The Routledge Handbook Of Discourse Processes

Schober Michael F download

https://ebookbell.com/product/the-routledge-handbook-of-
discourse-processes-schober-michael-f-59489816

Explore and download more ebooks at ebookbell.com

Here are some recommended products that we believe you will be
interested in. You can click the link to download.

The Routledge Handbook Of Discourse Processes 2nd Michael F Schober

https://ebookbell.com/product/the-routledge-handbook-of-discourse-
processes-2nd-michael-f-schober-6852760

The Routledge Handbook Of Discourse Analysis Second Edition Michael

Handford

https://ebookbell.com/product/the-routledge-handbook-of-discourse-
analysis-second-edition-michael-handford-48412408

The Routledge Handbook Of Discourse And Disinformation 1st Edition

Stefania M Maci

https://ebookbell.com/product/the-routledge-handbook-of-discourse-and-
disinformation-1st-edition-stefania-m-maci-54863038

The Routledge Handbook Of Discourse Analysis 1st Edition James Paul

Gee Michael Handford

https://ebookbell.com/product/the-routledge-handbook-of-discourse-
analysis-1st-edition-james-paul-gee-michael-handford-4687694
The Routledge Handbook Of Cultural Discourse Studies Shixu

https://ebookbell.com/product/the-routledge-handbook-of-cultural-
discourse-studies-shixu-56213008

The Routledge Handbook Of Critical Discourse Studies John Flowerdew

https://ebookbell.com/product/the-routledge-handbook-of-critical-
discourse-studies-john-flowerdew-6680054

The Routledge Handbook Of Chinese Discourse Analysis Chris Shei

https://ebookbell.com/product/the-routledge-handbook-of-chinese-
discourse-analysis-chris-shei-7400586

The Routledge Handbook Of Corpus Approaches To Discourse Analysis

Chapter 18 Discourse Of Academia From A Multidimensional Perspective
1st Edition Tony Berber Sardinha

https://ebookbell.com/product/the-routledge-handbook-of-corpus-
approaches-to-discourse-analysis-chapter-18-discourse-of-academia-
from-a-multidimensional-perspective-1st-edition-tony-berber-
sardinha-46279750

The Routledge Handbook Of Second Language Acquisition And Discourse

Brian Paltridge Matthew T Prior

https://ebookbell.com/product/the-routledge-handbook-of-second-
language-acquisition-and-discourse-brian-paltridge-matthew-t-
prior-56561166
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
 The distress of the inhabitants was continually on the increase;
and in Massachusetts, where it was most felt, an insurrection of a
serious character was the consequence. Near the close of the year
1786, the populace assembled to the number of two thousand, in
the north-western part of the state, and, choosing Daniel Shays their
leader, demanded that the collection of debts should be suspended,
and that the legislature should authorize the emission of paper
money for general circulation. Two bodies of militia, drawn from
those parts of the state where disaffection did not prevail, were
immediately despatched against them, one under the command of
general Lincoln, the other of general Shepard. The disaffected were
dispersed with less difficulty than had been apprehended, and,
abandoning their seditious purposes, accepted the proffered
indemnity of the government.

The time at length came when the public mind gave tokens of
being prepared for a change in the constitution of the general
government—an occurrence the necessity of which had long been
foreseen by Washington and most of the distinguished patriots of
that period. Evil had accumulated upon evil, till the mass became too
oppressive to be endured, and the voice of the nation cried out for
relief. The first decisive measures proceeded from the merchants,
who came forward almost simultaneously in all parts of the country,
with representations of the utter prostration of the mercantile
interests, and petitions for a speedy and efficient remedy. It was
shown, that the advantages of this most important source of
national prosperity were flowing into the hands of foreigners, and
that the native merchants were suffering for the want of a just
protection and a uniform system of trade. The wise and reflecting
were convinced that some decided efforts were necessary to
strengthen the general government, or that a dissolution of the
Union, and perhaps a devastating anarchy, would be inevitable. The
first step towards a general reformation was rather accidental than
premeditated. Certain citizens of Virginia and Maryland had formed a
scheme for promoting the navigation of the Potomac and
Chesapeake bay, and commissioners were appointed by those two
states to meet at Alexandria, and devise some plan of operation.
These persons made a visit to Mount Vernon, and, while there, it
was proposed among themselves that more important objects
should be connected with the purpose at first in view, and that the
state governments should be solicited to appoint other
commissioners, with enlarged powers, instructed to form a plan for
maintaining a naval force in the Chesapeake, and also to fix upon
some system of duties on exports and imports in which both states
should agree, and that in the end congress should be petitioned to
allow these privileges. This project was approved by the legislature
of Virginia, and commissioners were accordingly appointed. The
same legislature passed a resolution recommending the design to
other states, and inviting them to unite, by their commissioners, in
an attempt to establish such a system of commercial relations as
would promote general harmony and prosperity. Five states only, in
addition to Virginia, acceded to this proposition, namely, Maryland,
Delaware, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York. From these
states commissioners assembled at Annapolis, but they had hardly
entered into a discussion of the topics which naturally forced
themselves into view, before they discovered the powers with which
they were intrusted to be so limited, as to tie up their hands from
effecting any purpose that could be of essential utility. On this
account, as well as from the circumstance that so few states were
represented, they wisely declined deciding on any important
measures in reference to the particular subjects for which they had
come together.

