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Guderian Panzer Pioneer or Myth Maker 1st Ed Edition Guderian Download

The document is a promotional overview of the book 'Guderian: Panzer Pioneer or Myth Maker?' by Russell A. Hart, which examines the life and legacy of Heinz Guderian, a key figure in the development of German armored warfare during World War II. It highlights Guderian's self-creation of a legendary status and critiques the hagiography surrounding him, emphasizing his complex personality and the collective nature of his accomplishments. The book is part of the Military Profiles series and includes detailed chapters on Guderian's military career and contributions to tank warfare.

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100% found this document useful (6 votes)
110 views61 pages

Guderian Panzer Pioneer or Myth Maker 1st Ed Edition Guderian Download

The document is a promotional overview of the book 'Guderian: Panzer Pioneer or Myth Maker?' by Russell A. Hart, which examines the life and legacy of Heinz Guderian, a key figure in the development of German armored warfare during World War II. It highlights Guderian's self-creation of a legendary status and critiques the hagiography surrounding him, emphasizing his complex personality and the collective nature of his accomplishments. The book is part of the Military Profiles series and includes detailed chapters on Guderian's military career and contributions to tank warfare.

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GUDERIAN
MILITARY PROFILES
SERIES EDITOR

Dennis E. Showalter, Ph.D.


Colorado College
Instructive summaries for general and expert
readers alike, volumes in the Military Profiles
series are essential treatments of significant and
popular military figures drawn from world history,
ancient times through the present.
GUDERIAN
Panzer Pioneer or Myth Maker?

Russell A. Hart
Copyright © 2006 by Potomac Books, Inc.

Published in the United States by Potomac Books, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this
book may be reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission from the
publisher, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data


Hart, Russell A.
Guderian: Panzer pioneer or myth maker? / Russell A. Hart.—
1st ed.
p. cm.—(Military profiles)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 1-57488-809-9 (alk. paper)—ISBN 1-57488-810-2
(pbk.: alk. paper)
1. Guderian, Heinz, 1888–1954. 2. Generals—Germany—
Biography. 3. Germany. Heer—Biography. 4. Germany. Heer—
Armored troops—History. 5. World War, 1939–1945—Tank
warfare. I. Title. II. Series.

U55.G8H28 2006
358’.18092—dc22
[B]

2005055226

ISBN-10 1-57488-809-9 HC
ISBN-13 978-1-57488-809-6 HC
ISBN-10 1-57488-810-2 PB
ISBN-13 978-1-57488-810-2 PB

Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper that meets the American
National Standards Institute Z39-48 Standard.

Potomac Books, Inc.


22841 Quicksilver Drive
Dulles, Virginia 20166

First Edition
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Contents

List of Maps
Preface
Chronology
Introduction
Chapter 1 Guderian’s Youth and Early Military Career, 1888–1914

Chapter 2 Guderian and the Great War, 1914–1918

Chapter 3 From Kaiserheer to Reichswehr, 1919–1929

Chapter 4 Guderian and the 1930s Evolution of German Armor

Chapter 5 Guderian Goes to War, 1939–1940

Chapter 6 Guderian and Operation Barbarossa, 1941

Chapter 7 Inspector General of Armored Troops, 1943–1944

Chapter 8 Guderian and the 20 July 1944 Conspiracy

Chapter 9 Guderian as Acting Chief of the General Staff, 1944–1945

Chapter 10 Guderian’s Fate and Legacy

Notes
Bibliographic Note
Index
About the Author
Maps

Guderian’s XIX Motorized Corps in the Polish Campaign, September 1939


Advance of Guderian’s XIX Motorized Corps from the River Meuse to the English
Channel, 13–24 May 1940
Advance of Panzer Group Guderian from the River Aisne to the Swiss Frontier, 5–25
June 1940
Advance of Guderian’s Second Panzer Group into the Soviet Union, June –December
1941
Preface

I have incurred many debts of gratitude during completion of this biography of Heinz
Guderian. I would like to thank Alex Lassner for sharing his research on the military
aspects of the German annexation of Austria in 1938. I would also like to thank Geoff
Megargee, Jörg Muth, Gerhard Weinberg, Dennis Showalter, and Wick Murray for their
insights into Guderian’s personality, relationships, and career. I must also acknowledge the
assistance and advice of Mark Reardon, which has been indispensable. Thanks also go to
Jim Gates, Michael Pavkovic, Jim McNaughton, Dan Mortensen, Rob Rush, Tom Hughes,
and David Zabecki for advice, friendship, and encouragement. As ever I am indebted to
my brother, Stephen Hart, and especially my wife, Allison Gough, for their valuable input
and support. At Potomac Books, Inc., I would like to thank Paul Merzlak, Rick Russell,
and Laura Hymes for their confidence, guidance, and camaraderie, without which this
project would never have reached fruition. I would also like to thank Donald Frazier for
his valuable work on the maps. Special mahalo goes to my program director at Hawai’i
Pacific University, Michael Pavelec, and to the generous support of several HPU Trustees
Scholarly Endeavors Program grants, without which this project could never have been
completed. At HPU, I would also like to thank Ralph Kam and Stefanie Sasaki for their
assistance. Any errors of fact that remain are my responsibility alone.
Chronology

Born in Kulm, West Prussia to Prussian officer Friedrich Guderian and his wife
1888
Clara Kirchhoff.

Enters the Imperial German Army after attending cadet schools in Karlsruhe and
1907
Berlin.

1908 Commissioned as a second lieutenant in the 10th Light Infantry Battalion at Goslar.

1912 Communications training at Coblenz.

1913 Marries Margarete Doerne. They subsequently had two sons.

1913 Enters the Kriegsakademie in Berlin.

1914 Joins 5th Cavalry Division as communications officer.

1914,
Son, Heinz Günter Guderian, born.
Aug.

1915 Appointed intelligence officer with Fifth Army.

1916 Becomes senior intelligence officer, Fourth Army, Flanders.

1918,
Officially inducted into the Greater German General Staff.
Feb.

1918,
Appointed Quartermaster, XXXVIII Reserve Corps.
May

1918, Chief operations officer, German Military Mission attached to the Austro-
Sept. Hungarian Army. Second son, Kurt Guderian, born.

1919 Assigned to Central (later Northern) Command, Frontier Guard Service East.

1919,
Appointed Second Staff Officer, Iron Division.
June

Transferred from General Staff, appointed captain, and given a company command
1920 in the 10th Light Infantry Battalion of the Provisional Reichswehr.
Transferred to the Inspectorate of Transport Troops and assigned as the chief staff
1922
officer of the 7th Bavarian Motor Transport Battalion in Munich.

1922 First articles on armor published.

1924 Appointed Instructor, 2d Infantry Division at Stettin.

1927,
Promoted to major.
Jan.

1927,
Posted to Transport Section of the Operations Department of the Truppenamt.
Oct.

1928 Founds Tactical Instruction Department, Transport Section, Operations Department.

1930 Commander, 3d Motor Transport Battalion.

1931 Appointed Chief of Staff of the Inspectorate of Transportation Troops.

1933 Attends first Nazi Party meetings and rallies.

1934 Appointed Chief of Staff to the Commander of the Motor Combat Troops.

1934 Promoted to colonel.

1935,
Appointed commander of the 2d Panzer Division.
Oct.

1936 Promoted to major general.

1937 Publishes Achtung! Panzer!

1938,
Guderian’s 2d Panzer Division participated in the anschluss of Austria.
Mar.

1938 Promoted to lieutenant general and given command of XVI Corps.

1938,
Participated in the occupation of the Sudetenland.
Oct.

1938,
Promoted to General of Armored Troops and appointed Chief of Mobile Troops.
Nov.

1939,
Leads XIX Motorized Corps in conquest of Poland.
Sept.

1940 Participates in planning for invasion of the West.

1940, 19th Motorized Corps successfully penetrates the Ardennes and advances to the
May Channel coast near Amiens, isolating the British Expeditionary Force.

19th Motorized Corps participates in German offensive across the Somme.


1940,
Advances to the Swiss border, encircling and eliminating the French Army group
June
defending the Maginot Line.

1940,
Promoted to colonel-general.
July

1941,
2d Panzer Group spearheads the advance of Army Group Center.
June

1941,
Receives Oak Leaves to the Knight’s Cross.
July

1941,
Completes the encirclement of Kiev.
Aug.

