 347). Cf. Speeches of the Governors of Mass.,
1765-1775, and the answers of the House of Representatives,
with other public papers relating to the dispute between this
Country and Great Britain (Boston, 1818). This collection was
edited by Alden Bradford, and is sometimes cited by historians as
"Bradford's Collection", "Mass. State Papers", etc.
There is a portrait of Dexter (b. 1726; d. 1810) by Copley, and
a photograph of it in Daniel Goodwin, Jr.'s Provincial Pictures
(Chicago, 1886).

[182] There is a likeness of Andrew Oliver, by Copley, in the

possession of Dr. F. E. Oliver; and a photograph of it is in the
cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Society (Perkins's Copley, p. 90), and in
P. O. Hutchinson's Governor Hutchinson (vol. ii. 17); and a
woodcut in Mem. Hist. Boston (iii. 43). Another portrait, by N.
Emmons (1728), is given in a photograph in P. O. Hutchinson's
Governor Hutchinson (i. 129).

[183] This paper is preserved, and a fac-simile is given in Mass.

Hist. Soc. Proc., June, 1872, and in the Mem. Hist. Boston (iii.
15). Cf. Bancroft, orig. ed., v. 375, etc.
 For other accounts of the feelings and proceedings in Boston
and Massachusetts, see a letter of Joshua Henshaw, in N. E. Hist.
and Geneal. Reg. (1878, p. 268), and the histories of Boston by
Snow and Drake; Tudor's Otis; John Adams's Works (iii. 465; x.
192, 197); Adams-Warren Correspondence, p. 341;
Frothingham's Warren; Loring's Hundred Boston Orators, p. 50;
the instructions of Lexington, in Hudson's Lexington, p. 88; the
instructions of Braintree, in John Adams's Works, iii. 465, and
many other similar documents; beside Dr. Benjamin Church's
poem, The Times (Boston Pub. Library, H. 95, 117, no. 3).

[184] Bancroft, orig. ed., v. ch. 14; Boston Rec. Com. Rept., xvi.
p.155.

[185] For details, see—

For New Hampshire, a letter from Portsmouth, Jan. 13, 1766,
to the New Hampshire agent in London, in the Belknap MSS.
(Mass. Hist. Soc., 61, C. p. 108).
For Connecticut, Stuart's Governor Trumbull; Jared Ingersoll's
Letters relating to the Stamp Act (New Haven, 1766); and some
tracts by Governor Fitch (Brinley Catal., nos. 2,116-2,118).
For New York, the Journal of the N. Y. Assembly; histories of
the City and State of New York; N. Y. Col. Docs., vii. 770; N. Y.
Hist. Soc. Coll., 1876; Lossing's Schuyler, i. 203; Leake's Lamb,
ch. 2-4; a long and interesting letter from Wm. Smith to Geo.
Whitefield in Hist. MSS. Com. Rept., ii. (Dartmouth Papers); a
letter of R. R. Livingston to General Monckton, in Aspinwall
Papers, ii. 554; Penna. Mag. of Hist., ii. 296; J. A. Stevens in Mag.
of Amer. Hist., June, 1777 (i. 337), and on "Old Coffee-Houses" in
Harper's Monthly, lxiv. p. 493 (see view of Burns's Coffee-house,
the headquarters of the Sons of Liberty, in Valentine's Manual of
N. Y. City, 1858, p. 588; 1864, pp. 513, 514; and in Gay's Pop.
Hist. U. S., iii. 456); and Dawson's Sons of Liberty in N. Y.
For New Jersey, letter of Governor Franklin to Lords of Trade,
in N. J. Archives, ix. 499, with other papers.
For Pennsylvania, Sparks's Franklin, vii. 297, 303, 307, 308,
310-13, 317-19, 328; the account in the Penna. Gazette, no.
1,239, Supplement, reprinted in Hazard's Reg. of Penna., ii. 243;
Watson's Annals of Philad., vol. ii.; Muhlenberg's journal in Penna.
Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. i. 78; Wallace's Col. Bradford, p. 95.
For Delaware, Life of Geo. Read, p. 30.
 For Maryland, the Gilmor Papers in the Maryland Hist. Soc.
library, vol. iii., division 2; and references in vol. xi. of the
Stevens-Peabody index of Maryland MSS.
For Virginia, the Resolves (May 29th) of the Assembly (to
which Patrick Henry made his bold speech), given in Hutchinson's
Mass., iii., App. p. 466; Geo. Tucker's United States, i., App., and
cf. Franklin's Works, vii. 298; C. R. Hildeburn in Penna. Mag. of
Hist., ii. 296; Huguenot Family, p. 424; Ryerson's Loyalists, i.
286; and Randall's Jefferson, i. ch. 2.
For North Carolina, J. H. Wheeler's Reminiscences and Memoir
of No. Carolina (1884).
For South Carolina, R. W. Gibbs's Doc. Hist. of the Amer. Rev.,
p. 1; Niles's Principles and Acts (1876), p. 319; Charleston Year-
Book, 1885, p. 331, with a fac-simile of broadside of schedule of
stamps; Ramsay's South Carolina; Flanders's Rutledge, p. 456.
There are in the Sparks MSS. (xliii. vol. iv.) various official letters
of the governors of the different colonies to the home
government. Gage's reminiscent letter to Chalmers is in Mass.
Hist. Soc. Coll. (xxxiv. 367, etc.); and other letters are in the Hist.
Mag. (May, 1862, vol. vi. 137).

