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 Another Random Document on
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system, notwithstanding own and General Clark’s investigation of
Champlain’s efforts to direct it. A the site of the fort, and places it near
Perryville, N. Y. Dr. Shea, in his Le
considerable number of the Clercq, i. 100, has since gone over the
Iroquois were killed by the authorities. It was in reply to Geddes,
French firearms, and many were Shea, and Clark that Mr. Marshall wrote
wounded; but no effective the paper from which the above sketch-
impression was made upon the map is taken. Dr. O’Callaghan, in his
Documentary History of New York, iii.
fortress. After lingering before 16, had advanced the theory that the
the fort some days, the allies fort was on Lake Canandaigua: and to
began their retreat. Champlain, this view Mr. Parkman guardedly
having been wounded, was assented in his Pioneers, and so marked
transported in a basket made for the fort on his map. Brodhead, History
of New York, i. 69, and Clark in his
the purpose. Returning to the History of Onondaga, placed it on
other side of Lake Ontario, to a Onondaga Lake. Cf. the Transactions of
famous hunting-ground,— the Literary and Historical Society of
probably north of the present Quebec, New Series, part ii., and the
town of Kingston,—they notes in the Quebec and Prince Society
editions of Champlain’s Voyages.—Ed.]
remained several weeks,
capturing a large number of deer. When the frosts of December had
sealed up the ground, the streams, and lakes, they returned to the
home of the Hurons in Simcoe, dragging with incredible labor their
stores of venison through bog and fen and pathless forest. Here
Champlain passed the winter, making excursions to neighboring
Indian tribes, and studying their habits and character from his
personal observation, and writing out the results with great
minuteness and detail. As soon as the season was sufficiently
advanced, Champlain began his journey homeward by the circuitous
route of his advance, and arrived safely after an absence of nearly a
year. Having put in execution plans for the repair and enlargement of
the buildings at Quebec, he returned to France.
For several years the trade in furs was conducted as usual, with
occasional changes both in the Company in France and in local
management. These, however, were of no very essential importance,
and the details must be passed by in this brief narrative. The
ceaseless struggle for large dividends and small expenditures on the
part of the company of merchants did not permit any considerable
enlargement of the colony, or any improvements which did not
promise immediate returns. Repairs upon the buildings and a new
fort constructed on the brow of the precipice in the rear of the
settlement were carried forward tardily and grudgingly.[382] As a
mere trading-post it had undoubtedly been successful. The average
number of beaver skins annually purchased of the Indians and
transported to France was probably not far from fifteen or twenty
thousand, and it sometimes reached twenty-two thousand. The
annual dividend of forty per cent on the investment, as intimated by
Champlain, must have been highly satisfactory to the Company. The
settlement maintained the character of a trading-post, but hardly
that of a colonial plantation. After the lapse of nearly twenty years,
the average number of colonists did not exceed much more than
fifty. This progress was not satisfactory to Champlain, to the Viceroy,
or to the Council of State. In 1627 a change became inevitable.
Cardinal de Richelieu had become grand master and chief of the
navigation and commerce of France. He saw the importance of
rendering this colony worthy of the fame and greatness of the nation
under whose authority it had been planted. Acting with characteristic
promptness and decision, he dissolved the old Company and
instituted a new one, denominated La Compagnie de la Nouvelle
France, consisting of a hundred or more members, and commonly
known as the Company of the Hundred Associates. The constitution
of this society possessed several important features, which seemed
to assure the solid growth of the colony. Richelieu was its constituted
head. Its authority was to extend over the whole territory of New
France and Florida. Its capital was three hundred thousand livres. It
proposed to send to Canada in 1628 from two hundred to three
hundred artisans of all classes, and within the space of fifteen years
to transport four thousand colonists to New France. These were to
be wholly supported by the Company for three years, and after that
they were to have assigned to them as much land as was needed for
cultivation. The settlers were to be natives of France and exclusively
of the Catholic faith, and no Huguenot was to be allowed to enter
the country. The Company was to have exclusive control of trade,
and all goods manufactured in New France were to be free of
imposts on exportation. Such were the more general and prominent
features of the association. In the spring of 1628 the Company, thus
organized, despatched four armed vessels to convoy a fleet of
eighteen transports, laden with emigrants and stores, together with
one hundred and thirty-five pieces of ordnance to fortify the
settlement at Quebec.
War existing at that time between England and France, an
English fleet was already on its way to destroy the French colony at
Quebec. The transports and convoy sent out by the Company of the
Hundred Associates were intercepted on their way, carried into
England, and confiscated. On the arrival of the English at Tadoussac,
David Kirke, the commander, sent up a summons to Champlain at
Quebec, demanding the surrender of the town; this Champlain
declined to do with such an air of assurance that the English
commander did not attempt to enforce his demand. The supplies for
the settlement having thus been cut off by the English, before the
next spring the colony was on the point of perishing by starvation.
Half of them had been billeted on Indian tribes to escape impending
death. On the 19th of July, 1629, three English vessels appeared
before Quebec, and again demanded its surrender. Destitute of
provisions and of all means of defence, with only a handful of
famishing men, Champlain delivered up the post without hesitation.
All the movable property belonging to the Company at Quebec was
surrendered. The whole colony, with the exception of such as
preferred to remain, were transported to France by way of England.
On their arrival at Plymouth, it was ascertained that the war between
the two countries had come to an end, and that the articles of peace
provided that all conquests made subsequent to the 24th of April,
1629, were to be restored; and consequently Quebec, and the peltry
and other property taken after that date, must be remanded to their
former owners. Notwithstanding this, Champlain was taken to
London and held as a prisoner of war for several weeks, during
which time the base attempt was made to compel him to pay a
ransom for his freedom. Such illegal and unjust artifices practised
upon a man like Champlain of course came to nothing, except to
place upon the pages of history a fresh example of what the avarice
of men will lead them to do. After having been detained a month,
Champlain was permitted to depart for France.