1941,
2d Panzer Army advances via Bryansk toward Moscow.
Oct.

1941, Advance is halted at the gates of Moscow. Soviet winter counteroffensive forces 2d
Dec. Panzer Army to retreat.

1941, Relieved of command for repeated disobedience of orders and assigned to the
Dec. officer reserve at Zossen.

1942 Convalesces and spends his time hunting for an estate to acquire.

1942, Acquired rural estate at Gut Diepenhof in the Wartheland using bribes received
Oct. from Hitler. Resumes traditional activities of the Junker elite.

1943 Appointed Inspector General of Armored Troops.

1944, Recommends that von Stauffenberg (the dynamo behind the anti-Hitler conspiracy)
June be appointed to Hitler’s headquarters.

1944,
Disappears hunting on his rural estate on the same afternoon that von
20
Stauffenberg’s assassination attempt on Hitler’s life fails.
July
1944,
21 Appointed acting Chief of the General Staff by Hitler.
July

Pushes for Nazification of the army and joins a special honor court of the army that
1944,
dishonorably discharged assassination conspirators from the military, paving the
Aug.
way for their torture and execution by the Gestapo.

1945,
Orchestrates spoiling attack at Arnswalde that delays final Soviet drive on Berlin.
Feb.

1945,
Sent on six weeks medical leave by Hitler.
Mar.

1945, After receiving double his normal monthly bribe, returns to his position as
May Inspector General of Armored Troops one week before the war ends.

1945,
Becomes a U.S. prisoner of war.
May

1948 Released from imprisonment.

1951 Publishes autobiography, Memories of a Soldier.

Autobiography published in English as Panzer Leader. It became one of the most


1952
widely read English-language memoirs of the Second World War.

1954 Dies.
GUDERIAN
Introduction

HEINZ GUDERIAN has been lionized by many as the legendary father of the German
armored force and brilliant practitioner of Blitzkrieg maneuver warfare. Guderian created
this legend with his own highly influential, yet self-serving and distorted memoir, which
remains one of the most widely read accounts of the Second World War.1 Unfortunately,
too many of Guderian’s biographers have accepted Guderian’s view of his
accomplishments without sufficient critical scrutiny.2 The result has been an undeserved
hagiography of Guderian. While undoubtedly a great military figure, Guderian was a man
of appreciable ego and ambition—a volatile, impetuous, and difficult personality
determined to achieve his vision of a war-winning armored force, irrespective of the
consequences. He proved naive enough to fall under the sway of Hitler and National
Socialism, yet arrogant enough to believe, late in the war, that he could save Germany
from inevitable defeat despite Hitler. In spite of his later disapproval of Hitler, he proved
unwilling either to participate in attempts to remove him or to denounce as traitors the
conspirators that did. In the end, he proved to be a man prepared to distort the truth in
order to establish his place in history. In doing so, he denigrated the myriad important
contributions of other Germans as he took personal credit for what were, in reality,
collective accomplishments. He succeeded in creating a legend that has endured long after
his death. This brief biography begins to put the record straight by endeavoring to place
Guderian’s career and accomplishments into sharper and more accurate relief. It seeks the
real Heinz Guderian, not the man of legend.
1
Guderian’s Youth and Early Military Career, 1888–1914

HEINZ GUDERIAN was born on 17 June 1888 in Kulm, West Prussia, to Friedrich and
Clara Guderian, middle-class Prussians. His father and grandfathers were Prussian
officers, and growing up in a military family profoundly shaped Guderian’s character. He
spent much of his childhood in garrison towns and as an adolescent naturally aspired to
follow in the footsteps of his forebears. Consequently, in 1903 Guderian left home to
board at military cadet schools first in Baden and then in Berlin. In these institutions,
Guderian was infused with the Prussian military tradition and its demands for flexibility,
ingenuity, and individual initiative. He proved himself to be a quick study and consistently
performed in the top of his classes. By the time he had reached his late teens at the
Military Academy in Metz in 1907, Guderian had already begun to exhibit the vigor,
independence, and ambition that dominated his adult life.1 At the academy he
demonstrated great determination, optimism, and industry, traits that would dominate his
future military career. Yet, he also exhibited stubborn independence: he fared poorly in his
final exam because he rejected the prescribed solution he had been taught and instead
presented an original tactical response that failed to impress the examiners.2 It was this
obstinate and often arrogant independence that defined Guderian’s persona and helped
establish him as a significant historical figure.
In February 1907 Guderian became an officer candidate in the 10th Hanoverian Light
Infantry Battalion, commanded by his father. Successfully completing his probation,
Guderian became a second lieutenant in January 1908. He enjoyed the traditional elite
activities that officers enjoyed—hunting, shooting, riding, theater, and dances—activities
that accorded with Guderian’s sense of his family’s privileged past.
As an officer candidate, Guderian began to exhibit a critical character: he often
complained about the German military system and what he perceived as its weaknesses.
This critical eye reflected a healthy skepticism, though at heart Guderian was an inveterate
optimist. Possessing a sharp intellect, Guderian immersed himself in the study of military
history and possessed an outstanding memory that often proved to be an asset in his
career. Always, his father remained his role model—a classic exemplar of the loyal,
obedient, dedicated, professional Prussian military officer. Guderian proved mature
beyond his age and was so focused on his studies and professional development that he
remained aloof and developed few close friends—traits that likewise characterized his life.
He did develop a good friendship with another young officer aspirant, Bodewin Keitel,
and the Keitel family subsequently played a special role in Guderian’s future personal and
professional life.
As an officer cadet Guderian also first displayed the aversion to senior authority figures
that would haunt his military career. His ego also clearly developed; he came to see
himself as more dedicated than his fellow officer aspirants and expressed criticism of what
he saw as their lack of professionalism. While he was undoubtedly among the best of his
peers, his self-image reflected ego tinged with arrogance. That egoism was revealed when
Guderian, convinced that he was surrounded by mediocrity, demanded a transfer to the
elite of the Imperial German officer corps—the General Staff. Thus even at the beginning
of his military career, Guderian’s quest for excellence and his ambition and egotism had
already emerged. He would carry these traits with him throughout his life.
In 1909 Guderian fell in love with Margarete “Gretel” Doerne. But opposition to their
relationship from Gretel’s father (who thought them too young) provided the impetus for
Guderian to seek escape from the claustrophobic confines of Goslar, where he was now
stationed. Courses were available for training on machine guns or in signals. Guderian
favored the former, but his father saw potential in the new wireless radios that had recently
been introduced and counseled his son to take the communications course. It was a
prescient decision that would have profound consequences for Guderian’s military career.
On 1 October 1912 Guderian joined the Radio Company of the 3d Telegraph Battalion at
Coblenz. Here he also took preparatory classes for the Imperial War Academy. Applying
himself with his usual impressive diligence, he quickly qualified as a French interpreter
and he became virtually fluent in English. He passed the War Academy entrance exams on
the first try and became the youngest, at twenty-five, of 168 officers selected to attend a
three-year War Academy staff course in Berlin. On 5 October 1913, Guderian entered the
prestigious Kriegsakademie in Berlin. His obvious intellect, diligence, and aptitude
quickly led his fellow academy students to dub him “Schnelle Heinz” (Quick Henry).3
These career accomplishments meanwhile offset the objections of Gretel’s parents and
on 1 October 1913, Guderian and Gretel married. At the War Academy he demonstrated
an idiosyncratic blend of studied thought, boundless energy, and alarming impetuosity that
subsequently made Guderian infamous. Gretel proved a valuable counterpoint for
Guderian, calming him and prodding him on to a more conventional path. Gretel clearly
saw her husband as a great man and dedicated herself to helping Guderian realize his full
potential.4
Guderian’s chief instructor was Colonel Graf Rüdiger von der Goltz, an energetic and
charismatic senior officer who soon had Guderian spellbound. (Their paths would intersect
again later, at a decisive moment when Guderian stood at a crossroads in his career at the
end of the Great War.) Guderian initially studied military history and tactics before
moving on to acquire knowledge of the various combat arms. Thus as war clouds gathered
during the summer of 1914, Guderian joined a field artillery unit. The declaration of
German war mobilization on 1 August, however, terminated his studies, and Guderian
assumed command of the 3d Heavy Wireless Station, 5th Cavalry Division attached to the
I Cavalry Corps, Second Army.
The fundamental qualities that Guderian demonstrated throughout his life were thus
forged in his youth and early military career. Guderian was an inveterate optimist, yet
subject to sudden and wild mood swings; bad news could throw him into despondency.
His intellect, acute powers of observation, and outspoken critical nature were equally
evident. His first major operational field maneuvers with a wireless detachment during the
spring of 1914 led him to write a scathing critique of what he perceived as the misuse of
the communications equipment and personnel. Wireless communication remained in its
infancy and many practicalities of its proper employment had yet to be fully ironed out.
Low down on the procurement ladder and with few strong advocates for the technology he
specialized in, Guderian chafed at the institutional and political obstacles that prevented
this arm of service from realizing its potential. It certainly would not be the last time that
Guderian would chafe at institutional barriers as the rivalries of the European great powers
threw the world into the catastrophe that was the Great War.5
2
Guderian and the Great War, 1914–1918