This convention is memorable, however, as having been the

prelude to the one which followed. Before the commissioners
adjourned, a report was agreed upon, in which the necessity of a
revision and reform of the articles of the old federal compact was
strongly urged, and which contained a recommendation to all the
state legislatures for the appointment of deputies, to meet at
Philadelphia, with more ample powers and instructions. This
proposal was eventually carried into effect, and, in conformity with
it, a convention of delegates from the several states met at
Philadelphia in May, 1787. Of this body of eminent statesmen,
George Washington was unanimously elected president. They
deliberated with closed doors during a period of four months. One
party in the convention was anxious to enlarge, another to abridge
the authority delegated to the general government. This was the
first germ of parties in the United States; not that materials were
wanting, for the dissensions of the revolution had left behind some
bitterness of spirit, and feelings that only awaited an opportunity for
their disclosure. The divisions in the convention proved the
foundation of many a subsequent struggle. At length a constitution
was agreed on, which, after being reported to congress, was
submitted for ratification to conventions held in the respective
states. This constitution differs, in many important particulars, from
the articles of confederation; and, by its regulations, connects the
states more closely together, under a general and supreme
government, composed of three departments, legislative, executive,
and judicial; and invested with powers essential to its being
respected, both by foreign nations and the states whose interest it
was designed to secure. The provisions and characteristics of this
interesting and important political code, will receive the
consideration to which they are so justly entitled in another
department of our work.

As that party which was desirous to extend the powers of the

constitution had been the most anxious for the formation of this
system, and the most zealous advocates for its adoption, it almost
naturally followed that the administration of it was committed to
their hands. This party, which might, from their opinions, have been
denominated nationalists, or, in more modern phraseology,
centralists, acquired the name of federalists, while the appellation of
anti-federalists was given to their antagonists. The latter, ardently
attached to freedom, imagined that rulers, possessing such
extensive sway, such abundant patronage, and such independent
tenure of office, would become fond of the exercise of power, and in
the end arrogant and tyrannical. The former, equally devoted to the
cause of national liberty, contended that to preserve it an energetic
government was necessary. They described, with powerful effect,
the evils actually endured from the inefficiency of the confederation,
and demanded that a trial at least should be made of the remedy
proposed.

In eleven states, a majority, though in some instances a small

one, decided in favor of the ratification of the constitution. Provision
was then made for the election of the officers to compose the
executive and legislative departments. In the highest station, the
electors, by a unanimous vote, placed the illustrious Washington;
and to the office of vice-president, by a vote nearly unanimous, they
elevated John Adams, who, in stations less conspicuous, had, with
equal patriotism, rendered important services to his country. On the
23d of April the president elect arrived at New York, where he was
received by the governor of the state, and conducted with military
honors, through an immense concourse of people, to the apartments
provided for him. Here he received the salutations of foreign
ministers, public bodies, political characters, and private citizens of
distinction, who pressed around him to offer their congratulations,
and to express their joy at seeing the man who had the confidence
of all, at the head of the American republic. On the 30th of April the
president was inaugurated. Having taken the oath of office in an
open gallery adjoining the senate chamber, in the view of an
immense concourse of people, who attested their joy by loud and
repeated acclamations, he returned to the senate chamber, where
he delivered an appropriate address.

The same disinterested spirit which had appeared in the general,

was shown in the president. Having, at his entrance on the military
service, renounced every pecuniary compensation, he now ‘declined
any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably
included in a permanent provision for the executive department;’
and requested that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which
he was placed, might, during his continuance in it, ‘be limited to
such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to
require.’
 The government being now completely organized, and a system
of revenue established, the president proceeded to make
appointments of suitable persons to fill the offices which had been
created. 143 After a laborious and important session, in which perfect
harmony subsisted between the executive and the legislature,
congress adjourned on the 29th of September to the first Monday in
the succeeding January.

At the next session of congress, which commenced in January,

1790, Mr. Hamilton, the secretary of the treasury, made his
celebrated report upon the public debts contracted during the
revolutionary war. Taking an able and enlarged view of the
advantages of public credit, he recommended that not only the
debts of the continental congress, but those of the states arising
from their exertions in the common cause, should be funded or
assumed by the general government; and that provision should be
made for paying the interest, by imposing taxes on certain articles of
luxury, and on spirits distilled within the country. The report of the
secretary was largely discussed, and with great force of argument
and eloquence. In conclusion, congress passed an act for the
assumption of the state debts, and for funding the national debt. By
the provisions of this act, twenty-one millions five hundred thousand
dollars of the state debts were assumed in specific proportions; and
it was particularly enacted, that no certificate should be received
from a state creditor which could be ‘ascertained to have been
issued for any purpose other than compensations and expenditures
for services or supplies towards the prosecution of the late war, and
the defence of the United States, or of some part thereof, during the
same.’

Thus was the national debt funded upon principles which

considerably lessened the weight of the public burdens, and gave
much satisfaction to the public creditors. The produce of the sales of
the lands lying in the western territory, and the surplus product of
the revenue, after satisfying the appropriations which were charged
upon it, with the addition of two millions which the president was
authorized to borrow at five per cent., constituted a sinking fund to
be applied to the reduction of the debt. The effect of these
measures was great and rapid. The permanent value thus given to
the debt produced a result equal to the most favorable anticipations.
The sudden increase of monied capital derived from it invigorated
commerce, and consequently gave a new stimulus to agriculture.

It has already been stated, that when the new government was
first organized, but eleven states had ratified the constitution.
Afterwards North Carolina and Rhode Island, the two dissenting
states, adopted it; the former in November, 1789, the latter in May,
1790. In 1791, Vermont adopted it, and applied to congress to be
admitted into the Union. An act was also passed, declaring that the
district of Kentucky, then part of Virginia, should be admitted into
the Union on the 1st day of June in the succeeding year.

During the year 1790, a termination was put to the war which,
for several years, had raged between the Creek Indians and the
state of Georgia. Pacific overtures were also made to the hostile
tribes inhabiting the banks of the Scioto and the Wabash. These
being rejected, an army of fourteen hundred men, commanded by
general Harmer, was despatched against them. Two battles were
fought near Chillicothe, in Ohio, between successive detachments
from this army and the Indians, in which the latter were victorious.
Emboldened by these successes, they continued to make more
vigorous attacks upon the frontier settlements, which suffered all the
distressing calamities of an Indian war.