[186] Gay's Pop. Hist. U. S. (iii. 341), for a view of the hall.

[187] Authentic Account of the proceedings of the Congress held in

New York in 1765 on the subject of the American Stamp Act
(Philad., 1767; Lond., 1767; Philad., 1813; in Almon's Tracts,
1773; in Niles's Principles and Acts, 1876, p. 155,—see Sabin, xiii.
nos. 53,537, etc.); Journal of the first Congress of the American
Colonies, N. Y., Oct. 7, 1775, ed. by Lewis Cruger (Sabin, iv.
15,541). They passed a declaration of rights, an address to the
king, a memorial to the lords, and a petition to the commons. (Cf.
Hutchinson's Mass., vol. iii., App. pp. 479, 481, 483, 485; N. H.
Prov. Papers, vii. 87, 89; H. W. Preston's Docs. illus. Amer.
Hist.,1886). John Adams and McKean at a later day exchanged
memories of the Congress (John Adams's Works, x. 60, 63).
Beardsley, in his W. S. Johnson (p. 32), explains the position of
that member for Connecticut. Cf., among the general writers,
Bancroft, v. ch. 18; N. C. Towle, Hist. and Analysis of the
Constitution, 307; Frothingham's Rise of the Republic, 185;
Palfrey's New England, iv. 399; Barry's Mass., ii. 304; Dunlap's
New York, i. 416; Green's Hist. View of the Amer. Rev., 72;
Lossing in Harper's Monthly, xxvi. 34, and Mahon's England, v.
126.
 Timothy Ruggles (b. 1711), who later joined the Tories, was
chosen president by a single vote. Cf. sketch in Worcester Mag.
(1826), vol. ii., p. 54, and Sabine's Amer. Loyalists.

[188] Works relating to Franklin in Boston Pub. Lib., p. 20; Bancroft,

orig. ed., v. 306; Penna. Mag. of Hist., viii. 426, and x. 220;
Sparks's Franklin, i. 290; iv. 156, 161, 206; vii. 281; x. 429-32;
Parton's Franklin, i. 436. The grounds of the accusation against
Franklin are discussed in a correspondence of Franklin with Dean
Tucker (Sparks's Franklin, iv. 518; Bigelow's Franklin, i. 460-466),
and Tucker so far admitted his error as to omit the passage.

[189] Smyth's Lectures, ii. 383.