CAPTURE OF QUEBEC, 1629.

Fac-simile of the engraving in Hennepin’s New Discovery, 1698, p.
161. Of this capture (during which not a gun was fired,
notwithstanding Hennepin’s dramatic picture) see an enumeration
of contemporary authorities in the notes to Shea’s Charlevoix, ii. 44,
et seq., principally Champlain, Sagard, and Creuxius. It is the
subject of special treatment in H. Kirke’s Conquest of Canada, with
 help from papers in the English Record Office. In the same year
(1629) there was a seizure on the part of the French of James
Stuart’s post at Cape Breton, commemorated in La Prise d’un
Seigneur Écossois, etc. Par Monsieur Daniel de Dieppe. Rouen,
1630. Cf. Champlain, 1632 ed., p. 272; and Harrisse, no. 45.

The breaking-up of the settlement at Quebec just on the eve of

the new arrangement under the administration of the Hundred
Associates, and with greater prospect of success than had existed at
any former period, involved a loss which can hardly be estimated,
and retarded for several years the progress of the colony. The return
of the property which had been illegally seized and carried away
gave infinite trouble and anxiety to Champlain; and it was not until
1633 that he left France again, with a large number of colonists, re-
commissioned as governor, to join his little colony at Quebec.[383] He
was accompanied by the Jesuit Fathers Enemond Massé and Jean de
Brébeuf. The Governor and his associates received at Quebec from
the remnant of the colony a most hearty welcome. The memory of
what good he had done in the past awakened in them fresh
gratitude and a new zeal in his service. He addressed himself with
his old energy, but nevertheless with declining strength, to the duties
of the hour,—to the renovation and improvement of the habitation
and fort, to the holding of numerous councils with the Indians in the
neighborhood, and to the execution of plans for winning back the
traffic of allied tribes. The building of a chapel, named, in memory of
the recovery of Quebec, Notre Dame de Recouvrance, and such
other kindred duties as sprang out of the responsibilities of his
charge, engaged his attention. In these occupations two years soon
passed.
During the summer of 1635 Champlain addressed a letter to
Cardinal de Richelieu, soliciting the means, and setting forth the
importance of subduing the hostile tribes known as the Five Nations,
and bringing them into sympathy and friendship with the French.
[384] This in his opinion was necessary for the proper enlargement of
the French domain and for the opening of the whole continent to the
influence of the Christian faith,—two objects which seemed to him of
paramount importance. This was probably the last letter written by
Champlain, and contains the key to the motives which had
influenced him from the beginning in joining the northern tribes in
their wars with the Iroquois.[385] On Christmas Day, the 25th of
December, 1635, Champlain died in the little fort which he had
erected on the rocky promontory at Quebec, amid the tears and
sorrows of the colony to which for twenty-seven years he had
devoted his strength and thought with rare generosity and devotion.
[386] In the following June, Montmagny, a Knight of Malta, arrived as
the successor of Champlain.

CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF

INFORMATION.