In the course of this year was completed the first census or

enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States. They amounted
to three millions nine hundred twenty-one thousand three hundred
and twenty-six, of which number six hundred ninety-five thousand
six hundred and fifty-five were slaves. The revenue, according to the
report of the secretary of the treasury, amounted to four millions
seven hundred and seventy-one thousand dollars; the exports to
about nineteen, and the imports to about twenty millions. A great
improvement in the circumstances of the people began at this period
to be visible. The establishment of a firm and regular government,
and confidence in the men whom they had chosen to administer it,
gave an impulse to their exertions which bore them rapidly forward
in the career of prosperity.

Pursuant to the authority contained in the several acts on the

subject of a permanent seat of the government of the United States,
a district of ten miles square for this purpose was fixed on,
comprehending lands on both sides of the river Potomac, and the
towns of Alexandria and Georgetown. A city was laid out, and the
sales which took place produced funds for carrying on the necessary
public buildings.

The war in Europe had embraced those powers with whom the
United States had the most extensive relations. The French people
regarded the Americans as their brethren, bound to them by the ties
of gratitude; and when the kings of Europe, dreading the
establishment of republicanism in her borders, assembled in arms to
restore monarchy to France, they looked across the Atlantic for
sympathy and assistance. The new government, recalling the
minister whom the king had appointed, despatched the citizen
Genet, of ardent temper and a zealous republican, to supply his
place. In April, 1793, he arrived at Charleston, in South Carolina,
where he was received by the governor and the citizens, in a
manner expressive of their warm attachment to his country, and
their cordial approbation of the change of her institutions. Flattered
by his reception, and presuming that the nation and the government
were actuated by similar feelings, he undertook to authorize the
fitting and arming of vessels in that port, enlisting men, and giving
commissions to cruise and commit hostilities on nations with whom
the United States were at peace; captured vessels were brought into
port, and the consuls of France assumed, under the authority of
M. Genet, to hold courts of admiralty on them, to try, condemn, and
authorize their sale. The declaration of war made by France against
Great Britain and Holland reached the United States early in the
same month. The president, regarding the situation of these states,
issued his proclamation of neutrality on the 9th of May. In July, he
requested the recall of M. Genet, who was soon afterwards recalled,
and succeeded by M. Fauchet.

After the defeat of St. Clair by the Indians, in 1791, general

Wayne was appointed to command the American forces. Taking post
near the country of the enemy, he made assiduous endeavors to
negotiate a peace. Failing in these, he marched against them at the
head of three thousand men. On the 20th of August, 1794, an action
took place in the vicinity of one of the British garrisons, on the banks
of the Miami. A vigorous charge roused the savages from their
coverts, and they were driven more than two miles at the point of
the bayonet. Broken and dismayed, they fled without renewing the
combat. In this decisive battle, the loss of the Americans in killed
and wounded, including officers, was one hundred and seven. After
remaining on the banks of the Miami three days, general Wayne
returned with the army to Au Glaize, having destroyed all the villages
and corn within fifty miles of the river. The Indians still continuing
hostilities, their whole country was laid waste, and forts were
erected in the heart of their settlements. The effect of the battle of
the 20th of August was instantly and extensively felt. To the victory
gained by the Americans is ascribed the rescue of the United States
from a general war with the Indians north-west of the Ohio.

The year 1794 is distinguished by an insurrection in

Pennsylvania. In 1791, congress had enacted laws laying duties
upon spirits distilled within the United States, and upon stills. From
the commencement of the operation of these laws, combinations
were formed in the four western counties of Pennsylvania to defeat
them, and violence was repeatedly committed. In July of the present
year, about one hundred persons, armed with guns and other
weapons, attacked the house of an inspector of the revenue, and
wounded some persons within it. They seized the marshal of the
district of Pennsylvania, and compelled him to enter into stipulations
to forbear the execution of his office. Both the inspector and the
marshal were obliged to fly. These and many other outrages induced
president Washington, on the 7th of August, to issue a proclamation,
commanding the insurgents to disperse, and warning all persons
against aiding, abetting, or comforting the perpetrators of these
treasonable acts. On the 25th of September the president issued a
second proclamation, admonishing the insurgents, and declaring his
fixed determination, in obedience to the duty assigned to him by the
constitution, ‘to take care that the laws be faithfully executed.’
Fifteen thousand men, placed under the command of governor Lee,
of Virginia, were marched into the disaffected counties. A few of the
most active leaders were seized and detained for legal prosecution.
The great body of the insurgents, on submission, were pardoned, as
were also the leaders, after trial and conviction of treason.

Great Britain and the United States had each been incessantly
complaining that the other had violated the stipulations contained in
the treaty of peace. For the purpose of adjusting these mutual
complaints, and also for concluding a commercial treaty, Mr. Adams
had been appointed, in 1785, minister to the court of St. James’; the
British ministry then declined negotiating on the subject; but after
the constitution of 1789 was ratified, ministers were interchanged,
and the discussion was prosecuted with no little zeal. In 1794,
Mr. Jay being then minister from the United States, a treaty was
concluded, which, in the spring of the next year, was laid before the
senate. That body advised the president to ratify it, on condition that
an alteration should be made in one of the articles. The democratic
party, however, exclaimed in intemperate language against most of
the stipulations it contained; and the partisans of France swelled the
cry of condemnation.