GUDERIAN’S EXPERIENCES during the Great War were central to his future military career
and his subsequent advocacy of armored forces and mechanization. In serving as a staff
officer, Guderian largely avoided the slaughter in the trenches on the Western Front. This
allowed him to develop a detached view of the course of operations and to analyze and to
understand the character of the Great War and hence the reasons for German defeat. He
used this opportunity to contemplate potential means of preventing a future recurrence of
static warfare, believing as he did that future conflict was inevitable.1
Guderian’s wireless detachment supported a cavalry division that sought to breach the
Marne River at the forefront of the German Schlieffen Plan offensive that sought to
outflank Paris quickly and knock France out of the Great War. Guderian’s unit quickly
advanced through the Ardennes—a place he would return to some twenty-six years later in
1940. The relative ease with which the Germans supplied their advance to the Meuse
through difficult terrain left a lasting impression on Guderian and later gave him
confidence that this accomplishment could be repeated. Yet, the relentless pace of
operations soon began to take its toll on his small wireless detachment. Guderian quickly
developed his own command style, which endured throughout his career: he led from the
front and thus repeatedly came close to combat during those early days of mobile warfare.
However, tenacious Anglo-French resistance and the inevitable friction of war soon
wrecked the German timetable as the German advance faltered during the Battle for the
Marne. The exposed German cavalry spearheads now found themselves threatened with
annihilation and were forced to retire. During this retreat Guderian’s signals unit got
caught up in frontline fighting near Chéry and Guderian was almost captured.2 It would
not be the last time that recklessness would almost derail his military career.
It was during these taxing times that Guderian began to criticize harshly his divisional
commander while lavishly praising his junior officers. This tendency to hold his superiors
to the most exacting (and sometimes impossible) standards while exhibiting beneficent
paternalism toward his subordinates would characterize Guderian’s command
relationships throughout his military career.3
In September 1914 Guderian transferred to the Fourth Army on the Flanders front and
took command of the 14th Wireless Section. Once again he witnessed the stumbling halt
of the German war machine and the emergence of trench warfare. A progressive reformer,
Guderian eagerly embraced the operational debut of the airplane and perceived its
potential for intelligence gathering and facilitating communications. He was thus one of a
only a handful of army officers who flew during 1914 in an effort both to appreciate the
military utility of aircraft and to obtain a better understanding of the course of operations.
It was on the Ypres front, on 22 April 1915, that Guderian witnessed the premature
German deployment of mustard gas.4 The lesson he learned regarding the hasty
employment of a new weapon before its full development stayed with him throughout his
career.
Presently Guderian received promotion to intelligence officer—an appointment that
clearly reflected his superiors’ assessments of his keen intellect—and moved to the Fifth
Army headquarters on the Verdun front. Here, he witnessed first-hand the appalling
consequences of the German effort to shatter the French military in the brutal
materialschlacht (battle of attrition) that was the 1916 Battle for Verdun. In this attritional
struggle the forces of both sides eschewed any pretense at mobility. Guderian helped write
operational analyses of the offensive’s failure, and the conclusions he drew—that artillery
firepower could not neutralize an entrenched enemy and that only maneuver could offer a
less costly means of victory—would profoundly shape his subsequent ideas and his career.
Guderian’s subsequent disdain for the artillery apparently had its roots in his perception of
its failure at Verdun.5
In July 1916 Guderian returned to the Fourth Army in Flanders as its senior intelligence
officer. He was in Flanders when the British first used tanks on the Somme on 15
September 1916. Like most German army officers of the time, Guderian showed little
interest in what was just one of many new weapons and tactical adaptations constantly
introduced by both sides in an attempt to break the impasse of trench warfare.6
Forced on the defensive, Germany developed sophisticated and elaborate defenses in
depth on the Western Front, adopting the doctrine of “delaying defense,” an economical
measure in attritional warfare.7 Guderian would later vehemently denounce this defensive
doctrine, only to find himself practicing it during his most trying times as a field
commander, in the depths of Russia in December 1941.8 The savage casualty rate on the
Western Front, particularly among officers, opened avenues for promotion that would
have been impossible for Guderian in peacetime. Moreover, as a staff intelligence officer,
Guderian faced a substantially lower risk of being killed or maimed than frontline combat
officers. The urgent demand for new staff officers saw individuals such as Guderian whose
staff training had been interrupted by the outbreak of war being dispatched to new “crash”
wartime General Staff courses and a simultaneous series of attachments to various combat
commands and branches of service to broaden their expertise.
Guderian was serving on the Aisne in April 1917 when the French first abortively used
tanks, and once again this event failed to elicit any more interest from Guderian than the
previous British employment. Operational necessities, however, prevented Guderian from
returning to his prewar staff training until January 1918, when he finally attended a
General Staff officers training course at Sedan. On 28 February 1918 Guderian became a
full-fledged officer of the elite Greater German General Staff. As ever, he reviewed his
staff training with a critical eye: at a later date he would shrewdly assess it as “too
narrow.”9 Indeed, it lacked a technical focus and failed to examine sufficiently the impact
of technology on the modern battlefield.10
On 20 November 1917, massed Allied employment of tanks led to an operational
breakthrough on the main German Hindenburg Line at Cambrai in a single morning. This
event augured the future strategic potential of armor on the modern battlefield. Again,
nothing suggests that Guderian took more than a passing interest in these momentous
battlefield developments. He was preoccupied with other developments. For the German
army had been developing its own solution to the intractability of trench warfare in the
form of storm troop tactics.11 Evolved out of traditional German military tenets of offense
and maneuver and buttressed by experience on the Eastern Front, where mobile operations
had often persisted, the Germans began using these new techniques in the west on 21
March 1918, during the “Peace Offensives”—all out storm troop attacks intended to crush
the Anglo-French armies before the American Expeditionary Force could arrive in
strength to turn the tide of the war on the Western Front. These attacks rapidly recouped
all previously lost territory.12 Storm troop tactics relied heavily on decentralized local
command and initiative and thus demanded superior communications. These
developments rejuvenated the signals corps, bringing a substantial injection of new
resources as well as new procedures to ensure effective command communications.
Guderian was only peripherally involved in these developments. Nevertheless, in
assisting the preparations for these offensives, Guderian studied storm troop tactics and
the resurgent efficacy of mobile operations. This training reconfirmed the main lesson he
had drawn from Verdun—the necessity for a return to mobile operations. Yet, during May
1918 he became the quartermaster for the XXXVIII Reserve Corps and became suffused
in the humdrum world of logistics on a quiet sector of the front. His wartime experience
and ability were obviously not deemed sufficient for him to participate in the greatest
German endeavor of the war. But as a corps quartermaster, Guderian did gain some very
useful logistical experience, particularly regarding the limitations that supply imposed on
offensive operations. His corps did finally participate in the Peace Offensives, but only
peripherally, as it provided flank protection for a subsidiary attack across the Aisne River.
This attack achieved surprise on 27 May 1918 and advanced 14 miles in a single day, the
longest German advance on the Western Front since the onset of trench warfare.13
Subsequently the corps participated in the Metz offensive that began on 9 June, but this
gained far less success and encountered stiff French resistance, including France’s first en