T
HE richest source of information relating to Champlain’s
achievements as a navigator, explorer, and the founder of the
French settlement in Canada is found in his own writings. It
was his habit to keep a journal of his observations, which he
began even on his voyage to the West Indies in 1599. Of his first
voyage to Canada, in 1603, his Journal appears to have been put to
press in the last part of the same year. This little book of eighty
pages is entitled: Des Savvages; ov, Voyage de Samvel Champlain,
de Brovage, faict en la France Nouuelle, l’an mil six cens trois. A
Paris, chez Clavde de Monstr’oeil, tenant sa boutique en la Cour du
Palais, au nom de Jesus, 1604. Auec priuilege du Roy. This Journal
contains a valuable narrative of the incidents of the voyage across
the Atlantic, and likewise a description of the Gulf and River St.
Lawrence, and enters fully into details touching the tributaries of the
great river, the bays, harbors, forests, and scenery along the shore,
as well as the animals and birds with which the islands and borders
of the river were swarming at that period. It contains a
discriminating account of the character and habits of the savages as
he saw them.[387]
In 1613 Champlain published a second volume, embracing the
events which had occurred from 1603 to that date. The following is
its title: Les Voyages dv Sievr de Champlain Xaintongeois, Capitaine
ordinaire pour le Roy, en la marine, divisez en devx livres; ou, jovrnal
tres-fidele des observations faites és descouuertures de la Nouuelle
France: tant en la descriptiô des terres, costes, riuieres, ports,
haures, leurs hauteurs, et plusieurs delinaisons de la guide-aymant;
qu’en la creâce des peuples, leur superstition, façon de viure et de
guerroyer: enrichi de quantité de figures. A Paris, chez Jean Berjon,
rue S. Jean de Beauuais, au Cheual volant, et en sa boutique au
Palais, à la gallerie des prisonniers, M.DC.XIII. Avec privilege dv Roy.
4to.[388] It contains a full description of the coast-line westerly from
Canseau, including Nova Scotia, the Bay of Fundy, New Brunswick,
and New England as far as the Vineyard Sound. It deals not only
with the natural history, the fauna and flora, but with the character
of the soil, its numerous products, as well as the sinuosities and
conformation of the shore, and is unusually minute in details
touching the natives. In this last respect it is especially valuable, as
at that period neither their manners, customs, nor mode of life had
been modified by intercourse with Europeans. The volume is
illustrated by twenty-two local maps and drawings, and a large map
representing the territory which he had personally surveyed, and
concerning which he had obtained information from the natives and
from other sources. This is the first map to delineate the coast-line
of New England with approximate correctness. The volume contains
likewise what he calls a “geographical map,” constructed with the
degrees of latitude and longitude numerically indicated. In this
respect it is, of course, inexact, as the instruments then in use were
very imperfect, and it is doubtful whether his surveys had been
sufficiently extensive to furnish the proper and adequate data for
these complicated calculations. It was the first attempt to lay down
the latitude and longitude on any map of the coast.[389]
In 1619 Champlain published a third work, describing the events
from 1615 to that date. It was reissued in 1620 and in 1627. The
following is its title, as given in the issue of 1627:[390] Voyages et
Descovvertvres faites en la Novvelle France, depuis l’année 1615
iusques à la fin de l’année 1618. Par le Sieur de Champlain,
Cappitaine ordinaire pour le Roy en la Mer du Ponant. Seconde
Edition. A Paris, chez Clavde Collet, au Palais, en la gallerie des
Prisonniers, M.D.C. XXVII. Avec privilege dv Roy. The previous issue
contained the occurrences of 1613. The year 1614 he passed in
France. The present volume continues his observations in New
France from his return in 1615. It describes his introduction of the
Recollect Fathers as missionaries to the Indians, his exploration of
the Ottawa, Lake Nipissing, Lake Huron, and Ontario; the attack on
the Iroquois fort in the State of New York; his winter among the
Hurons; and it contains his incomparable essay on the Hurons and
other neighboring tribes. It has Brûlé’s narrative of his experiences
among the savages on the southern borders of the State of New
York, near the Pennsylvania line, and that of the events which
occurred in the settlement at Quebec; it contains illustrations of the
dress of the savages in their wars and feasts, of their monuments for
the dead, their funeral processions, of the famous fort of the
Iroquois in the State of New York, and of the deer-trap.
In 1632 Champlain published his last work, under the following
title: Les Voyages de la Novvelle France occidentale, dicte Canada,
faits par le Sr de Champlain Xainctongeois, Capitaine pour le Roy en
la Marine du Ponant, et toutes les Descouuertes qu’il a faites en ce
pais depuis l’an 1603 iusques en l’an 1629. Où se voit comme ce
pays a esté premierement descouuert par les François, sous
l’authorité de nos Roys tres-Chrestiens, iusques au regne de sa
Majesté à present regnante Lovis XIII. Roy de France et de Navarre.
A Paris, chez Clavde Collet, au Palais, en la Gallerie des Prisonniers, à
l’ Estoille d’Or, M.DC.XXXII. Auec Priuilege du Roy.[391] A sub-title
accompanies this and the other works, which we have omitted as
unnecessary for our present purpose. This volume is divided into two
parts. The first part is an abridgment of what had already been
published up to this date, and omits much that is valuable in the
preceding publications. It preserves the general outline and
narrative, but drops many personal details and descriptions which
are of great historical importance, and can be supplied only by
reference to his earlier publications. The second part is a
continuation of his journals from 1620 to 1631 inclusive. Champlain’s
personal explorations were completed in 1615-1616, and
consequently this second part relates mostly to affairs transacted at
Quebec and on the River St. Lawrence. It contains an ample and
authentic account of the taking of Quebec by the English in 1629.
The volume is supplemented by Champlain’s treatise on navigation, a
brief work on Christian doctrine translated into the language of the
Montagnais by Brebeuf, and the Lord’s Prayer, Apostles’ Creed, etc.,
rendered into the same language by Masse.