Public meetings were held in various parts of the Union, at which

resolutions were passed, expressing warm disapprobation of the
treaty, and an earnest wish that the president would withhold his
ratification. General Washington, believing that an adjustment of
differences would conduce to the prosperity of the republic, and that
the treaty before him was the best that could, at that time, be
obtained, gave it his assent, in defiance of popular clamor, and
issued his proclamation stating its ratification, and declaring it to be
the law of the land.

A resolution moved in the house to make the necessary

appropriations to carry the British treaty into effect, excited among
the members the strongest emotions, and gave rise to speeches
highly argumentative, eloquent, and animated. The debate was
protracted until the people took up the subject. In their respective
corporations meetings were held, the strength of parties was fully
tried, and it clearly appeared that the great majority were disposed
to rally around the executive. Innumerable petitions were presented
to congress, praying them to make the requisite appropriations.
Unwilling to take upon themselves the consequences of resisting the
public will, they yielded to this call.

During the year 1795, a satisfactory treaty was concluded with

Spain and with the regency of Algiers.

The last two or three years had witnessed several changes in the
important offices of the nation. On the first day of the year 1794,
Mr. Jefferson resigned the office of secretary of state, and was
succeeded by Mr. Randolph. On the last day of January, 1795,
Mr. Hamilton retired from the office of secretary of the treasury. He
was succeeded by Oliver Wolcott. At the close of the year 1794,
general Knox resigned the office of secretary of war, and colonel
Pickering, of Massachusetts, was appointed in his place. In August,
Mr. Randolph having lost the confidence of the president, and having
in consequence retired from the administration, Mr. Pickering was
appointed his successor in the department of state, and James
McHenry, of Maryland, was made secretary of war. No one of the
republican party being now at the head of any of the departments,
many of the leaders of that party withdrew their support from the
administration; but the confidence of the people in the integrity and
patriotism of the president experienced not the slightest abatement.
 The conduct adopted by France towards the American republic
continued to be a source of vexation. M. Fauchet charged the
administration with sentiments of hostility to the allies of the United
States, with partiality for their former foes, and urged the adoption
of a course more favorable to the cause of liberty. Mr. Morris, the
minister to Paris, having incurred the displeasure of those in power,
was recalled at their request, and his place supplied by Mr. Monroe.
Being an ardent republican, he was received in the most respectful
manner by the convention, who decreed that the flags of the two
republics, entwined together, should be suspended in the legislative
hall, as a mark of their eternal union and friendship. M. Adet was
appointed soon after to succeed M. Fauchet. He brought with him
the colors of France, which he was instructed by the convention to
present to the congress of the United States. But France required
more than professions and hopes, and more than by treaty she was
entitled to claim. She wished to make the states a party in the war
she was waging with the despots of Europe. Failing in this, she
adopted regulations highly injurious to American commerce,
directing her cruisers to capture in certain cases the vessels of the
United States. In consequence of these regulations, several hundred
vessels, loaded with valuable cargoes, were taken while prosecuting
a lawful trade, and the whole confiscated. Believing that the rights of
the nation were not asserted and vindicated with sufficient spirit by
Mr. Monroe, the president recalled him, and Charles C. Pinckney, of
South Carolina, was appointed in his stead. In the summer of 1796,
he left the United States, instructed to use every effort compatible
with national honor, to restore the amicable relations which had once
subsisted between the sister republics.

As the period for a new election of a president of the United

States approached, after plain indications that the public voice would
be in his favor, and when he probably would have been chosen for
the third time unanimously, Washington determined irrevocably to
withdraw to the seclusion of private life. He published, in September,
1796, a farewell address to the people of the United States, which
ought to be engraven upon the hearts of all his countrymen.
 On the 7th of December, 1796, the president for the last time
met the national legislature. On the 4th of March, 1797, he attended
the inauguration of his successor in office. Having paid his
affectionate compliments to Mr. Adams, as president of the United
States, he bade adieu to the seat of government, and hastened to
the delights of domestic life. He intended that his journey should
have been private, but the attempt was vain; the same affectionate
and respectful attentions were on this occasion paid him which he
had received during his presidency.

THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF JOHN ADAMS AND

JEFFERSON.

When the determination of Washington not again to accept of

the presidentship left open the high office to the competition of the
leaders of the great political parties, no exertion was spared
throughout the Union to give success to their respective claims. The
federalists, desiring that the system of measures adopted by
Washington should be pursued, and dreading the influence of French
sentiments and principles, made the most active efforts to elect John
Adams. The republicans, believing their opponents less friendly than
themselves to the maxims of liberty, and too much devoted to the
British nation and to British institutions, made equal exertions to
elect Thomas Jefferson. The result was the choice of Mr. Adams to
be president, and Mr. Jefferson to be vice-president.

Mr. Pinckney had been appointed minister plenipotentiary to the

French republic in 1796. The object of his mission was stated, in his
letter of credence, to be, ‘to maintain that good understanding
which, from the commencement of the alliance, had subsisted
between the two nations; and to efface unfavorable impressions,
banish suspicions, and restore that cordiality which was at once the
evidence and pledge of a friendly union.’ On inspecting his letter of
credence, the directory announced to him their determination ‘not to
receive another minister plenipotentiary from the United States until
after the redress of grievances demanded of the American
government, which the French republic had a right to expect from it.’
The American minister was afterwards obliged, by a written
mandate, to quit the territories of the French republic. Besides other
hostile indications, American vessels were captured wherever found;
and, under the pretext of their wanting a document, with which the
treaty of commerce had been uniformly understood to dispense,
they were condemned as prizes.