[190] The Examination of Franklin [before the House of Commons]

relative to the repeal of the American Stamp Act in 1766
(Williamsburg, n. d.; London, 1766; Philad.? 1766?; n. p. and n.
d.; London, 1767—the titles vary in some of these editions). The
report is also in Almon's Prior Documents (London, 1777, pp. 64-
81; Sparks's Franklin (iv. p. 161; cf. vii. 311, 328); Bigelow's
Franklin, i. 467); Bancroft, v. 428; Ryerson, i. 308.

[191] In recording the debates in Parliament, Bancroft (orig. ed., v.

383, 415) used the accounts in the Political Debates, in Walpole's
Letters, the précis in the French archives, the report set down by
Moffat of Rhode Island, and the copious extracts made by Garth,
a member, who sent his notes to South Carolina. William
Strahan's account is given in the Penna. Mag. of Hist., April,
1886, p. 95. It is said in P. O. Hutchinson's Governor Hutchinson
(i. 288) that Pitt was in doubt at first which side to take. Cf. lives
of Pitt and editions of his speeches, and the comment in Mahon,
v. 133, 138, and Ryerson, i. 302. Smyth (ii. 365) considers the
protest of the lords against the repeal (Protests of the Lords, ed.
by J. E. T. Rogers, ii. 77) the best exposition of the government
view of taxation. For a Paris edition of this Protests, with
Franklin's marginal notes, see Brinley Catal., no. 3,219. See also,
for English comment, Fitzmaurice's Shelburne (i. ch. 7), and
Lecky, (iii. 344); and for American, Bancroft, v. 421, 450; Mem.
Hist. of Boston, iii. 19; and in Franklin's Works (iv. 156; vii. 308,
317).
There were rumors of the coming repeal in Boston as early as
April 1st (Thornton's Pulpit, 120), but the confirmation came May
16th, when public rejoicing soon followed, and on a
 Thanksgiving, July 24, Charles Chauncy delivered a Discourse in
Boston (Boston, 1766; reprinted by Thornton, p. 105). The Boon
Catalogue (no. 2,949) and others show numerous sermons in
commemoration of the repeal; and the public prints give the
occasional ballads (F. Moore's Songs and Ballads, p. 22).
The town of Boston ordered portraits of Conway and Barré to
be painted, and the pictures hung in Faneuil Hall till the British
made way with them during the siege (Mem. Hist. Boston, iii,
181). There is a head of Conway in the European Mag. (i. 159),
and another in the London Mag., April, 1782.
The Mass. Assembly, June 20th, thanked Pitt. Cf. Mass. State
Papers, by Bradford, pp. 10, 92. For the general scope of the
whole period of the Stamp Act turmoil, see, on the American
side, beside the contemporary newspapers, Tudor's Otis, ch. 14;
Bancroft, v. ch. 11, etc.; Gay, iii. 338; Palfrey, iv. 375; Barry, ii. ch.
10; E. G. Scott's Constitutional Liberty, p. 253; Irving's
Washington, i. ch. 28; Parton's Franklin, i. 459-483; Bigelow's
Franklin, i. 457; Thornton's Pulpit, etc., 133; Lossing's Field-Book,
i. 463; ii. 877. Sparks made sketches and notes for a history of
the Stamp Act, which are in the Sparks MSS., no. xliv. On the
English side, beside the acts themselves and the current press,
the Annual Register, Gentleman's Mag., etc., see Le Marchant's
George the Third by Walpole, ii. 217, 236, 260, 277; the Pictorial
Hist. England; Mahon; Massey; C. D. Yonge's Constitutional Hist.
England, ch. 3; Sir Thomas Erskine May's Const. Hist. England, ii.
550-562; Rockingham and his Contemporaries, i. 250;
Fitzmaurice's Shelburne, i. 319; Macknight's Burke, i. ch. 10, 11;
J. C. Earle's English Premiers (London, 1871), vol. i. ch. 5;
Smyth's Lectures, ii. 379, 423; Lecky, iii. 314, 340 ("Every
farthing which it was intended to raise in America, it was
intended also to spend there"), and Ryerson's Loyalists, i. ch. 10.