masse employment of tanks. With armored support the French threw back Guderian’s
corps and recaptured all the lost ground. Here, for the first time, during the summer of
1918, Guderian came to appreciate the powerful effect that concentrated armored support
could have on the modern battlefield.
As the tide turned and the Allies drove back a demoralized German army exhausted by
continuous offensive action, Guderian’s corps was committed to bolstering the sagging
defense during early August. But nothing—certainly not Guderian’s efforts to maintain
adequate supply—could arrest the dramatic decline of German offensive power and the
irresistible loss of terrain. Guderian was taxed to the limit in long days of grueling work,
trying to maintain sufficient provision for the exhausted and increasingly shaky frontline
troops. Guderian got another taste of retrograde defense as his corps fell back during mid-
August into the Siegfried Line defenses, a task completed by mid-September 1918.14
At this juncture, Guderian was suddenly posted as chief operations officer to the
German Military Mission attached to the Austro-Hungarian army fighting in Italy. This
important appointment indicated that his superiors held Guderian’s administrative abilities
in high regard. Yet he arrived in Italy to hear the news of the crushing Austrian defeat at
Vittorio Veneto, which led Germany’s ally to seek an exit from an obviously lost war.
Guderian’s eternal optimism nevertheless left him out of touch with events, as he naively
believed that the war would continue. It would not be the last time that his optimism
would blind him to the larger strategic reality. He continued to believe that only by further
battlefield successes could the Central Powers wrest acceptable peace terms from the
Allies. It was thus with dismay that on 30 October 1918, Guderian found himself the
junior member of a two-person delegation dispatched to Trent to liaise with the Austrian-
Italian Armistice Commission, only to find the German attendance rebuffed by the
Italians. But what most preoccupied Guderian, the monarchist and nationalist, about this
situation was the spread of communist sentiments among the defeated Austrian troops and
the simultaneous dissolution of their discipline. The path to inglorious defeat thus proved
an especially harsh one for Guderian.
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
122 THE MUSIC OF INDIA The Karadsamila is another form
of this drum used in Lingayat temples. It is slightly larger and the
shell is conical, with the apex flattened. The head of this drum is
braced by leather thongs round the shell. The skin is often put on
when wet and then shrunk into its place. The Dhol is the wedding
drum of India. It is cylindrical in shape and about twenty inches long
and twelve inches in diameter. It is made of wood bored out of the
solid. The heads are made of skin and are stretched by hoops
fastened to the shell and strained by interlaced thongs of leather
bound round the shell. A band of leather passes round the shell in
the middle and serves to tighten up the instrument to the desired
pitch. A mixture of boiled rice and wood ash is often applied to the
ends of the dhol to give more resonance. This drum is played either
by hand or with sticks. Sometimes both are used. If by hand, it is
struck by the palm. The sound is a hollow bang with very little music
in it, and there is no possibility of drumming finesse, as there is with
the mridanga. The dhol is often used in temples at ceremonies and
festivals. The Dholkiy Dholak and Dak are smaller and larger kinds of
dhol respectively. The former is used by the Dekkan women. ^, The
Damarii, Nidtikku, Udiikku or Budhudaka is a peculiar drum, shaped
like an hour-glass. A small stick or a piece of lead or a pea is
attached to a string, which is wound round the middle. It is held in
the right hand, so that the squeeze of the fingers tightens the braces
and sharpens the tone a little within a sixth. The stick or piece of
lead or pea strikes on the drum heads alternately, as the holder
turns the drum this way and that. This drum is said to have been
used by Siva. To-day, however, it is the possession of beggars and
snakecharmers and their ilk. The Edaka or Dudi is a metal drum of
this same shape and size used in Coorg. One end of it is beaten by a
drumstick and one by hand. In Malabar a drum of this sort is made
from a gourd. When four or five of them are beaten together at a
religious service the noise is prodigious. They have practically no
musical value.
MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS OF INDIA 123 The Karadivadya is
a large-sized variety of the same 3
124 THE MUSIC OF INDIA The Kartal are large Kustar with
two pairs of cymbals and holes in the wood for the fingers to pass
through so as to grip the instrument. Chakra are circular wooden
castinets made with slightly concave surfaces. They are also called
Khattala, Another strange form of percussion instrument which still
Imgers in Burma is the Bastran, It is a kind of boatshaped melodion,
with twenty-five bamboos of different lengths for the note keys.
CHAPTER VIII INDIAN AND WESTERN MUSIC Captain Day,
whoie example might well be followed by other military mea in
India, says : — ' Almost every traveller in India comes away with the
idea that the music of the country consists of mere noise and nasal
drawling of the most repulsive kind, often accompanied by
contortions and gestures of the most ludicrous description. But in
certainly two-thirds of such cases, the singing and dancing
witnessed has been of the commonest, and the performers of the
most abandoned and depraved of the city ; and the traveller has
therefore received a false impression, which may abide through life,
or impede the progress of a more correct appreciation of the real
value of Indian music. Bat it is hardly fair that an art so little really
understood, even among the natives of India themselves, should be
judged by such a criterion and then put aside as worthless, because
solitary individuals have been deceived by parties of outcast
charlatans whose object is mere gain. For that Indian music is an
art, and a very intricate and difficult one too, can hardly be denied.
But to appreciate it one must first put away all thought of European
music and then judge of it by an Indian standard, and impartially
upon its own merits ; of ths ingenuity of the performer, the peculiar
rhythm of the music, the extraordinary scales used, the recitatives,
the amount of imitation, the wonderful execution and memory of the
performer, and his skill in employing small intervals as grace. Then
when we hear old slokas and ghazals, songs written hundreds of
years a^o, sung with the same sweet dream/ cadences, the same
wild melody, to the same soft beats of little hands, and the same
soft timkle of the silver cymbals, we shall perhaps begin to feel that
music of this kind can be as welcome and tasteful to ears
accustomed to it as the music of the West, with its exaggerated
sonorousness, is to ui ; and so our contempt will gradually give way
to wonder, and upon acquaintance possibly to love. For this music,
let us remember, daily gives pleasure to as many thousands as its
more cultivated European sister gives to hundreds. There is hardly
any festivity in India in which some part is not assigned to music,
and for religious ceremonies its use is universal.' In judging of Indian
music one must enquire whether it contain? those musical qualities
which ensure an artistic appreciation from the cultured. When
discussing this mitter with an acquaintance once he said to ms,
Taere
126 THE MUSIC OF INDIA ought to be something in all
good music which any cultured ear and mind can artistically
appreciate.' He was of course referring to the best examples of
either western or eastern music and to cultured minds on both sides
of the world. The question naturally arises here as to whether it is
possible for any one to appreciate the music of the other side
without some special education of the musical faculty. We know how
difficult it is for people who have had no musical education at all to
appreciate classical music in the west, and we know too that all
classes can be educated to appreciate it. It is a fact that many
musical artists of the west have revealed a very keen appreciatioa of
Indian music, and some of them have learnt to use it with real
distinction. Some may think that this is a rare occurrence, and not a
possibility for every-one who has a soul for music. This book should
at any rate reveal the fact that Indian music, whether fully
developed or not, is at least founded on sound musical principles,
and that it does contain possibilities of appreciation by all truly
musical people. There are many reasons which prevent people from
giving that appreciation to the music of the other people which it
merits. There are some to whom the music of the other is simply a