Reprints.—In 1830 the first reprint of any of Champlain’s works

was made at Paris, where the issue of 1632 was printed in two
volumes. It was done by order of the French Government, to give
work to the printers thrown out of employment by the Revolution of
July, and is without note or comment.[392] In 1870 a complete
edition of Champlain’s works was issued at Quebec, under the
editorial supervision of the Abbé Laverdière, who gave a summary of
Champlain’s career with luminous annotations. It was called Œuvres
de Champlain, publiées sous le Patronage de l’Université Laval. Par
l’Abbé C. H. Laverdière, M. A. Seconde Édition.[393] 6 tomes, 4to.
Québec: Imprimé au Séminaire par Geo. E. Desbarats, 1870. This
edition includes the Brief Discourse or Voyage to the West Indies in
1599, which had never before been printed in the original French.
The manuscript had been almost miraculously preserved, and at the
time it was used by Laverdière it belonged to M. Féret of Dieppe.
[394] The edition of Laverdière is an exact reprint, most carefully
done, and entirely trustworthy, while its notes are full and
exceedingly accurate.[395]
Translations.—The “Savages” was printed in an English translation
by Samuel Purchas in his Pilgrimes, London, 1625, vol. iv. pp. 1605-
1619.
In 1859 the Brief Discourse, or Voyage to the West Indies,
translated by Alice Wilmere and edited by Norton Shaw, was
published at London by the Hakluyt Society.
In 1878, 1880, and 1882, an English translation of the Voyages
was printed by the Prince Society, in three volumes, comprising the
Journals issued in 1604, 1613, and 1619, as Voyages of Samuel de
Champlain, translated from the French by Charles Pomeroy Otis,
Ph.D., with Historical Illustrations, and a Memoir by the Rev. Edmund
F. Slafter, A. M. The Memoir occupies the greater part of vol. i., and
both the Memoir and the Voyages are heavily annotated. It contains
heliotype copies of all the local and general maps and drawings in
the early French editions,—in all thirty-one illustrations; besides a
new outline map showing the explorations and journeyings of
Champlain, together with two portraits,—one engraved by Ronjat
after an old engraving by Moncornet; the other is from a painting by
Th. Hamel, likewise after the engraving by Moncornet.[396]
The Mercure François, a journal of current events, contains
several narratives relating to New France during the administration of
Champlain.[397]
In vol. xiii. pp. 12-34, is a letter of Charles Lalemant, a Jesuit
missionary (Aug. 1, 1626), about the extent of the country, method
of travelling, character, manners, and customs of the natives, and
the work of the mission.[398] In vol. xiv. pp. 232-267, for 1628, is a
full narrative of the Compagnie de la Nouvelle France, or the
Company of the Hundred Associates, which was under the direction
of Cardinal Richelieu, setting forth its origin, design, and constitution.
[399] In vol. xviii., for 1632, pp. 56-74, there is again much about the
Indians, and the delivery in that year of Quebec to the French by the
English. In vol. xix., for 1633, pp. 771-867, are further accounts of
the savages, and of the return of Champlain as governor in 1633,
with the events which followed, particularly his dealings with the
Indian tribes.
 CHAPTER IV.
ACADIA.
BY CHARLES C. SMITH,
Treasurer of the Massachusetts Historical Society.