In consequence of this serious state of the relations with France,

the president, by proclamation, summoned congress to meet on the
15th of June; when, in a firm and dignified speech, he stated the
great and unprovoked outrages of the French government. Having
mentioned a disposition indicated in the executive directory to
separate the people of America from their government, ‘such
attempts,’ he added, ‘ought to be repelled with a decision which shall
convince France and all the world that we are not a degraded
people, humiliated under a colonial spirit of fear and sense of
inferiority, fitted to be the miserable instruments of foreign influence,
and regardless of national honor, character, and interest.’ He
expressed, however, his wish for an accommodation, and his
purpose of attempting it. In the mean time, he earnestly
recommended it to congress to provide effectual measures of
defence.

To make a last effort to obtain reparation and security, three

envoys extraordinary were appointed, at the head of whom was
general Pinckney. These ambassadors also the directory refused to
receive. They were, however, addressed by persons verbally
instructed by Talleyrand, the minister of foreign relations, to make
proposals. In explicit terms, these unofficial agents demanded a
large sum of money before any negotiation could be opened. To this
insulting demand a decided negative was given.

When these events were known in the United States they excited
general indignation. The spirit of party appeared to be extinct. The
treaty of alliance with France was declared by congress to be no
longer in force; and authority was given for capturing armed French
vessels. Provision was made for raising immediately a small regular
army, and, in case events should render it expedient, for augmenting
it. A direct tax and additional internal duties were laid. To command
the armies of the United States, president Adams, with the
unanimous advice of the senate, appointed George Washington. He
consented, but with great reluctance, to accept the office, declaring,
however, that he cordially approved the measures of the
government.

The first act of hostility between the two nations appears to have
been committed by the Insurgente, which was in a short period after
so signally beaten by an American frigate. The schooner Retaliation,
lieutenant-commandant Bainbridge, being deluded into the power of
this vessel, was captured and carried into Guadaloupe. Several other
United States armed vessels were in company with the Retaliation,
and pursued by the French squadron, but were probably saved from
capture by the address of lieutenant Bainbridge, who, being asked
by the French commodore what was the force of the vessels chased,
exaggerated it with so much adroitness as to induce him to recall his
ships. The Constellation went to sea under the command of captain
Truxton. In February, 1799, he encountered the Insurgente, and,
after a close action of about an hour and a half, compelled her to
strike. The rate of the Constellation was thirty-two guns, that of the
Insurgente forty. The former had three men wounded, one of whom
shortly after died, and none killed; the latter had forty-one wounded,
and twenty-nine killed. This victory, which was so brilliant and
decisive, with such a wonderful disparity of loss, gave great eclat to
the victor and to the navy. Commodore Truxton again put to sea in
the Constellation, being destined to renew his triumphs, and the
humiliation of the foe. In February, 1800, he fell in with the
Vengeance, a French ship of fifty-four guns, with which he began an
engagement that lasted, with great obstinacy and spirit on both
sides, from eight o’clock in the evening till one in the morning, when
the Vengeance was completely silenced, and sheered off. The
Constellation, having lost her main-mast, was too much injured to
pursue her. The captain of the Vengeance is said to have twice
surrendered during the contest, but his signals were not understood
amidst the darkness of night and the confusion of battle.

The United States, thus victorious in arms at home and on the

ocean, commanded the respect of their enemy; and the directory
made overtures of peace. The president immediately appointed
ministers, who, on their arrival at Paris, found the executive
authority in the possession of Buonaparte as first consul. They were
promptly received, and in September, 1800, a treaty was concluded
satisfactory to both countries.

The services of Washington had not been required in his capacity

of commander-in-chief; but he did not live to witness the restoration
of peace. On Friday, December 13, while attending some
improvements upon his estate, he was exposed to a light rain, which
wetted his neck and hair. Unapprehensive of danger, he passed the
afternoon in his usual manner; but at night was seized with an
inflammatory affection of the windpipe, attended by fever, and a
quick and laborious respiration. Respiration became more and more
contracted and imperfect until half-past eleven on Saturday night,
when, retaining the full possession of his intellect, he expired
without a struggle. Thus, in the sixty-eighth year of his age, died the
father of his country. Intelligence of this event, as it rapidly spread,
produced spontaneous, deep, and unaffected grief, suspending every
other thought, and absorbing every different feeling. Congress, then
in session at Philadelphia, immediately adjourned. The senate of the
United States, in an address to the president on this melancholy
occasion, indulged their patriotic pride, while they did not transgress
the bounds of truth, in speaking of their Washington.

According to the unanimous resolution of congress, a funeral

procession moved from the legislative hall to the German Lutheran
church, where an oration was delivered by general Lee, a
representative from Virginia. The procession was grand and solemn;
the oration impressive and eloquent. Throughout the Union similar
marks of affliction were exhibited; a whole people appeared in
mourning. In every part of the republic funeral orations were
delivered, and the best talents of the nation were devoted to an
expression of the nation’s grief.

In the year 1800 the seat of government of the United States

was removed to Washington, in the district of Columbia. After
congratulating the people of the United States on the assembling of
congress at the permanent seat of their government, and congress
on the prospect of a residence not to be changed, the president
said: ‘It would be unbecoming the representatives of this nation to
assemble for the first time in this solemn temple, without looking up
to the supreme Ruler of the universe, and imploring his blessing.
May this territory be the residence of virtue and happiness! In this
city may that piety and virtue, that wisdom and magnanimity, that
constancy and self-government, which adorned the great character
whose name it bears, be forever held in veneration! Here, and
throughout our country, may simple manners, pure morals, and true
religion, flourish forever!’