[192] There was a History of Amer. Taxation from 1763, published

in a third ed. at Dublin in 1775 (Sabin, vii. 32,125). Franklin
contended that at this time taxation of the colonies was a popular
idea in England (Works, vii. 350), while Smyth found that at a
later day (Lectures, ii. 371) he could get sympathy in speaking of
"the miserable, mortifying, melancholy facts of our dispute with
America." See synopsis of the arguments pro et con in Life of
George Read, 76; Palfrey, iv. 327; Smyth's Lectures, ii. 471;
Green's Hist. View, 55; Gardiner and Mullinger's Eng. Hist. for
Students (N. Y., 1881), p. 183. Cf. also Bigelow's Franklin, i. 515;
Foster's Stephen Hopkins, ii. 244.
 A few of the most indicative tracts on the subject may be
mentioned:—
Soame Jenyns's Objections to the Taxation of our American
Colonies briefly considered (London, 1765; also in his Works,
1790, vol. ii. p. 189), which was answered in James Otis's
Considerations on behalf of the British Colonies, dated Boston,
Sept. 4, 1765 (Boston and London, 1765).
George Grenville is credited with the authorship of The
Regulations lately made concerning the Colonies and the taxes
imposed upon them considered (London, 1765,—Carter-Brown,
iii. no. 1,472; Sparks Catal., p. 83).
William Knox, the agent of Georgia, printed The Claim of the
Colonies to exemption from internal taxes imposed by authority
of Parliament examined (Lond., 1765). The Brinley Catal., no.
3,218, shows Franklin's copy, with his annotations.
Daniel Dulaney's Considerations on the propriety of imposing
taxes in the British Colonies for the purpose of raising a revenue
by Act of Parliament (North America, 1765; Annapolis, 1765; New
York, 1765; London, 1766) is in most copies without the author's
name. (Cf. Sabin, v. no. 21,170; Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,438-39,
1,503; Brinley, i. no. 188; also Frothingham's Rise of the Repub.,
p. 194, and Chatham Correspondence, iii. 192.)
The late regulations respecting the British colonies in America
considered in a letter from a gentleman in Philadelphia to his
friend in London (Philad., 1765; Lond., 1765) is usually said to
have been by John Dickinson. It is included in his Political
Writings, vol. i. A brief tract of two pages, A denunciation of the
Stamp Act (Philad., 1765), is also said to be Dickinson's.
The right of Parliament is sustained, but the Stamp Act as a
measure condemned, in A letter to a member of Parliament
wherein the power of the British legislature and the case of the
colonists are briefly and impartially considered (London, 1765,—
Sabin, x. 40,406; Carter-Brown, iii. 1,462).
Objections to the taxation of our American Colonies briefly
considered (Lond., 1765).
See also Charles Thomson's letter to Cook, Laurence & Co.,
Nov. 9, 1765, in N. Y. Hist. Society Coll. (1878, p. 7).

[193] The first is a Letter from a merchant in London to his nephew

in No. America relative to the present posture of affairs in the
Colonies (Lond., 1766), and the last A series of answers to certain
popular objections against separating from the rebellious colonies
 and discarding them entirely: being the concluding tract of the
Dean of Gloucester on the subject of American affairs
(Gloucester, 1776). The dean's plan of separation is best
unfolded, however, in his Humble Address and Ernest appeal
(London, 1775; 3rd ed., corrected, 1776). The views of Tucker
are given synoptically by Smyth (Lectures, ii. 392), Lecky (iii.
421), Hildreth (iii. 58). If Haven's list is correct, only two of
Tucker's tracts were reprinted in the colonies. Cf. Menzies Catal.,
no. 1,997. The letters of Franklin and Wm. S. Johnson reflect
opinions in England at this time.