A
CADIA is the designation of a territory of uncertain and disputed
extent. Though its sovereignty passed more than once from France
to England, and from England to France, its limits were never
exactly defined. But in this chapter it will be used to denote that
part of America claimed by Great Britain under the Treaty of Utrecht, in
1713, as bounded on the south by the Atlantic Ocean, on the west by a
line drawn due north from the mouth of the Penobscot River, on the
north by the River St. Lawrence, and on the east by the Gulf of St.
Lawrence and the Strait of Canso. Within these bounds were minor
divisions vaguely designated by French or Indian names; and the larger
part of this region was also called by the English Nova Scotia, or New
Scotland.
So large a tract of country naturally presents great varieties of soil
and climate and of other physical characteristics; but for the most part
it is fertile, and it abounds in mineral resources, the extent and value of
which were long unsuspected even by such eager seekers for mines as
the early voyagers. It was often the theatre of sanguinary conflicts on a
small scale, and its early history, which is closely connected with that of
the New England colonies, includes more than one episode of tragic
interest. Yet it has never filled an important place in the history of
civilization in America, and it was a mere make-weight in adjusting the
 balance of losses and acquisitions by the
two great European powers which for a
century and a half contended here for
colonial supremacy.
Acadia seems to have been known to
the French very soon after the voyages of
Cabot, and to have been visited
occasionally by Breton fishermen almost
from the beginning of the sixteenth
century. For nearly a hundred years these
adventurous toilers of the sea prosecuted
their dangerous calling on the Banks of
Newfoundland and the near shores before
any effective attempt at colonization was
made. It was not until 1540 that a Picard
SIEUR DE MONTS.
gentleman, Jean François de Roberval, was
[This follows a copy of a water- appointed viceroy of Canada, and
color drawing in the
attempted to establish a colony within the
Massachusetts Archives;
[400]
Documents Collected in France, St. Lawrence.
i. 441, called a portrait of De Owing to the unexpected severity of
Monts from an original at
the climate and the want of support from
Versailles. Mr. Parkman tells me
that he was misled by this France, the enterprise failed, and, with the
reference of Mr. Poore in exception of the abortive efforts of De la
stating that a portrait of De Roche in 1584 and in 1598,[401] no new
Monts existed at Versailles
attempt at French colonization was made
(Pioneers, p. 222); since a later
examination has not revealed for more than half a century afterward,
such a canvas, and the picture when the accession of Henry IV. gave a
may be considered as new impulse to the latent spirit of
displaying the costume of the adventure. In 1603 Pierre de Guast, Sieur
gentleman of the period, if
de Monts, was named lieutenant-general of
there is doubt concerning its
connection with De Monts. Acadia, with powers extending over all the
There is another engraving of it inhabitable shores of America north of the
in Drake’s Nooks and Corners latitude of Philadelphia.[402] Vast as was
of the New England Coast.—
Ed.]
this domain, his real authority was
confined to very narrow limits. Setting sail
from France in the early part of April,
1604, De Monts, accompanied by Champlain, came in sight of Sable
Island on the 1st of May, and a week later made the mainland at Cape
La Hêve.

ISLE DE SAINTE CROIX.

[This is a fac-simile of Champlain’s engraving in his edition of 1613.
The key is as follows: A, Habitation. B, Gardens. C, Isles with
cannon. D, Platform for cannon. E, Burial-place. F, Chapel. G,
Rocky shoals. H, Islet. I, De Mont’s water-mill begun here. L, Place
for making coal. M and N, Gardens. O, Mountains (Chamcook Hill,
627 feet high). P, River of the Etechemins (called later Schoodic
River, till the name St. Croix was restored). Slafter describes the
island as about 540 feet wide at the broadest part, and it contains
now six or seven acres. Five small cannon-balls, two and one-
quarter inches in diameter, were dug up at the southern end some
years ago. Slafter’s edition, ii. 33.—Ed.]

Subsequently he doubled the southwestern point of the peninsula of

Nova Scotia, and coasting along the shore of what is now known as the
Bay of Fundy, he finally determined to effect a settlement on a little
island[403] just within the mouth of the St. Croix River. Here several
small buildings were erected, and the little company of seventy-nine in
all prepared to pass the winter. Before spring nearly one half of their
number died; and in the following summer, after the arrival of a small
reinforcement, it was decided to abandon the place. The coast was
carefully explored as far south as Cape Cod, but without finding any
spot which satisfied their fastidious tastes;[404] and the settlement was
then transferred to the other side of the bay, to what is now called
Annapolis Basin, but which De Monts had designated the year before as
Port Royal. Here a portion of the company was left to pass a second
winter, while De Monts returned to France, to prevent, if possible, the
withdrawal of any part of the monopoly granted him by the Crown.
Nearly a year elapsed before he again reached his settlement,—only
to find it reduced to two individuals. After a winter of great suffering,
Pontgravé, who had been left in command during the absence of De
Monts, weary with waiting for succor, had determined to sail for France,
leaving these two brave men to guard the buildings and other property.
He had but just sailed when Jean de Poutrincourt, the lieutenant of De
Monts, arrived with the long-expected help. Measures were immediately
taken to recall Pontgravé, if he could be found on the coast, and these
were fortunately successful. He was discovered at Cape Sable, and at
once returned; but soon afterward he sailed again for France.[405]
Another winter was passed at Port Royal, pleasantly enough according
to the accounts of Champlain and Lescarbot; but in the early summer,
orders to abandon the settlement were received from De Monts, whose
monopoly of the trade with the Indians had been rescinded. The
settlers reluctantly left their new home, and the greater part of them
reached St. Malo, in Brittany, in October, 1607. The first attempt at
French colonization in Acadia was as abortive as Popham’s English
colony at the mouth of the Sagadahock in the following year.[406]
 BUILDINGS ON ST. CROIX ISLAND.
[This cut follows Champlain’s in the 1613 edition. It represents,—A,
De Monts’s house. B, Common building, for rainy days. C,
Storehouse. D, Building for the guard. E, Blacksmith’s shop. F,
Carpenter’s house. G, Well. H, Oven. I, Kitchen. L and M, Gardens.
N, Open square. O, Palisade. P, Houses of D’Orville, Champlain,
and Champdoré. Q, Houses of Boulay and artisans. R, houses of
Genestou, Sourin, and artisans. T, Houses of Beaumont, la Motte
Bourioli, and Fougeray. V, Curate’s house. X, Gardens. Y, River.—
Ed.]