noise more or less disagreeable, or perhaps * the least disagreeable
of noises.' There are some who like Aurangzeb would have Indian
music buried so deep that ' neither voice nor echo shall issue from
the grave.' Various causes may conduce to this lack of appreciation.
A writer in the Madras Mail sometime ago gave expression to one of
these. He wrote : ' I own that Indian music, though it interests me,
does not appeal to me in the least. I have tried again and again to
catch some comprehensive idea and grasp a beginning or an ending,
to discover whether the music is pathetic or sublime, erotic or
religious, and I have never yet succeeded.' He goes on to say with
impartial fairness : ' The conclusion to be drawn is not that the art is
inferior or that it does not exist. It is the ears of our musical
understanding which are deaf to those sounds, which have so
powerful an effect upon our neighbours. '
INDIAN AND WESTERN MUSIC 127 There are also those
who are repelled by the grotesque exhibitions, which so often
accompany the rendering of Indian music even by some of the best
artists, though this is not a trait which is altogether confined to
Indian artists. I remember a story which will illustrate this point very
well, and which incidentally shows that cultured Indians as well find
them grotesque. A foolish shepherd became suddenly rich, and one
day a musician came and sang before him, shaking his head, eyes
and hands in time with the music as he did so, and making the most
grotesque faces. The shepherd not having seen that kind of thing
before thought that he had fits and took him inside and had him
branded. The musician was glad to get away. Still he went on with
his art, and one day, when singing before a king, the king was so
pleased that he went away to get him a valuable present. The
musician thinking of his former experience ran off. Then the king
sent to his house and asked what was the matter, and was informed
of the treatment he had formerly received. The king replied, ' A fool
may acquire riches, but does not therefore become sensible.'
Another story on the same theme tells of a musician singing before a
shepherd, with similar strange gestures. The shepherd wept
copiously all the time. The musician, being unable to understand the
cause of , his weeping, stopped and asked him why he was weeping.
The shepherd said^ * Last night one of my sheep had the same
disease and swelled up and died. When I think that you too will die
in four watches, it makes me sad to think of one so young suffering
from such a dire disease.* This story shows that it is not only the
European who can look upon these things with a sense of humour.
To allow this kind of thing to prevent our appreciation of the music is
to lose the substance because of its covering. One may hope that it
will not be long before in India itself these grotesque contortions will
be condemned as bad form by the best people. Then, as Captain
Day says, there are many who condemn Indian music without
having made any genuine attempt to understand or appreciate it.
They take all their ideas of it from the indifferent barber's band, or
the wandering troupe with its noisy instruments. They are encased
128 THE MUSIC OF INDIA in their prejudice, which forms a
tough skin and prevents them from feeling any sense of the beauty
and charm of the music. One can only hope that some day they will
wake up to the fact that prejudice is farthest removed from
discrimination, and that it has resulted not only in their loss but also
in a loss to all, inasmuch as it has hampered a real appreciation of
things Eastern. Strange though it may appear, there are many
Indians who feel just the same about western music. An Indian
gentleman in Lahore remarked to me that western music to him was
like * the howling of a jackal in a desert.' One is glad to know that
there are to-day an increasing number of both westerners and
easterners who are learning to appreciate the charm and the art of
the music of the other. It would be well now to gather together
some of the important distinctions between Indian and western
music. 1. The dominant factor in Indian music is melody, while that
of western music is harmony. In the one case notes are related to
definite notes of a raga, and in the other case to varying chords.
Indian melody is produced by the regulated succession of
concordant notes, while western harmony arises from the agreeable
concord of various related notes. As a result of this differentiation,
Indian music has developed solely along the lines of melody, while
the greatest development of western music has taken place in the
region of harmony. Does the fact that western music has developed
a second dimension, so to speak, make it more advanced than
Indian music ? Can we call Indian music thereby inferior or primitive
? Indian music has taken one line of development, that of melody ;
and, in order to add to its charm and variety, has developed every
phase of it, including time-measure, in ways that have never
occurred to the western mind. These are two lines of development,
and perhaps one has travelled as far along its line, as the other upon
its line. There has been far more development in Indian music, than
even many Indian musicians were aware of ; as until recently there
was no opportunity for the different lines of development to
converge or to co-operate with each other, owing to the enormous
distances, the
INDIAN AND WESTERN MUSIC 129 absence of the habit of
wide travel, and the lack of facilities for intercommunication.
However, things are rapidly changing, and to-day we have a
permanent all-India organisation, which will undoubtedly gather
together the scatt*=^red lines of development and bring them to
bear upon Indian music as a whole. It is only recently that musical
associations have been formed in India, and that music lovers have
had opportunity to get together and compare their work. All this
must be remembered in judging the progress that has been made by
Indian music. Another thing that has greatly hampered this progress
has been the absence of an adequate and universal system of
notation. This too is being remedied, and it will be possible soon to
judge the relative progress of western and Indian systems of music
on a basis of equality. 2. Then again, Indian melody is cast in one
definite mood throughout, and both time and tune are wrought into
one homogeneous whole. Variations are not allowed to alter that
mood, which persists with the rciga. The balance of the music is
obtained partly by time-variations and partly by grace. * In western
music mood is used to articulate the balance of the whole piece. '
The particular times for singing the different ragas, the r^ga pictures
and the emotions associated with them all fit into this idea of the
Indian melody. 3. Then again, and perhaps most important of all, in
Indian music the salient notes are fixed by long association and
tradition, and any alteration of such saliency is not as a rule possible
in a melody. The relation of the individual notes to one another is
settled by ancient tradition. In western music, on the other hand,
the salient notes are made by the momentary impulse of the
harmony or of the counterpoint, and it is the cluster of notes rather
than the individual note which has special value. ' In Indian music
the notes are members of a form already supplied by tradition, and
the newness is created by their arrangement and graces, while in
western music they create new forms as the music proceeds. ' * In
Indian music the notes stand out from each other as clearly as do
the faces of our friends in our mind.'
130 THE MUSIC OF INDIA 4. Further in Indian composition
the melody is dependent upon the relation to certain fixed rotes
which vary according to the raga. It sets no store by any progress
through notes which suggest harmony, whereas western melodies
tend to circle round the notes which are haimonically related to the
tonic. As a result imitation at different levels, so ccmmiOn in western
music, is very rarely found in Indian music, and the two tetrachords
are seldcm identical in the character of their constituents. 5. As we
have seen Indian music lays great stress on grace-gamaka — *
curves of sound. ' These are not mere accidental ornaments as in
western music, but essential parts of the melodic structure. 6. The
use of microtones in Indian music and the general absence of the
tempered scale gives a very distinct flavour to it. To those whose
ears have alw^ays been tuned to certain fixed intervals, this
occurrence of quite different intervals, seme of them most strange to
western ears, alters the whole feeling of the music. Mrs. Mann says,
* Western music is music without microtones, as Indian music is
music without harmony. ' 7. We have already noticed the difference
in timemeasures and this is accountable to a very considerable
extent for the strangeness of Indian music to so many. Varieties of
duration do not come naturally to ears which are habituated to