At this period a presidential election again occurred. From the

time of the adoption of the constitution, the republican party had
been gradually increasing in numbers. The two parties being now
nearly equal, the contest inspired both with uncommon ardor. The
federalists supported Mr. Adams and general Pinckney; the
republicans, Mr. Jefferson and colonel Burr. The two latter received a
small majority of the electoral votes; and as they received also an
equal number, the selection of one of them to be president devolved
upon the house of representatives. After thirty-five trials, during
which the nation felt intense solicitude, Mr. Jefferson was chosen.
Colonel Burr received the votes of the federalists, and lost, in
consequence, the confidence of his former friends. By the provisions
of the constitution he became, of course, vice-president.
 A second census of the inhabitants of the United States was
completed in 1801. They amounted to five millions three hundred
and nineteen thousand seven hundred and sixty-two, having in ten
years increased nearly one million four hundred thousand. In the
same number of years the exports increased from nineteen to
ninety-four millions, and the revenue from four millions seven
hundred seventy-one thousand, to twelve millions nine hundred and
forty-five thousand dollars. This rapid advance in the career of
prosperity has no parallel in the history of nations, and is to be
attributed principally to the institutions of the country, which,
securing equal privileges to all, gave to the enterprise and industry
of all free scope and full encouragement.

In 1802, the state of Ohio was admitted into the Union. It was
formerly a portion of the north-western territory, for the government
of which, in 1787, an ordinance was passed by the continental
congress. In thirty years from its first settlement, the number of its
inhabitants exceeded half a million. The state of Tennessee, which
was previously a part of North Carolina, and which lies between that
state and the river Mississippi, had been admitted in 1796.

The right of deposit at New Orleans, conceded to the citizens of

the United States by Spain, and necessary to the people of the
western country, had, until this period, been freely enjoyed. In
October, the chief officer of that city prohibited the exercise of it in
future. This violation of a solemn engagement produced, throughout
the states of Ohio and Kentucky, indignant clamor and violent
commotion. In congress a proposition was made to take possession
by force of the whole province of Louisiana; but a more pacific
course was adopted. Knowing that the province had been ceded,
although not transferred, to France, the president instituted a
negotiation to acquire it by purchase. In April, 1803, a treaty was
concluded, conveying it to the United States for fifteen millions of
dollars. Its acquisition was considered by the United States of the
greatest importance, as it gave them the entire control of a river
which is one of the noblest in the world.
 At this period, also, there was another important acquisition of
territory. The friendly tribe of Kaskaskia Indians, reduced by wars
and other causes to a few individuals, who were unable to defend
themselves against the neighboring tribes, transferred its country to
the United States; reserving only a sufficiency to maintain its
members in an agricultural way. The stipulations on the part of the
United States were, to extend to them patronage and protection,
and to give them certain annual aids, in money, implements of
agriculture, and other articles of their choice. This ceded country
extends along the Mississippi from the mouth of the Illinois to and
up the Ohio; and is esteemed as among the most fertile within the
limits of the Union.

The United States had for some time enjoyed the undisputed
repose of peace, with only one exception. Tripoli, the least
considerable of the Barbary states, had made demands founded
neither in right nor in compact, and had denounced war on the
failure of the American government to comply with them before a
given day. The president, on this occasion, sent a small squadron of
frigates into the Mediterranean, with assurances to that power of the
sincere desire of the American government to remain in peace; but
with orders to protect our commerce against the threatened attack.
It was a seasonable and salutary measure; for the bey had already
declared war; and the American commerce in the Mediterranean was
blockaded, while that of the Atlantic was in peril. The arrival of the
squadron dispelled the danger. The Insurgente, which had been so
honorably added to the American navy, and the Pickering, of
fourteen guns, the former commanded by captain Fletcher, the latter
by captain Hillar, were lost in the equinoctial gale, in September,
1800.

In 1801, the Enterprise, of fourteen guns, captain Sterrett, fell in

with a Tripolitan ship of war of equal force. The action continued
three hours and a half, the corsair fighting with great obstinacy, and
even desperation, until she struck, having lost fifty killed and
wounded, while the Enterprise had not a man injured. In 1803,
commodore Preble assumed the command of the Mediterranean
squadron, and after humbling the emperor of Morocco, who had
begun a covert war upon American commerce, concentrated most of
his force before Tripoli. On arriving off that port, captain Bainbridge,
in the frigate Philadelphia, of forty-four guns, was sent into the
harbor to reconnoitre. While in eager pursuit of a small vessel, he
unfortunately advanced so far that the frigate grounded, and all
attempts to remove her were in vain. The sea around her was
immediately covered with Tripolitan gun-boats, and captain
Bainbridge was compelled to surrender. This misfortune, which threw
a number of accomplished officers and a valiant crew into oppressive
bondage, and which shed a gloom over the whole nation, as it
seemed at once to increase the difficulties of a peace an hundred
fold, was soon relieved by one of the most daring and chivalrous
exploits that is found in naval annals. Lieutenant Stephen Decatur,
then one of commodore Preble’s subalterns, proposed a plan for re-
capturing or destroying the Philadelphia. The American squadron
was at that time lying at Syracuse. Agreeably to the plan proposed,
lieutenant Decatur, in the ketch Intrepid, four guns and seventy-five
men, proceeded, under the escort of the Syren, captain Stewart, to
the harbor of Tripoli. The Philadelphia lay within half gun-shot of the
bashaw’s castle, and several cruisers and gun-boats surrounded her
with jealous vigilance.

The Intrepid entered the harbor alone, about eight o’clock in the
evening, and succeeded in getting near the Philadelphia, between
ten and eleven o’clock, without having awakened suspicion of her
hostile designs. This vessel had been captured from the Tripolitans,
and, assuming on this occasion her former national appearance, was
permitted to warp alongside, under the alleged pretence that she
had lost all her anchors. The moment the vessel came in contact,
Decatur and his followers leaped on board, and soon overwhelmed a
crew which was paralyzed with consternation. Twenty of the
Tripolitans were killed. All the surrounding batteries being opened
upon the Philadelphia, she was immediately set on fire, and not
abandoned until thoroughly wrapped in flames; when, a favoring
breeze springing up, the Intrepid extricated herself from her prey,
and sailed triumphantly out of the harbor amid the light of the
conflagration. Not the slightest loss occurred on the side of the
Americans to shade the splendor of the enterprise.