[194] Published in London in 1767, two editions; Boston, 1767; also

in Almon's Tracts, vol. iii. Cf. Sabin, iv. nos. 15,202-3; Brinley, iii.
p. 185; Carter-Brown, iii., no. 1,498. 18 It is sometimes attributed
to C. Jenkinson. The published tracts of 1766 are enumerated in
Carter-Brown and Haven under 1766; in Cooke, 1,336, 1,929,
1,934; in Brinley, i. p. 21; ii. p. 154; and in Sabin, under the
authors' names.
During 1767 also there was something of a flurry in the
religious part of the community induced by a sermon (London,
1767) which the Bishop of Landaff had preached before the
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, in
Feb., in which he had styled the Americans "infidels and
barbarians." William Livingston, of New York, addressed a Letter
to the Bishop (London, 1768), and Charles Chauncy, of Boston,
published a Letter to a friend (Boston, 1767), in which the bishop
was taken to task, while an anonymous friend undertook a
Vindication of the Bishop (New York, 1768). Cf. Carter-Brown, iii.
nos. 1,585, 1,629, 1,630.
The other tracts of 1767 are not numerous. Cf. Carter-Brown,
and Haven under 1767.

[195] Sabin, xiv. 61,646.

[196] Rec. Com. Rept., xvi. p. 22.

[197] Following a copy in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library.

[198] Franklin (Sparks), vii. 371, 373, 376, 378, 387; (Bigelow), i.
551, 556. The resolutions were printed in the public prints, in
Ames's Almanac (1768), etc.
[199] For the movements in Boston, see Frothingham's "Sam.
Adams's Regiments" in the Atlantic Monthly, June and Aug., 1867,
and Nov., 1863. The letter of the town to Dennis Deberdt, the
London agent, sets forth their side of the case (Mem. Hist.
Boston, iii. 29). John Mein, the Boston printer, one of the
proscribed, published his State of the importation of Great Britain
with the port of Boston from Jan. to Aug., 1768, to show that his
assailants were also importers (Stevens's Hist. Coll., i. no. 393;
Quaritch, 1885, no. 29,618). There is one of the agreements
among the Boston merchants, Aug. 14, 1769, in Misc. MSS.,
1632-1795, in Mass. Hist. Soc. cabinet. Samuel Cooper tells
Franklin how the agreements are adhered to (Sparks's Franklin,
vii. 448). Moore, Songs and Ballads of the Rev., p. 48, gives some
verses from the Boston Newsletter, urging the "daughters of
liberty" to lend their influence in this direction. In the early part
of 1770 the movement seemed to be vigorous (Mem. Hist.
Boston, iii. 150; cf. papers of Cushing, Hancock, and others, in
Letters and Papers, 1761-1776, in Mass. Hist Soc. cabinet). Late
in the year Hutchinson could write: "The confederacy in all the
governments against importing seemed in the latter end of the
summer to be breaking to pieces" (P. O. Hutchinson, i. 24). For
such matters in Philadelphia, see Scharf and Westcott's
Philadelphia; Franklin (Sparks), vii. 445; (Bigelow), ii. 39. In
Delaware, see Life of George Read, 82. In Charlestown (S. C.)
there was a controversy over the non-importation association, in
which Christopher Gadsden and John Mackenzie supported the
movement, and W. H. Drayton and William Wragg opposed it.
These letters, which appeared in Timothy's S. C. Gazette, June-
Dec., 1769, were issued together in The letters of Freeman, etc.
([London], 1771, Brinley, no. 3,976).

[200] Thornton, Pulpit of the Rev., 150. It is printed in the Penna.

Archives, 1st ser., iv. 286, and N. Jersey Archives, x. 14.

[201] New Jersey Archives, x. 14.

[202] New Jersey Archives, x. 21. Cf. William E. Foster on the

development of colonial coöperation, 1754-1774,—a chapter in
his Stephen Hopkins, vol. ii. A symbol, common at this time, of a
disjointed snake, the head representing New England, and the
other fragments standing for the remaining colonies, and
accompanied by the motto "Join or Die", seems to have first
appeared in The Constitutional Courant, no. 1, Sept. 21, 1765,
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