Three years later, Poutrincourt, to whom De Monts had granted Port

Royal, set sail from Dieppe to found a new colony on the site of the
abandoned settlement. The deserted houses were again occupied, and
a brighter future seemed to await the new enterprise. But this
expectation was doomed to a speedy disappointment.
 PORT ROYAL, OR ANNAPOLIS BASIN (after Lescarbot).

After a few years of struggling existence, the English colonists

determined to expel the French as intruders on the territory belonging
to them. In 1613 an English ship, under the command of Captain
Samuel Argall, appeared off Mount Desert, where a little company of
the French, under the patronage of the Comtesse de Guercheville,[407]
had established themselves for the conversion of the Indians.

PORT ROYAL (after Champlain).

[This is Champlain’s plan (edition of 1613) a little reduced. The
letters can be thus interpreted: A, Our habitation. B, Champlain’s
garden. C, Road made by Poutrincourt. D, Island. E, Entrance. F,
Shoals, dry at low water. G, St. Antoine river. H, Wheat-field
(Annapolis). I, Poutrincourt’s mill. L, Meadows under water at
 highest tides. M, Equille River. N, Coast (Bay of Fundy). O,
Mountains. P, Island. Q, Rocky Brook. R, Brook. S, Mill River. T,
Lake. V, Herring-fishing by the natives. X, Trout-brook. Y, Passage
made by Champlain. Harrisse (nos. 245-246) cites two plans of Port
Royal in the French Archives.—Ed.]

The French were too few to offer even a show of resistance, and the
landing of the English was not disputed. By an unworthy trick, and
without the knowledge of the French, Argall obtained possession of the
royal commission; and then, dismissing half of his prisoners to seek in
an open boat for succor from any fishing vessel of their own country
they might chance to meet, he carried the others with him to Virginia.
The same year Argall was sent back by the governor of Virginia, Sir
Thomas Dale, to finish the work of expelling the French. With three
vessels he visited successively Mount Desert and St. Croix, where he
destroyed the French buildings, and then, crossing to Port Royal, seized
whatever he could carry away, killed the cattle, and burned the houses
to the ground. Having done this, he sailed for Virginia, leaving the
colonists to support themselves as they best could. Port Royal was not,
however, abandoned by them, and it continued to drag out a precarious
existence. Seventy-five years later, its entire population did not exceed
six hundred, and in the whole peninsula there were not more than nine
hundred inhabitants.[408]
Meanwhile, in 1621, Sir William
Alexander, a Scotchman of some literary
pretensions, had obtained from King
James a charter (dated Sept. 10, 1621)
for the lordship and barony of New
Scotland, comprising the territory now known as the provinces of Nova
Scotia and New Brunswick. Under this grant he made several
unsuccessful attempts at colonization; and in 1625 he undertook to
infuse fresh life into his enterprise by parcelling out the territory into
baronetcies.[409] Nothing came of the scheme, and by the treaty of St.
Germains, in 1632, Great Britain surrendered to France all the places
occupied by the English within these limits. Two years before this,
however, Alexander’s rights in a part of the territory had been
purchased by Claude and Charles de la Tour;[410] and shortly after the
peace, the Chevalier Razilly was appointed by Louis XIII. governor of
the whole of Acadia.[411] He designated as his lieutenants Charles de la
Tour for the portion east of the St. Croix, and Charles de Menou, Sieur
d’Aulnay-Charnisé, for the portion west of that river.
The former established himself on the River
St. John where the city of St. John now stands,
and the latter at Castine, on the eastern shore of
Penobscot Bay. Shortly after his appointment, La Tour
attacked and drove away a small party of Plymouth men who had set
up a trading-post at Machias; and in 1635 D’Aulnay treated another
party of the Plymouth colonists in a similar way.[412]

MAP OF ABOUT 1610.

[This follows a fac-simile in the Massachusetts Archives; Documents
Collected in France, i. 345, where it is called “Carte pour servir à
l’intelligence du mémoire sur la Pesche de moluës, par Jean Michel,
en 1510. Copie de l’original (Dépôt des Cartes).” The date is clearly
wrong, as copied. It cannot be earlier than Champlain’s time, a
hundred years later than the date given.—Ed.]
 In retaliation for this attack, Plymouth hired and despatched a
vessel commanded by one Girling, in company with their own barque,
with twenty men under Miles Standish, to dispossess the French; but
the expedition failed to accomplish anything.