varieties of accent. ^ 8. Another difference that has a great deal to
do with our appreciation or otherwise of music, is the matter of
emphasis upon certain external qualities. Western music rightly has
come to lay very great emphasis upon tone and timbre, whereas
Indian music passes these by on the other side and gives all
attention to execution and accuracy. The melody is not determined
by canons of charm or pleasure, but by adherence to certain fixed
standards ; and the quality of tone in which the melody is sung or
played does not have the importance that it does in the west. * The
Indian singer is first a musician and secondly See page 73.
INDIAN AND WESTERN MUSIC 131 a voice-producer. He is
not singing from some set piece, but extemporizing according to
some definite rule, which almost unconsciously models the form of
his song. ' This accounts for the frequent occurrence even in the
best songs of difficult sol-fa passages which have no musical beauty
whatever. A short time ago while talking with an Indian musical
friend about a certain singer, I said, * He has not got a very good
voice. ' * Oh,' said my friend, * That is nothing. The great thing is
for him to sing correctly and skilfully. The tone does not matter at
all. ' In a note in the Adyar Bulletin, Madras, somewhat recently, Mr.
Tagore, in discussing the singing of an Indian lady, who had received
training in Europe, said that in India any finesse in singing is
regarded with contempt, no trouble being taken to make either voice
or manner attractive. He goes on : ' They are not ashamed if their
gestures are violent, their top notes cracked, and their bass notes
unnatural. They take it to be their sole function to display their
perfect mastery over all the intricacies of times and tunes, forms and
formalities of the classic traditions.' A commentator adds, * In
Europe we listen for the tone, the sweetness of the voice, of the
instrument. In India they listen only for the tune — the melody and
the rhythm. ' It must, however, be added that to-day many Indian
music-lovers are coming to realize the importance of tone, and are
placing very much greater emphasis upon it. One thing which often
depresses the western listener is the harsh nasal tone of the Indian
singer. It is interesting to find that, while many Indians are trying to
get away from it, the nasal tone still has its defenders. Mrs. Mann
says that it is a degraded form of a very fine tradition, to the effect
that the yogi could obtain the power to go oo singing without
breathing, and it is the desire to attain to this power which is
responsible for the cultivation of the habit of singing at the back of
the nose. Sir Rabindranath Tagore goes down to the fundamental
causes of the difiference between the music of East and West: ^■-^'
* At first, I must admit your Western music jarred upon me. I heard
Madame Albani sing a song in which there was an imitation of
132 THE MUSIC OF INDIA the nightingale. It was so
childishly imitative of the mere externals of nature that I could take
little pleasure in it.' ' And what food for musical inspiration would a
Hindu find in the song of the nightingale ? ' asked the questioner. '
He would find the soul-state of the listeaer ; he would make music in
the same way that Keats wrote his ode. It seems to me that Indian
music concerns itself more with human experience as interpreted by
religion, than with experieace in an everyday sense. For us, music
has above all a transcendental significance. It disengages the
spiritual from the happenings of life ; it sings of the relationship of
the human soul with the soul of things beyond. The world by day is?
like European music ; a flowing concourse of vast harmony,
composed of concord and discord and many disconnected
fragments. And the night world is our Indian music ; one pure, deep
and tender rdga. Tiiey both stir us, yet the two are contradictory in
spirit- But that cannot be helped. At the very root nature is divided
into two, day and night, unity and variety, finite and infinite. We men
of India live in the realm of night ; we are overpowered by the sense
of the Oae and Infinite. Our music draws the listener away beyond
the limits of everyday human joys and sorrows, and takes us to that
lonely region of renunciation which lies at the root of the universe,
while European music leads us a variegated dance through the
endless rise and fall of human grief and joy.' On the same subject
Mr. Fox Strangways says : ' One shows a rejection of what is
transient, a soberness in gaiety, endurance in sorrow, a search after
the spiritual ideals of life. The Other shows a vivid insight, an eager
quest after wayside beauty and the dexterous touch that turns it to
account. The one seems to say, 'Life is puzzling, its claims are many,
but we will hammer out a solution, not by turning away from
ugliness, but by compelling it to serve the ends of beauty.' The
other, ' Life is simjDle and beauty close at hand at every moment,
wherever we go ; the mistake is in ourselves if we donot train our
eyes and ears and hearts to find J t.' (F.S. pp. 339, 340). Mrs. Mann
says in the same strain : ' While western music speaks of the
wonders of God's creation, eastern music hints at the mner beauty
of the Divine in man and in the world. Indian music requires of its
hearers something of that mood of divine discontent, of yearning for
the infinite and impossible.' Another'writer remarks : • An Indian
banquet with its vast variety of dishes of every taste and savour, is
bewildering to the European who enjoys eating one thing at a time,
with his whole gastric soul concentrated on it. Similarly the
European's multiplicity of sounds in music bewilders the Indian, who
likes to elaborate one particular melody to what seems to the
western tedious lengths.' (LS.R., Sept. 21.1920.)
INDIAN AND WESTERN MUSIC 133 One can only say
further that it is not impossible for every one who has an ear and
heart for musical beauty to learn to appreciate the charm of Indian
music and in some measure to understand it ; and that this attitude
is far more productive of joy to oneself and to others, than the more
common attitude of insular prejudice which refuses to think that
there is any possibility of finding something worth appreciating in
the music of India. While a good deal of training would probably be
required before one could appreciate all the niceties of the classical
style, it should not be difficult for any westerner to appreciate
heartily the beautiful songs and melodies of good Indian musicians.
We would also urge that Indian musicians should make a point of
studying the principles and history of western music. The experience
of the west will be of immense help to musical progress in India. The
deeper spirit of nationalism and religion shows itself in music as
much, if not more than in other things. Music has a sacred purpose
connected with the regeneration of the human heart, and plays an
important part in almost all our dealings in the world. If, however,
Indian music is to advance and to become the vehicle for the
expression of the highest ideals and feelings of modern India, it
needs men like Bach and Beethoven, to lead it forward and to
organize it, and to give of their best to its study and application.
When people are too occupied with the sciences and arts which lead
to worldly prosperity, devotion to the cultural arts finds no place.
Maharaja Tagore, at a lecture in Calcutta, asked those who would do
something for Indian music to give more attention to the grammar
of music, to the proper theory of raga and tala, and not simply to
churn out of their minds anything which appeared to them to be
music, in accordance with notions derived from street singers or
from tradition. The science and practice of Indian music, if it is to
advance, needs a great deal of original research, as well as very
thorough education. Such research and cultivation of Indian music
means the giving up of time and energy now spent on money-
making to musical culture. It needs also the daring which, while
based on a thorough knowledge of the science as it exists
134 THE MUSIC OF INDIA to-day, refuses to be
handicapped by traditions which belong to yesterday. There are
various practical ways in which enthusiasts can help in the progress
and development of Indian music. The first thing to do is to study
and practice it for oneself. There are books to-day, both in English
and the vernaculars, which will help in this. Then it is good to make
a habit of training the children in Indian music, and to see that they
can play at least one Indian instrument. Every cultured family in the
west aims at this, and in the large towns of India at any rate it is
becoming quite possible to-day. It is possible also to render aid to
the different musical societies which are growing up. Princes and
wealthy men can liberally help the All-India Music Conference and
the Academy of Indian Music now estabhshed in Delhi with its