In July, 1804, commodore Preble brought together all his forces

before Tripoli, determined to try the effect of a bombardment. The
enemy having sent some of his gun-boats and galleys without the
reef at the mouth of the harbor, two divisions of American gun-boats
were formed for the purpose of attacking them, while the large
vessels assailed the batteries and town. On the 3d of August this
plan was put in execution. The squadron approached within gun-
shot of the town, and opened a tremendous fire of shot and shells,
which was as promptly returned by the Tripolitan batteries and
shipping. At the same time the two divisions of gun-boats, the first
under the command of captain Somers, the second under captain
Stephen Decatur, who had been promoted as a reward for his late
achievement, advanced against those of the enemy. The squadron
was about two hours under the enemy’s batteries, generally within
pistol-shot, ranging by them in deliberate succession, alternately
silencing their fires, and launching its thunders into the very palace
of the bashaw; while a more animated battle was raging in another
quarter. Simultaneously with the bombardment the American gun-
boats had closed in desperate conflict with the enemy. Captain
Decatur, bearing down upon one of superior force, soon carried her
by boarding, when, taking his prize in tow, he grappled with another,
and in like manner transferred the fight to the enemy’s deck.

In the fierce encounter which followed this second attack, captain

Decatur, having broken his sword, closed with the Turkish
commander, and, both falling in the struggle, gave him a mortal
wound with a pistol-shot, just as the Turk was raising his dirk to
plunge it into his breast. Lieutenant Trippe, of captain Decatur’s
squadron, had boarded a third large gun-boat, with only one
midshipman and nine men, when his boat fell off, and left him to
wage the unequal fight of eleven against thirty-six, which was the
number of the enemy. Courage and resolution, however, converted
this devoted little band into a formidable host, which, after a
sanguinary contest, obliged the numerous foe to yield, with the loss
of fourteen killed and seven wounded. Lieutenant Trippe received
eleven sabre wounds, and had three of his party wounded, but none
killed. Several bombardments and attacks succeeded each other at
intervals throughout the month. Day after day death and devastation
were poured into Tripoli with unsparing perseverance, each attack
exhibiting instances of valor and devotedness which will give lustre
to history. The eyes of Europe were drawn to the spot where a
young nation, scarcely emerged into notice, was signally chastising
the despotic and lawless infidel, to whom some of her most powerful
governments were then paving tribute.

On the 4th of September, commodore Preble, in order to try new

experiments of annoyance, determined to send a fireship into the
enemy’s harbor. The Intrepid was fitted out for this service, being
filled with powder, shells, and other combustible materials. Captain
Somers, who had often been the emulous rival of Decatur in the
career of glory, was appointed to conduct her in, having for his
associates in the hazardous enterprise lieutenants Wadsworth and
Israel, all volunteers. The Argus, Vixen, and Nautilus, were to convey
the Intrepid as far as the mouth of the harbor. Captain Somers and
lieutenant Wadsworth made choice of two of the fleetest boats in
the squadron, manned with picked crews, to bring them out. At
eight o’clock in the evening she stood into the harbor with a
moderate breeze. Several shot were fired at her from the batteries.
She had nearly gained her place of destination when she exploded,
without having made any of the signals previously concerted to
show that the crew was safe. Night hung over the dreadful
catastrophe, and left the whole squadron a prey to the most painful
anxiety. The convoy hovered about the harbor until sunrise, when no
remains could be discovered either of the Intrepid or her boats.
Doubt was turned into certainty, that she had prematurely blown up,
as one of the enemy’s gun-boats was observed to be missing, and
several others much shattered and damaged.
 Commodore Preble, in his account, says, that he was led to
believe ‘that those boats were detached from the enemy’s flotilla to
intercept the ketch, and without suspecting her to be a fireship, the
missing boats had suddenly boarded her, when the gallant Somers
and the heroes of his party observing the other three boats
surrounding them, and no prospect of escape, determined at once to
prefer death, and the destruction of the enemy, to captivity and
torturing slavery, put a match to the train leading directly to the
magazine, which at once blew the whole into the air, and terminated
their existence;’ and he adds, that his ‘conjectures respecting this
affair are founded on a resolution which captain Somers and
lieutenants Wadsworth and Israel had formed, neither to be taken
by the enemy, nor suffer him to get possession of the powder on
board the Intrepid.’ 144 Soon after these events, commodore Preble
gave up the command in the Mediterranean to commodore Barron,
and returned to the United States. His eminent services were
enthusiastically acknowledged by his admiring fellow-citizens, as well
as those of his associates in arms, ‘whose names,’ in the expressive
language of congress on the occasion, ‘ought to live in the
recollection and affection of a grateful country, and whose conduct
ought to be regarded as an example to future generations.’

While the squadron remained before Tripoli other deeds of

heroism were performed. William Eaton, who had been a captain in
the American army, was, at the commencement of this war, consul
at Tunis. He there became acquainted with Hamet Caramauly, whom
a younger brother had excluded from the throne of Tripoli. With him
he concerted an expedition against the reigning sovereign, and
repaired to the United States to obtain permission and the means to
undertake it. Permission was granted, the co-operation of the
squadron recommended, and such pecuniary assistance as could be
spared was afforded. To raise an army in Egypt, and lead it to attack
the usurper in his dominions, was the project which had been
concerted. In the beginning of 1805, Eaton met Hamet at
Alexandria, and was appointed general of his forces. On the 6th of
March, at the head of a respectable body of mounted Arabs, and
about seventy Christians, he set out for Tripoli. His route lay across a
desert one thousand miles in extent. On his march, he encountered
peril, fatigue, and suffering, the description of which would resemble
the exaggerations of romance. On the 25th of April, having been
fifty days on the march, he arrived before Derne, a Tripolitan city on
the Mediterranean, and found in the harbor a part of the American
squadron destined to assist him. He learnt also that the usurper,
having received notice of his approach, had raised a considerable
army, and was then within a day’s march of the city. No time was
therefore to be lost.