PORT ROYAL.
[This is Champlain’s drawing in his edition of 1613. Key: A, House
of artisans. B, Platform for cannon. C, Storehouse. D, Pontgravé
and Champlain. E, Blacksmith. F, Palisade. G, Bakery. H, Kitchen. I,
Gardens. K, Burial-place. L, River. M, Moat. N, Dwelling, probably of
De Monts and others. O, Storehouse for ships’ equipments, rebuilt
and used as a dwelling by Boulay later. P, Gate. These buildings
were at the present Lower Granville.—Ed.]

Subsequently the two French commanders quarrelled, and,

engaging in active hostilities, made efforts (not altogether unsuccessful)
to enlist Massachusetts in their quarrel. For this purpose La Tour visited
Boston in person in the summer of 1643, and was hospitably
entertained.[413] He was not able to secure the direct co-operation of
Massachusetts, but he was permitted to hire four vessels and a pinnace
to aid him in his attack on D’Aulnay.[414] The expedition was so far
successful as to destroy a mill and some standing corn, belonging to his
rival. In the following year La Tour made a second visit to Boston for
further help; but he was able only to procure the writing of threatening
letters from the Massachusetts authorities to D’Aulnay. Not long after La
Tour’s departure from Boston, envoys from D’Aulnay arrived here; and
after considerable delay a treaty was signed pledging the colonists to
neutrality, which was ratified by the Commissioners of the United
Colonies in the following year; but it was not until two years later that it
was ratified by new envoys from the crafty Frenchman.[415]
In this interval D’Aulnay captured by
assault La Tour’s fort at St. John, securing
booty to a large amount; and a few weeks
afterward Madame la Tour, who seems to have been
of a not less warlike turn than her husband, and who
had bravely defended the fort, died of shame and
mortification. La Tour was reduced to the last extremities; but he finally
made good his losses, and in 1653 he married the widow of his rival,
who had died two or three years before.[416]
In 1654, in accordance with
secret instructions from Cromwell,
the whole of Acadia was
subjugated by an English force
from Boston under the command of
Major Robert Sedgwick, of
Charlestown, and Captain John
Leverett, of Boston. To the latter
the temporary government of the
country was intrusted. Ineffectual
complaints of this aggression were
made to the British Government;
but by the treaty of Westminster in
the following year England was left
in possession, and the question of
title was referred to commissioners.
In 1656 it was made a province by
PENTAGÖET (CASTINE) Cromwell, who appointed Sir
[The site of the old fort was on the Thomas Temple governor, and
shore, at a point just below the letter i granted the whole territory to
in the name Castine on the peninsula.
Temple and to one William Crown
 and Stephen de la Tour, son of the
Harrisse (no. 198) cites a plan of 1670
in the French Archives.—Ed.] late governor. The rights of the
latter were purchased by the other
two proprietors, and Acadia remained in possession of the English until
the treaty of Breda, in 1667, when it was ceded to France with
undefined limits.[417]
Very little was done by the French to settle and improve the
country; and on the breaking out of war between France and England
after the accession of William III., it was again conquered by an
expedition fitted out at Boston under Sir William Phips. He sailed from
Boston on the 28th of April, 1690, with a frigate of forty guns, two
sloops, one of sixteen guns and the other of eight guns, and with four
smaller vessels; and after reducing St. John, Port Royal, and other
French settlements, and appointing an English governor, he returned,
with a booty sufficient, it was thought, to defray the whole cost of the
expedition.[418]
 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS.
[This likeness is accepted, but lacks undoubted verification; cf.
Mem. Hist. of Boston, ii. 36.—Ed.]

This result was a signal triumph for the New England colonies, and
when Phips became, in 1692, the first royal governor of Massachusetts
under the provincial charter, Acadia was made a part of the domain
included in it. At a later day it was with no little indignation and
mortification that New England saw the conquered territory
relinquished to the French by the Treaty of Ryswick, in 1697; but the
story of the later period belongs to a subsequent volume.
 ACADIE, 1663.
[In the Massachusetts Archives; Documents Collected in France, ii.
147, is a fac-simile of a map, “Tabula Novæ Franciæ,” which is thus
described by Mr. Poore: “A fac-simile of one in a manuscript atlas
purchased by M. Estancelin at a book-stall in Paris soon after the
destruction of the archbishop’s palace in 183-, the library of which
contained several boxes of manuscripts labelled Canada, and
probably sent from the missionaries there. The signs [church
symbol] undoubtedly were used to denote Jesuit churches or
missions; the [dotted lines] the English boundary; and the marks +
the English settlements. The atlas is dated 1663.”—Ed.]