ambitious programme. We can also help in a great extension of
musical knowledge among the people generally. There was in the
last half of the nineteenth century a great growth of musical
knowledge in England, largely through voluntary associations, which
grew up all over the country. The different musical festivals which
were organized also contributed much to this ; and there seems nc
reason why, in association with some of the annual festivals of India,
there should not be organized musical festivals, which would attract
artists and choirs from all over the country. The ancient Greeks are
said to have made a point of teaching their children music, because
they believed that it made them more unselfish, and helped them to
see better the beauty of order and the usefulness of rule. Lord
Lamington, Governor of Bombay, at the opening of the Gandharva
Mahavidyalaya, said : ' Music has in the past played a part in the
education of the people of India. I believe that it may do much more
in the future if it is made an object of reverential study, and thrown
open to far greater numbers than at present, and if it is allowed to
take its proper place as an elevating influence.' In music, as in all
other things in India, co-operation and real comradeship between
East and West is needed,
INDIAN AND WESTERN MUSIC 135 if the greatest possible
progress is to be made. The words of Lord Ronaldshay, Governor of
Bengal, apply to culture as well as to government in India. * The
future of the land we live in may be likened to a splendid edifice built
up on a firm foundation of pillared arches. The pillars are the two
great races, whose lot has been so strangely intertwined by the
fingers of Providence — the Indians and the British. The keystones
of the arches are the will on the part of both races to understand
and co-operate with one another in this task.' The morniiig will
surely come, the darkness will vanish, and thy voice pour down in
golden streams breaking through the sky. Then thy words will take
wing in songs from every one of my birds' nests, and thy melodies
will break forth in flowers in all my forest groves. Rabindranath
Tagore.
APPENDIX I BIBLIOGRAPHY OF INDIAN MUSIC (Works in
English only) 1. Universal History of Music, by Rajah S. M. Tagore,
Mus. Doc, Calcutta. An interesting compendium of musical
knowledge with a valuable chapter on the Music of India. {Out of
print.) 2. Hindu Music, compiled by Rajah S. M. Tagore^ By various
authors. Calcutta, 1875. Babu Punchanan Mukerji, pp. viii. 308. A
collection of essays by well-knoun Oriental scholars on different
aspects of Indian music. (Out of Print.) 3. The Six Principal Ragas,
by Rajah S. M. Tagore, Calcutta, 1877. Calcutta Central Press Co.,
Ltd., pp. 46 xii. Gives a general introduction to Indian musical theory,
with detailed descriptions of the six ragas- With six 6ne plates
representing the raga pictures. [Out of print.) 4. The Music and
Musical Instruments of Southern India and the Deccan, by Captain
C. R. Day, London, 1891, pp. xvi. 173. 17 coloured plates. A good
general introduction to southern music, with detailed descriptions of
musical instruments and some fine coloured plates. Very valuable
book. {Out of print.) 5. Oriental Music in Staff Notation, by A. H.
Chinnaswamy Mudaliar, Madras, 1892, pp. 36, 106. Obtainable for
Rs. 9 a copy from Miss Miriam Raju, San Thome, Madras. It deals
entirely with Carnatic music. The introduction is elementary, giving
information concerning the principles of South Indian music. The
longer part of the book is taken up with examples from the great
masters of the south written in staff notation, and also a few folk
songs.
138 THE MUSIC OF INDIA 6. Indian Music, by Bhavanrao A.
Pingle, of Kathiaivad, Byculla, 1898, pp. xviii. 341. Second edition. A
good accoant of the music of North India with a few examples. ' A
mine of information on many details of performance.' (Out of print,)
7. A Short Account of the Hindu System of Music, by A. C. Wilson
(Lady), Lahore, 1904, pp. 48. Gulab Singh & Sons, Lahore. An
elementary account of Hindusthani music. Has a good glossary. 8.
Indian Music, by Ananda Coomaraswamy, 1917, G. Schirmer, New
York and London. Reprinted from the Musical Quarterly, April 1917,
pp. 9. 9. Indian Music, by Shahinda (Begum Fyzee-Rahamin) with
preface by F. Gilbert Webb, 1914, WiUiam Marchant & Co., London,
pp. 96. A general account of Hindusthani music, with descriptions of
a number of Hindusthani ragas and with a number of raga pictures.
10. Notes on the Principles of Hindu Music, by E. Stradiot. With a
collection of nine Hindu melodies. From the Madras Journal of
Literature and Science for 1887-88, pp. 28. A very slight account of
southern music. 11. Indian Music, by A. K. Coomaraswamy, an essay
in the Dance of Siva, by the same author, pp. 72-81, 5 plates. An
interesting description. 12. Art Manufacture in India, by T. N.
Mukharji, F.L.S., Indian Museum, Calcutta. Specially compiled for
Glasgow International Exhibition, 1888, Calcutta, 18S8.
Superintendent of Government Printing, pp. 451. Musical
Instruments of India, pp. 76-96. 13. First Steps in Hindu Music, by
H. P. Krishna Rao, Mysore, 1906. Weekes & Co., London, pp. 52. A
very elementary work with a small collection of South Indian
melodies in staff notation 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 139 14. Essays on National Idealism^ by A.
K. Coomaraswaray, Colombo, 1909. About twenty pages on Indian
Music. 15. Some Thoughts on Hindi Music, by G. S. Khare, Poona,
1912. Arya Bhushan Press, Poona, pp. 16. A paper read before the
Literary and Philosophical Club, Poona. A slight discussion on the
^rutis. 16. The Hindu Musical Scale, by K. B. Deval, Poona, 1910.
Arya Bhushan Press, Poona, pp. viii. 49. With an introduction by Mr.
E. Clements. Deals only with the theory of the twenty-two srutis. 17.
Theory and Practice of Hindu Music, by C. Gangadhar, Madras, pp.
40. Methodist Publishing House, Madras. Obtainable at C.
Ramachandar, 25 Perumal Koil Garden Street, Georgetown, Madras.
A very elementary and superficial account of Carnatic music.
Specially meant for instruction in playing the vina. 18. Introduction
to the Study of Indian Music, by E. Clements, London, 1913.
Longmans, Green & Co., pp. XV. 104. A technical discussion of the
Gramas and Srutis. With a glossary. Contains translations from Ndtya
^ a sir a and SangU-Ratndkara. 19. Sotne Indian Conceptions of
Music, by Mrs. Maud Mann. 1911-12, pp. 41. Proceedings of the
Musical Association. Gives an account of the Carnatic system. 20.
The Indian Music Journal, Editor, H. P. Krishna Rao, Mysore. Bi-
monthly. Two volumes only, 1912-13. Crown Press, Mysore. Contains
much valuable and interesting information and a translation of
portions of the Rdgavibodha. 21. Contribution to the Study of
Ancient Hindu Music, by Rao Sahib P. R. Bhandarkar, Indore, 1912.
British Indian Press, Mazgaon, Bombay. Reprinted from
140 THE MUSIC OF INDIA the Indian Antiquary^ Vol. xli.
July, August and November 1912. A discussion on the ^rutis. Also
contains the Kudumiyamamalai inscription on Indian music, probably
of the seventh century. 22. The Music of Hindostan, by A. H. Fox
Strangways. Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1914, pp. 364. Deals primarily
with Hindnsthani music, but also contains much valuable information
on Carnatic music. The only thoroughly scientific treatise on the
subject by an expert in western music and a keen student of Indian
music, who had splendid opportunities of hearing and studying the
best Indian music. Contains a good glossary and index. 23. The
Hindu Scale, by A. H. Fox Strangways in Sammelbande dere
Internationalen in Musik-Gesellschaft, 1907-08, pp. 449-516,
Braitkopf & Hartel, Leipzig. Treats of the underlying principles of
Indian melodies and the connection between Greek and Indian
music. 24. The Psychology of Music, by H. P. Krishna Rao, Mysore,
1916. Wesleyan Mission Press, Mysore, pp. 71, Re. 1-4-0. An
interesting description of the emotions associated with musical notes
and melodies. 25. Theory of Indian Music as expounded by
Somanatha, by K. B. Deval, Poona, 1916. Arya Bhushan Press,
Poona. pp. 64. An introduction to the musical scale of India and an
explanation, according to the author's view, of many verses from the
Rdgavibodha. His explanation is not accepted by other scholars and
musicians. 26. Report of First Indian Musical Conference. Held at
Baroda in 1916. Published at Baroda, 1917. Baroda Printing Works,
pp. 63. Contains summaries of papers and discussions. 27. Indian
Music, by Mrs. R. M. Dunkelberger, Rentichintala. Article in Gospel
Witness, Guntur. February 1917. A general account of Indian music.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 141 28. Guide to the Musical Instruments in
the Indian Museum, Calcutta, by Dr. A. M. Meerwarth, 1917.
Government Printing, Calcutta, pp. 33. As. 8. An account of the very