The next morning he summoned the governor to surrender, who

returned for answer, ‘My head or yours.’ The city was assaulted, and
after a contest of two hours and a half, possession was gained. The
Christians suffered severely, and the general was slightly wounded.
Great exertions were immediately made to fortify the city. On the 8th
of May it was attacked by the Tripolitan army. Although ten times
more numerous than Eaton’s band, the assailants, after persisting
four hours in the attempt, were compelled to retire. On the 10th of
June another battle was fought, in which the enemy were defeated.
The next day the American frigate Constitution arrived in the harbor,
which so terrified the Tripolitans that they fled precipitately to the
desert. The frigate came, however, to arrest the operations of Eaton
in the midst of his brilliant and successful career. Alarmed at his
progress, the reigning bashaw had offered terms of peace, which
being much more favorable than had before been offered, were
accepted by Mr. Lear, the authorized agent of the government. Sixty
thousand dollars were given as a ransom for the unfortunate
American prisoners, and an engagement was made to withdraw all
support from Hamet. The nation, proud of the exploits of Eaton,
regretted this diplomatic interference, but the treaty was
subsequently ratified by the president and senate.

During the year 1804, the Delaware Indians relinquished to the

United States their title to an extensive tract east of the Mississippi,
between the Wabash and Ohio, for which they were to receive
annuities in animals and implements for agriculture, and in other
necessaries. This was an important acquisition, not only for its
extent and fertility, but because, by its commanding the Ohio for
three hundred miles, and nearly half that distance the Wabash, the
produce of the settled country could be safely conveyed down those
rivers, and, with the cession recently made by Kaskaskias, it nearly
consolidated the possessions of the United States north of the Ohio,
from lake Erie to the Mississippi.

Early in the following year Mr. Jefferson was re-elected to fill the
president’s chair by the decided majority of sixty-two votes against
sixteen, a circumstance which he viewed as an indication of a great
decay in the strength of the federal party. 145 George Clinton was
also elected vice-president.

During the year 1806, a circumstance occurred which put to the

test the attachment of the inhabitants of the southern and western
states, as well as the good faith of the American government in her
foreign relations. Colonel Burr, whose character and influence had
formerly encouraged him in the hope of filling the highest office of
his country, subsequently lost the public confidence and fell into
obscurity. While unobserved by his fellow-citizens he was by no
means inactive; he was employed in purchasing and building boats
on the Ohio, and in engaging men to descend that river. His
professed intention was to form a settlement on the banks of the
Washita, in Louisiana; but the nature of his preparations, and the
incautious disclosures of his associates, led to the suspicion that his
real object was of a far different character.

‘His conspiracy,’ says president Jefferson, in a letter to the

marquis de la Fayette, ‘has been one of the most flagitious of which
history will ever furnish an example. He meant to separate the
western states from us, to add Mexico to them, place himself at their
head, establish what he would deem an energetic government, and
thus provide an example and an instrument for the subversion of our
freedom. The man who could expect to affect this with American
materials must be a fit subject for Bedlam. Nothing has ever so
strongly proved the innate force of our form of government as this
conspiracy. Burr had probably engaged one thousand men to follow
his fortunes, without letting them know his projects, otherwise than
by assuring them the government approved of them. The moment a
proclamation was issued, undeceiving them, he found himself left
with about thirty desperadoes only. The people rose in a mass
wherever he was, or was suspected to be, and by their own energy
the thing was crushed in one instant, without its having been
necessary to employ a man of the military but to take care of their
respective stations. His first enterprise was to have been to seize
New Orleans, which he supposed would powerfully bridle the upper
country, and place him at the door of Mexico. It is with pleasure
I inform you that not a single native Creole, and but one American,
of those settled there before we received the place, took any part
with him. His partisans were the new emigrants from the United
States and elsewhere, fugitives from justice or debt, and adventurers
and speculators of all descriptions.’ In August, 1807, he was tried
before chief-justice Marshall, and the evidence of his guilt not being
deemed sufficient he was acquitted. The people, however, very
generally believed him guilty.

The American government at this period began to be seriously

affected by the contest which was raging in Europe. Under the
guidance of the splendid talents of Napoleon the military prowess of
France had brought most of the European nations to her feet.
America profited from the destruction of the ships and commerce of
other nations; being neutral, her vessels carried from port to port
the productions of France and the dependent kingdoms; and also to
the ports of those kingdoms the manufactures of England: indeed,
few ships were found on the ocean except those of the United States
and Great Britain. These advantages were, however, too great to be
long enjoyed unmolested. American ships carrying to Europe the
produce of French colonies were, in the early stage of the war,
captured by British cruisers, and condemned by their courts as
lawful prizes; and now several European ports under the control of
Welcome to our website – the perfect destination for book lovers and
knowledge seekers. We believe that every book holds a new world,
offering opportunities for learning, discovery, and personal growth.
That’s why we are dedicated to bringing you a diverse collection of
books, ranging from classic literature and specialized publications to
self-development guides and children's books.

More than just a book-buying platform, we strive to be a bridge

connecting you with timeless cultural and intellectual values. With an
elegant, user-friendly interface and a smart search system, you can
quickly find the books that best suit your interests. Additionally,
our special promotions and home delivery services help you save time
and fully enjoy the joy of reading.

Join us on a journey of knowledge exploration, passion nurturing, and

personal growth every day!

ebookbell.com