Acadia had been the home of civilized men for nearly a hundred
years; but there was almost nothing to show as the fruits of this long
occupation of a virgin soil. It had produced no men of marked
character, and its history was little more than the record of feuds
between petty chiefs, and of feeble resistance to the attacks of more
powerful neighbors. Madame la Tour alone exhibits the courage and
energy naturally to be looked for under the circumstances in which
three generations of settlers were placed. At the end of a century there
were only a few scattered settlements spread along the coast, passing
tranquilly from allegiance to one European sovereign to allegiance to
another of different speech and religion. A few hundred miles away,
another colony founded sixteen years after the first venture of De
Monts, and with scarcely a larger number of settlers, waged a
successful war with sickness, poverty, and neglect, and made a slow
and steady progress, until, with its own consent, it was united with a
still more prosperous colony founded twenty-three years after the first
settlement at Port Royal. There are few more suggestive contrasts than
that which the history of Acadia presents when set side by side with the
history of Plymouth and Massachusetts; and what is true of its early is
not less true of its later history.

CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF

INFORMATION.

T
HE original authorities for the early history of the French
settlements in Acadia[419] are the contemporaneous narratives of
Samuel de Champlain and Marc Lescarbot. Though Champlain
comes within our observation as a companion of De Monts, a
separate chapter in this volume is given to his personal history and his
writings.
Of the personal history of Marc Lescarbot we know much less than
of that of Champlain. He was born at Vervins, probably between 1580
and 1590, and was a lawyer in Paris, where he had an extensive
practice, and was the author of several works; only one, or rather a
part of one, concerns our present inquiry.[420]
This was an account of the settlement of De Monts in Acadia, which
was translated into English by a Protestant clergyman named Pierre
Erondelle, and which gives a very vivid picture of the life at Port Royal.
[421] He appears to have been a man of more than ordinary ability, with
not a little of the French vivacity, and altogether well suited to be a
pioneer in Western civilization. His narrative covers only a brief period,
and after the failure of the colony under De Monts, he ceased to have
any relations with Acadia. He is supposed to have died about 1630.
 The advent of the Jesuits in 1611 introduces the Relations of their
order as a source of the first importance; but a detailed account of
these documents belongs to another chapter.[422] From the first of the
series, by Father Biard, and from his letters in Carayon’s Première
Mission des Jésuites au Canada, a collection published in Paris in 1864,
and drawn from the archives of the Order at Rome, we have the
sufferers’ side of the story of Argall’s incursion; while from the English
marauder’s letters, published in Purchas, vol. iv., we get the other side.
[423]

PART OF LESCARBOT’S MAP, 1609.

There is a modern reproduction of Lescarbot’s entire map in Faillon,
Colonie Française, i. 85.

Another of these early adventurers who has left a personal account

of his long-continued but fruitless attempts at American colonization is
Nicolas Denys, a native of Tours. So early as 1632 he was appointed by
the French king governor of the territory between Cape Canso and
Cape Rosier. Forty years later, when he must have been well advanced
in life, though he had lost none of his early enthusiasm, he published
an historical and geographical description of this part of North America.
[424] The work shows that he was a careful and observant navigator;
but in its historical part it is confused and perplexing. The second
volume is largely devoted to an account of the cod-fishery, and treats
generally of the natural history of the places with which he was familiar,
and of the manners and life of the Indians. It has a different titlepage
from the first volume.
 Abundant details as to the
quarrels of D’Aulnay and La Tour
are in Winthrop’s History of New
England; and many of the original
documents, most of them in
contemporaneous translations, are
in the seventh volume of the third
series of the Collections of the
Massachusetts Historical Society.
From the first of these sources
Hutchinson, in his History of
Massachusetts Bay, drew largely, as
did Williamson in his History of
Maine, both of whom devoted
considerable space to Acadian
affairs. For some of the later
transactions Hutchinson is an
original authority of unimpeachable
weight.[425] The Massachusetts ACADIE.
writers are also naturally the [This is a section of La Hontan’s map,
sources of most of our information Carte Generale de Canada, which
appeared in his La Haye edition, 1709,
regarding the expedition of 1654, vol. ii. p. 5; and was re-engraved in the
though Denys and Charlevoix touch Mémoires, vol. iii. Amsterdam, 1741. La
upon it, and the modern historians Hontan was in the country from 1683 till
of Nova Scotia treat it in an after 1690. The double-dotted line
episodical way. The articles of indicates the southern limits of the
French claim.—Ed.]
capitulation of Port Royal are in
Massachusetts Archives; Documents Collected in France, ii. 107.
Among the later French writers the pre-eminence belongs to the
Jesuit Father, Pierre François Xavier de Charlevoix, who had access to
contemporaneous materials, of which he made careful use; and his
statements have great weight, though he wrote many years after the
events he describes. His Histoire de la Nouvelle France follows the
course of the French throughout the continent, and scattered through it
are many notices of the course of events in Acadia, but its more
particular characterization belongs to another chapter.
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