fine collection of Indian musical instruments in the Indian Museum,
Calcutta, with pictures of many of them. 29. Hindu Music by C.
Tirumalayya Naidu, M. R. A. S., Madras, 1896. pp. 37. Vijayanti
Press, Madras. An English introduction under this title in a book by
the above author entitled, Gana Vidya Sanjivini. 30. A Short
Historical Survey of the Music of Upper India, by N. V. Bhatkhande,
B.A., B.L., Bombay, 1917. Published by Karkhoro Maneckji Minocher-
Honjj of Bombay, Samachar. pp. 52. Reprint of a paper read at the
All-India Music Conference at Baroda, 1916 . A very interesting
account of the development of Hindusthani Music, containing results
of original research, and a discussion on the best line of advance in
Indian musical theory. A very valuable work by a scholar and a
practical musician, with suggestions for a new classification of
Hindusthani rSgas. 31. Karunanamrita S^garam, by Rao Sahib
Abraham Pandither, Tanjore, 1918. pp. Lawley Electric Printing Press,
Tanjore. A technical and abstru'^e account of the development of
South Indian Ragas, with special reference to the author's peculiar
theory and to ancient Tamil works. 32. Indian Music. Young Men of
India, May 1918, Calcutta. Contains a number of articles on Indian
Music, including one by Mr. Fox Strangways, and one by Professor
Percy Brown on ' Visualised Music. ' 33. Travancore Music and
Musicians, by T. Lakshmana Pillay, Trivandrum, 1918. Included in
collection of essays published by the author, pp. 93-133. A historical
essay of some interest. 34. Report of the Second All-India Music
Conference. Held at Delhi, December 1918. By the Honorary
Secretary 1919. pp. 60 with four appendices and many photos. A
very valuable account of the proceedings and good summaries of the
papers.
APPENDIX II GLOSSARY OF INDIAN MUSICAL TERMS The
numbers are those of the pages The terra southern or northern
placed after a meaning indicates, that the word is used in that sense
only in the south or north respectively. Abhanga ... ... Marathi
devotional song, 92. Abhog ... ... Closing section of a Hindusthani
song, 87. Adhvadarsak ... Name given to Ma, 63. Aditdla ... ... Three-
beat time, southern, 75, 76. Akshara ... ... Syllable unit of time-
measure, 73. Akshiptikd ... Third section of Alaphana, 86. Alankdra
..._ ... Graces and ornaments of melody. Alaphana, Alap ...
Improvised introduction to a melody, 86. Algosa ... ... A flute, 117.
Amrita ... ... A musical instrument, 100. Athia ... ... Prominent note
of a raga. Also called VadI, 39. Ananda laharl ... An ancient bow
instrument, 115. Andolitam ... A gamaka, the swing, 85. Anga ... ...
The tetrachord. A member of a time beat, 6. 74. Antard ... ...
Second section of northern melody, 87. Antara ... ... Sharp of Ga,
southern, 13. Anuddtta... ... A member of the Saman chant, a falling
tone, 27. Anudruta ... ... Smallest time measure. One akshara, 73.
Anumandaram ... Fourth string of vina, 104. Anupallavi ... Second
section of a Carnatic melody, 87. Anuvddl ... ... Imperfect
consonance, 26. Apsaras ... ... Heavenly dancers, 7. Arramin ... ...
Svaramandala, dulcimer, 114. Arya ... ... An ancient Sanskrit metre.
Arohana ... ... Complete ascent of the gamut, 85. As ... ... A slide,
northern, 84. Astdi ... ... First section of Hindusthani melody, 87. Ata
tdla ... ... Four-beat time, southern, 75. Ata-chautdla ... Crooked
four-beat time, northern, 76. Atikomal ... ... Double flat, 4, Atikrama
... ... Disjunct motion, thirds, fourths and fifths itt Saman chant.
Atisvarya ... ... Sixth note of SSman scale, 27, 30. Atitlvra ... ...
Double sharp. 4. Avarohana ... Complete descent of gamut, 85.
Avarta ... ... Complete section of time- measure, 6, 74.
GLOSSARY 14^ Bdhya Bdlasarasvatl Bdnsurl Bastran Basiili
Baul Bhajana ... Bhajana ^ruti Bherj Bilampet ... Bin Bol Boljhard . .
. Brahnid-vlnd Budbudaka Chakra Chdpu Charanatii Chdrtdla ...
Chatuh^ruti Chaturaiiga Chaturtha... Chatusra ... Chautdla ...
Chikdra ... Chikdri ... Chintld ... Chittika ... Chyuta Dddrd Ddk
DdmPhu ... Damaru ... Dhamdr ... Dhaivata ... Dhenka Dhtma Dhol
Dholak Dholki Dhrupad ... Dhruva Dhun Dilruba pin^imi ... Small
drum. 121. Southern form of tambur, 111. A flute. 116. Burmese
melodion, 124. NepalT flute, 117. Bengali folk music, 92. A form of
musical entertainment. A band, 91. Drone instrument, 118. Nagara
drum. 121. Slow speed, adagio, northern, 78. Northern name of
vina, 102. Drum-stroke syllables. 81. A musical passage in arpeggio,
85. Variety of tambur, 111. Small drum like hour-glass, 122. Circular
wooden castanets, 122. A syncopated time-measure. 77. Third
section of southern melody, 87. Four-beat time, northern, 81. Name
given to first sharp note of Ri and Dha in south, 3. A form of melodic
composition, 90. Fourth note of Saman scale, 27, 30. A Jati in time-
measure, 75. Same as Chartala, 81, 88. A musical instrument like
Sarangi, 100, 109. Side strings of vina and similar instruments, 104.
Curious iron cymbals of Central India, 123. Castanets, 123. Ancient
name for certain Gratis, literally ' fallen.' A Hindusthani melody, 90. A
syncopated time, northern, 76. A large dhol, a drum, 122.
Tambourine, 123. A small drum, 122. A four-beat time, northern, 76,
89. Sixth note of the octave, 3, 33. Form of Kinnari, 112. A four-beat
time, northern, 76, 88. A drum, 122, A drum, 122. A small dhol. 122.
A northern form of song, 87. Four-beat time, southern, 75. A
northern popular song, 89. A stringed instrument, 107. Tambourine,
123.
144 THE MUSIC OF INDIA Dlpachandl Dritakdla ... Drone
Druta Dudi Dun Durt Dundubhi ... Dvitlya Edaka Ekatdla Esrdj
Farodast ... Fillagon ... GahgUki ... Gamaka ... Gdnihdya ... Gdndhdra
grama Gdndhdrl ... Ganiharva Gdndharva veda Ghaslt Ghazal Glta
Govinda Gopichand Graha Grdma Guru Humpitam Harikathd Hon Hi
Jalatarang Jdlrd Janaka rdga Janya rdga Jharigha ... Jdru Jdti Javddi
Jhampa ... Jhdrd Jinjlvi Joru A four-beat time-measure, northern, 89.
Quick speed, allegro, 78. A reed instrument, 118. A time beat of two
aksharas, 73. A kind of drum, 122. A very quick speed, Allegretto,
78. A melody in the same, northern, Allegro time, northern, 78.
Ancient name for the nagara drum. 8, 28 Second note of Saman
scale, 27, 30. Small metal drum, 3 22. A single beat time-measure,
75, 76. Stringed instrument, Bengal, 109. Four-beat time-measure,
northern, 76. A flute, 116, Primitive bow instrument, 115. Graces
and ornaments, 83, 130. Third note of the octave, 3, 33. An ancient
scale starting on Ga, 34, 35. An ancient raga. Class of heavenly
musicians. Science of music. The slide, 54. Form of northern melody,
90. An old song on Krishna, 14. Primitive bamboo instrument, 115.
The proper starting note for a raga, 39. An ancient scale, 2, 33. A
time beat of eight aksharas, 73. A gamaka. Appogiatura, 84.
Religious musical entertainment, 91. Song of Holi festival, northern,
89. Ancient Tamil name for Pa, 32. A musical instrument of cups,
119. Small hand cymbals, 123. Original raga, 18. Derivative rSga,
18. Large cymbals, 123. A slide, 84. Ancient name for raga, 2, 10,
42. A class of time-measures, 75. A Kanarese song, 92. A three-beat
time, southern, 75. A four beat time, northern, 76. Rapid arpeggio,
85Snake charmer's pipe, 118. Medium speed, northern, 78.
GLOSSARY 145 Kaikkilai ... Kaisiki Kaitdla Kdkali Kdkapdda
... Kdla Kalai Kalahdy ... Kdlakshepa Kanipitani-Katnpa . Karadivddya
Karadsamila Karana Karkhd Kartdl Kd-sharati Kastarang Kdtydyana
vlnd Kdvadi sindhu Kavdli Khdli Khanda Khanjeri ... Khattald ... Khydl
Kinnara ... Kinnarl Kirtan Ktrtana ... Komal Komhu Komiki
Kottuvddyam Kri'ti Krushta ... Kuma Rural Kiiral {Kuzhal) Kustar
Ancient Tamil name of Ga, 32. A sharp of Ni, southern, 3, 5. Hand
cymbals, 71, 123. Highest sharp of Ni, southern, 3, 5. Time-beat of
sixteen aksharas, 73. IMusical speed, 78. A minute division of the
akshara, 77. A horn, 116Musical and religious performance, 91. The
tremolo, 84. Large form of hour-glass drum, 123. Large drum, 122.
Trumpet, 119. Rajput war song, 92. Castanets, 71, 124. A flute, 117.
Musical instrument of cups, 119. A Vina with 100 strings, 99, 113.
Southern folk song, 92. Tintal. Bengal, 76. Silent beat of northern
time-measure, 76. Jati of time-measure, southern, 75. Form of
tambourine, 123. Castanets, 124. Northern form of song, 87, 89.
Class of heavenly musicians, 7. Primitive stringed instrument, 100,
111, 115. Form of musical performance, northern, 91, A southern
form of melody, 22, 87. A flat, 4. Horn, 116. Horn, 116. Kind of
Tambiir, southern. 111. A southern form of melody, 22, 87. Highest
note of Saman scale, 27, 30. A sacred trumpet, 118. Ancient Tamil
name for Sa, 32. Panpipe, southern, 119. Castanets, 124. Laghu
Linani Madhya Madhyama Mahdnagdra Mandaran 10 A time-length
of four aksharas, 73. A slide, 85. Medium speed, moderato, 78.
Middle voice register, 4. Fourth note of the octave, 3, 33. Name of an
ancient grama, 34. A very large nagara drum, 121. Second string of
vIna, 104.
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